Bedouin ethnobotany: Plant concepts and plant use in a desert pastoral world Item Type text; Dissertation-Reproduction (electronic) Authors Mandaville, James Paul Publisher The University of Arizona. Rights Copyright © is held by the author. Digital access to this material is made possible by the University Libraries, University of Arizona. Further transmission, reproduction or presentation (such as public display or performance) of protected items is prohibited except with permission of the author. Download date 06/10/2021 01:24:15 Link to Item http://hdl.handle.net/10150/290142 BEDOUIN ETHNOBOTANY: PLANT CONCEPTS AND PLANT USE IN A DESERT PASTORAL WORLD by James Paul Mandaville Copyright © James Paul Mandaville 2004 A Dissertation Submitted to the Faculty of the GRADUATE INTERDISCIPLINARY PROGRAM IN ARID LANDS RESOURCE SCIENCES In Partial Fulfillment of the Requirements For the Degree of DOCTOR OF PHILOSOPHY In the Graduate College THE UNIVERSITY OF ARIZONA 2004 UMI Number: 3158126 Copyright 2004 by Mandaville, James Paul All rights reserved. INFORMATION TO USERS The quality of this reproduction is dependent upon the quality of the copy submitted. Broken or indistinct print, colored or poor quality illustrations and photographs, print bleed-through, substandard margins, and improper alignment can adversely affect reproduction. In the unlikely event that the author did not send a complete manuscript and there are missing pages, these will be noted. Also, if unauthorized copyright material had to be removed, a note will indicate the deletion. UMI UMI Microform 3158126 Copyright 2005 by ProQuest Information and Learning Company. All rights reserved. This microform edition is protected against unauthorized copying under Title 17, United States Code. ProQuest Information and Learning Company 300 North Zeeb Road P.O. Box 1346 Ann Arbor, Ml 48106-1346 2 The University of Arizona ® Graduate College As members of the Final Examination Committee, we certify that we have read the dissertation prepared by entitled James Paul Mandaville Bedouin Ethnobotany: Plant Concepts and Plant Use in a Desert Pastoral World and recommend that it be accepted as fulfilling the dissertation requirement for the Degree of Doctor of Philosophy /0/»S-/6f Suzanne K. Fish ^ ^^ Mkhael E. Bonine ^^Xtrc—P l/hi.] '^Steven P. McLaughfin 2^^ Oc,irJ*€^ 2xx>^ date date Final approval and acceptance of this dissertation is contingent upon the candidate's submission of the final copies of the dissertation to the Graduate College. I hereby certify that I have read this dissertation prepared under my direction and recommend that it be accepted as fu filling the dissertation requirement. \{ j z z j 0 ^ Dissertation Director: Suzanne K. Fish date 3 STATEMENT BY AUTHOR This dissertation has been submitted in partial fulfillment of requirements for an advanced degree at The University of Arizona and is deposited in the University Library to be made available to borrowers under rules of the Library. Brief quotations from this dissertation are allowable without special permission, provided that accurate acknowledgment of source is made. Requests for permission for extended quotation from or reproduction of this manuscript in whole or in part may be granted by the copyright holder. SIGNED: 4 ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS My thanks, first, to members of my major committee headed by Professor Suzanne Fish and including Professors Michael Bonine and Steven McLaughlin, all of whose encouragement and critique were more valuable than they probably realize. Cecil Brown, Professor Emeritus, Northern Illinois University, generously read and commented on a draft of chapters dealing with folk classification. His suggestions led to a number of changes that significantly improved the text. Sally Onnen Duncan, while often gently guiding me back from peripheral pursuits, provided continuing assistance with all things digital including graphics and the finer points of word processing, not to speak of textual criticism and proof reading. Muhammad Tahlawi, at Dhahran, provided valuable checks and comments on several linguistic points. Discussions with Geraiyan Al-Hajri helped clarify issues of folk classification. John Pratt, another Dhahran colleague, facilitated late contacts that plugged data gaps. Greg Dowling led me to economic statistics. I remember also my late geologist colleague, Syd Bowers, whose last words to me were "Jim, you have to finish your degree." I thank the Saudi Arabian Oil Company (Saudi Aramco) for use of two photographs and two figures. My debt to my Bedouin consultants is of course enormous. The names of the most generous of these data contributors are listed at the end of Chapter 4. 5 TABLE OF CONTENTS LIST OF ILLUSTRATIONS 9 LIST OF TABLES 11 ABSTRACT 12 PREFACE 14 1. INTRODUCTION 17 1.1. Introductory Remarks 1.2. The Development of Folk Classification Theory 2. THE STUDY AREA 2.1. Geology and Topography 2.2. Climate 2.3. Flora and Vegetation 17 22 41 42 48 58 3. THE PEOPLE 67 4. CONSULTANTS, LANGUAGE AND WORK PROCEDURES 85 4.1. Najdi Arabic 4.2. Transcription of Bedouin Speech 4.3. Working Procedures 5. STARS, LAND AND PLANTS 6. PLANT USES 6.1. Plants for Grazing 6.1.1. The Camel 85 88 91 95 122 122 123 6 TABLE OF CONTENTS - continued 6.1.2. Grazing Practice 6.1.3. Important Pasture Communities 6.1.4. Toxic Plants 6.2. Fuel and Firemaking 6.3. Wild Plants for Food 6.3.1. 6.3.2. 6.3.3. 6.3.4. 6.3.5. 6.3.6. 6.3.7. 6.3.8. Roots, Tubers and Bulbs Edible Stalks or Stems Greens Eaten Raw Edible Fruits and Flowers Seeds and Grains Gums and Other Exudates Flavorings and Food Additives Truffles and Mushrooms 6.4. Medicinal Uses of Plants 6.4.1. List of Medicinal Plants 6.4.2. Veterinary Medicinals 6.4.3. Medicinal Plants Sold by Herbalists 6.5. Tanning and Dyestuffs 6.6. Soaps, Cosmetics and Dental Hygiene 6.7. Gunpowder 6.8. Crafts and Construction 6.9. Incense 6.10. Insect Repellents 6.11. Children's Games 131 138 141 144 151 153 156 159 163 165 169 170 170 179 181 189 191 200 205 210 212 215 217 218 7. THE ORIGIN AND PURPOSE OF PLANT LIFE 219 8. PLANT ANATOMICAL TERMS 221 7 TABLE OF CONTENTS - continued 9. CLASSIFICATION AND NOMENCLATURE 9.1. 9.2. 9.3. 9.4. 9.5. Plants as a Kingdom Life Forms Intermediate Categories Folk Generics and Subgenerics Mainly Linguistic 9.5.1. Form Patterns in Plant Names 9.5.2. The Question of Semantic Transparency 9.5.3. Attributes in Analyzable Plant Names 9.6. Variation in Generic Names 9.7. Growth Stage Generics 9.8. Classification and Subsistence Mode 9.8.1. Data Summary: East African Pastoralists 9.8.2. Discussion 224 224 229 238 249 258 258 264 266 269 272 274 280 283 10. DESCRIPTIVE LIST OF GENERICS AND SUBGENERICS 287 11. PLANTS AS VEGETATION AND PLACE 385 11.1. Vegetation Terminology 11.2. Plants in Topography 385 387 12. PLANTS AND THE SUPERNATURAL 395 13. BEDOUIN PLANT LORE IN SPACE AND TIME 399 14. INDIGENOUS BOTANICAL KNOWLEDGE IN A CHANGING WORLD 410 15. SUMMARY AND CONCLUSIONS 414 8 TABLE OF CONTENTS - continued APPENDIX A: PRESENT-DAY AND EARLY ISLAMIC PLANT NAMES 423 APPENDIX B: BERLIN'S 1992 PRINCIPLES OF ETHNOBIOLOGICAL CLASSIFICATION AND NOMENCLATURE 429 WORKS CITED 432 9 LIST OF ILLUSTRATIONS Maps Map 2.1. Arabian Peninsula, showing study area 41 Map 2.2. Central and northern Arabian Peninsula showing place names mentioned in the text 43 Figures Figure 1.1. Relationships of lexeme types 27 Figure 1.2. Diagram of Berlin, Breedlove and Raven's 1973 folk classification model 29 Figure 1.3. Telescoping Venn diagram of Berlin (1992) 33 Figure 1.4. Plant life form encoding sequence and language stages 35 Figure 2.1. Monthly average temperature and humidity at Abqaiq 51 Figure 2.2. Mean wind speed and direction at Abqaiq 54 Figure 6.1. Bedouin classification of livestock 122 Figure 9.1. Plant life forms 231 Figure 9.2. Bedouin life forms, intermediates, and unaffiliated generics 249 Figure 9.3. Composition of the generic, hurbuth 253 10 LIST OF ILLUSTRATIONS - continued Plates Plate 3.1. Consultant Juhaysh ibn Mutlaq of the Dawasir tribe displays coffee-making implements 71 Plate 5.1. Consultants Khulayf, of the Shammar tribe, and Muhammad ibn Khursan of Qahtan at the coffee fire 96 Plate 5.2. Erecting the "house of hair" 101 Plate 5.3. Sister and brother of the Al Murrah tribe return to the tent with edible wild plants 114 Plate 6.1. Camels watering at a drilled well 124 Plate 6.2. Consultant 'All ibn Hamad of Al Murrah makes coffee using dried camel dung for fuel 147 Plate 6.3. A desert truffle cracking the ground 176 Plate 6.4. A truffle excavated, in place 176 Plate 6.5. Hunting truffles 177 Plate 6.6. Desert truffles for sale in an open market 177 Plate 6.7. A consultant of Bani Hajir demonstrates how he hobbles his camel 213 11 LIST OF TABLES Table 2.1. Rainfall Data, Eastern Province Stations 50 Table 2.2. Mean Annual Evaporation Rates, South-Central to Eastern Saudi Arabia 52 Table 2.3. P/PE Ratios for Three Study Area Stations 57 Table 2.4. Survey Data, Rimth Saltbush Shrubland 60 Table 2.5. Annuals in 'Arfaj Shrubland 61 Table 4.1. Bedouin Arabic Phonetics and Transcription 90 Table 9.1. "The Seven Hamrf Plants" 242 Table 9.2. Bedouin Polytypic Folk Generics 256 Table 13.1. Comparison of Western Saharan and Najdl Arabic Plant Names 400 Table 15.1. Statistical Summary of Scientific and Folk Taxa 420 12 ABSTRACT Modem botanical folk classification theory developed from studies of small-scale agriculturists, secondarily of hunter-gatherers. This work explores the little-studied pastoral subsistence mode through an examination of plant classification and plant uses among nomadic, Najdi Arabic-speaking, camel-herding tribes of eastern Saudi Arabia based on data collected 1960-1975, before oil-related economic developments had significantly impacted rural life. Bedouins' use of wild plants is primarily for livestock grazing, secondarily for firewood, although 38 species are recognized as edibles, 30 as medicinals and 25 for other uses. The role of wild food plants for famine relief is ecologically limited. Bedouin folk classification generally fits Berlin's 1992 model but with some anomalous features. The basic life form split is between annuals and perennials rather than woody and herbaceous, reflecting highly perceptible plant adaptations in a hyper-arid habitat. This leads to two levels of life forms. Labeled intermediates include an important group based on camel nutritional needs and which can hardly be separated from the general purpose classification. Folk generics number 209, of which seven are unaffiliated to life form; 65 percent of 400 scientific species are labeled. Only three generics are polytypic. While the small number of generics reflects the limited species diversity of the environment, the minuscule degree of generic polytypy may be a general characteristic of the pastoral subsistence mode, which involves less plant manipulation even than among foragers. Data from North Africa show that Arabian plant names and concepts extend 5,500 kilometers to the west among Arabic-speaking tribes of the Sahara. A comparison of today's Bedouin plant terminology with that recorded from 13 Bedouins in Arabic lexicographic works of the ninth and tenth centuries A.D. shows that little change has occurred over 1100 years. Bedouin life since about 1980 has seen increasing loss of schooled younger people to settled pursuits and the hiring of foreign help in herding. Camel herds are still large, but indigenous knowledge of plants is threatened despite growth in the numbers of Najdl Arabic speakers and the persistence of Bedouin lore in oral and written literature. 14 PREFACE I have to slip into a bit of personal history to explain how a study like this comes crawling out of forty years' woodwork. I began collecting Bedouin Arabic plant names and plantrelated terminology in the early 1960s when I worked for the Arabian American Oil Company (ARAMCO) at Dhahran, Saudi Arabia, as a practical Arabist attached to the company's Arabian Research Unit. This was an academic-style research group, part of the company's Government Relations Department, set up to provide its then all-American management with expertise in Arabian geography, people, customs and language. It was an organization in many respects unique in the business world at the time. Several areas of work took our small group into active contact with the Bedouin population of the Kingdom. We did stints in remote desert areas, such as along the Trans-Arabian Pipeline across northern Arabia, where the population was made up almost entirely of Bedouins. On "field relations" assignments we learned to negotiate with herders over the value of camels lost in oil field sumps (they were somehow always pregnant females of the most highly prized strains). Our Research Unit was office-based in Dhahran, and we generally gained more "field experience" by bringing to ourselves members of various Bedouin tribes whom we hired as part-time "relators," the term "informant" being thought stigmatized by intelligence-gathering connotations. At the same time, we scrounged field trips with better equipped company departments, such as the oil exploration people or, as often in my case, took to the desert ourselves on weekends with our personal Land Rovers and Bedouin acquaintances as guides. 15 We were encouraged to collect all kinds of information about the tribes in whose territory the company carried out its operations. We were the corporate authority, along with the Law Department, on the boundaries of Saudi Arabia. These boundaries, many of them then undemarcated and in active dispute with neighboring states, were of vital interest inasmuch as the company's concession area was defined by them in many areas, hitemational boundary claims in lands with a nomadic population often revolved around traditional tribal grazing ranges and the distribution of tribal "home wells." Which state's tribes grazed where, and who, by long practice and tradition, "owned" what water wells? At the same time we were charged with providing all the place names, both in Arabic and in standardized transliteration, for Saudi Arabia's first nation-wide series of aerial photobased maps. We worked over the data bit by bit with a roomful of Bedouin consultants chosen for their knowledge of each geographical area. As I worked day-to-day with these masters of desert lore, the Bedouins, I noticed that they often used the names of plants or plant communities in describing the boundaries or characteristics of different geographical areas. Their version of geography seemed to involve as much botany as topography. Having something of a penchant for natural history, I began collecting the Bedouins' names for plants and tried to learn their scientific identities with available references, which were preciously scant in those days. I built up, alongside my other duties, card catalogs of Bedouin plant names and vegetation terminology. I took a correspondence course in plant taxonomy, read other taxonomic textbooks, and exchanged letters with European botanists with Middle East experience. Additionally, I collected in my spare time several thousand plant specimens for herbaria such as the Natural History Museum, London. These, which in part constituted vouchers for vernacular names, formed the basis for a standard taxonomic flora of eastern Saudi Arabia (Mandaville 1990). At one point I began drafting a paper on "Bedouin Concepts 16 of the Plant World," but it was filed aside when the Research Unit was shut down and its staff dispersed. I became occupied in more mundane aspects of oil company work. Sometime around 1975 I came across a review of Berlin, Breedlove and Raven's now classic book, Principles ofTzeltal Plant Classification (Berlin, Breedlove and Raven 1974). Open-mouthed and wide-eyed, stumbling a bit through the unfamiliar jargon, I marveled at how these authors had done with the Tzeltal speaking people of southeastern Mexico just what I had once thought of doing with the Arabic speaking Bedouins of eastern Arabia. But they had done it in an incomparably more complete and theory-based manner. Pouring through the references in this work I discovered that a theoretical base for folk classifications study had been developing over some 20 years, and I scrambled to catch up. I think of this foray into Bedouin Arabic plant lore as the long-delayed joining of two loves: the desert-adapted plants of Arabia and the remarkable people who have followed them, prayed for their germination, named them, and depended on them for their livehhood for thousands of years. 17 1. INTRODUCTION 1.1. Introductory Remarks More than one university professor of linguistics has gently let me know that my affair with Bedouin Arabic plant classification "falls a bit behind the cutting edge of linguistics theory and studies these days." Methodology and interests in this discipline have indeed changed since Sturtevant (1964:100) proclaimed "the new ethnography" and told us that: To put it another way, a culture itself amounts to the sum of a given society's folk classifications, all of that society's ethnoscience, its particular ways of classifying its material and social universe [emphasis added], 1 doubt that anyone believes this today. But even by 1964 one aspect of ethnographic semantics - that concerned with man's conceptualization of his living natural world was in fruitful development as part of efforts to discover what was common in this domain to many societies and languages . Over the next 15 years it was given a great impetus by the impressive work of Brent Berlin and colleagues. My remarks in the Preface of this study indicate what an effect that work had on me. The fields of ethnobotany and ethnozoology, traditionally concerned almost exclusively with a society's uses of plants and animals, have only relatively recently expanded their interests to the conceptual and classificatory. In recent years textbooks in these fields (e. g. Martin 1995 for ethnobotany) have begun to deal with folk classification as an essential aspect of fieldwork. By the 1980s it had already begun to figure in applied anthropology, perhaps through its good fit with the recent focus in 18 international aid work on "bottoms up" development. Here, some workers have begun to emphasize the importance of an understanding of folk classification systems along with broader concepts of nature as a base upon which to build successful approaches to the use of land, plants and animals (Brokensha, Warren and Werner 1980). The aim of this study is to provide, within the limits of my data and experience, the full extent of the relationship between the Bedouins of eastern and northeastern Arabia and the plant life of their hyper-arid homelands. Given the apparent absence in the literature of descriptions of plant classifications among Near Eastern pastoral nomads ~ indeed the scarcity of such data on pastoralists in general --1 give primary attention to this aspect. Plant uses, however, will be described first because I feel that an understanding of that side provides useful background for a better appreciation of some points of classification. My approach to describing the Bedouin Arabic plant classification scheme is one that has become almost standard in recent years: to compare it with the terminology and framework employed by Brent Berlin and associates that is described, with other developments, in the second part of this Introduction. My data from pastoral nomads has raised some anomalies with respect to that model, and I will attempt to explain these in terms of the desert environment and of some utilitarian factors associated with camel pastoralism. I have not been able to find any account of Bedouin Arabic plant classification, nor for that matter of any other Arabic-speaking group in the Arabian Peninsula or North Africa, in the existing literature. Joseph Hobbs' very useful account of the natural history (including plant names and some uses) of the Ma'az Bedouins of Egypt's Eastern Desert (Hobbs 1989) provides a tabular classification of the animal kingdom among these people, who had emigrated from the northwestern Arabian Peninsula some 200-300 years 19 earlier. His list of plant names is fascinating in its obvious close similarity to our Najdi Arabic material, but it deals only with basic level names (folk generics). There is, of course, a varied trove of Bedouin plant names scattered through the European travel and memoires literature. Beginning at least as early as the 1876-1878 travels of Burton in Midian and Doughty in the Hijaz and northern Najd (not to speak of the eighteenth century Niehbur expedition to Yemen, which lies outside our linguistic area), it was the custom of such travelers to take note of the Arabic names of the more conspicuous plants and animals they encountered. Some of the more scientific-minded brought back plant specimens for herbarium identification (e.g. Burton 1879; Philby 1922, 1933; Cheesman 1926). Western travelers or residents more fluent in Arabic and with more Bedouin experience, such as Philby and Musil (see below) picked up some of the more common Bedouin life form or intermediate level names. The annotated list of Kuwait plants by Violet Dickson (1955) is of this class, and her notes also describe uses of plants by Bedouins and townsfolk, all backed by specimens determined at Kew. By and large, however, such writers were content to collect at the basic name level, and only sporadically. In another category altogether are the several works of the Czech explorer and historian Alois Musil, whose accounts of his north Arabian travels between 1908 and 1915 have left us a wealth of geographic and Bedouin lore, often in astounding detail. Although his primary objectives were not ethnobotanical, he collected many Bedouin plant names, most of them identified scientifically through specimens studied by Velenovsky. His material, particularly vemacular names and plant uses, provides a most valuable picture of Bedouin-plant relations at a time when the northern Bedouins were still untouched by the great political and economic events to follow later in the twentieth century. For our purposes, the most useful of Musil's works are his Manners and 20 Customs of the Rwala Bedouins (1928a) and Northern Negd (1928b), the former being a broad ethnographic treatment of this important Najdl Arabic-speaking tribe. I will refer to his material more explicitly in Chapter 6, describing plant uses, where it provides a valuable comparative benchmark for my data of the 1960s. Plant references in classical Arabic literature will be discussed in Chapter 13, where I attempt to provide a diachronic dimension by discussing Bedouin plant classification and nomenclature as it was some 1100 years ago. My argument, made possible by a quirk of the methodology of the classical Arabic philologists of the eighth and ninth centuries A.D., will be that the great majority of Bedouin plant names and categories used today are virtually identical with their usage more than a millennium ago. Looking toward the possibility of discerning some common characteristics of the botanical folk classifications of pastoral groups in general, I have tried, not very successfully, to discover classification accounts of other groups of this subsistence type. Little comparative material was turned up beyond the very useful work carried out between 1985 and 1988 by Bemd and higo Heine and their associates on plant classifications of pastoral groups in the northern border region of Kenya. This material is discussed and compared with my Arabic data in section 9.8.. I should point out, at this outset, one characteristic of my Bedouin Arabic data that might tend to be overlooked in later descriptive details. This is the fact that it was collected almost entirely in the period 1960-1975. It is thus not a picture of "Bedouin plant classification today" but rather one of those ethnographic snapshots in time, providing a picture that in some respects may be passing but in others lives on. Donald Cole, in his perceptive ethnographic account (Cole 1975) of Al Murrah, one of the main tribes supplying data for the present study, uses Saudi Arabian oil revenues as an index of economic and social change in some aspects of tribal life. He notes that change was 21 already underway at the time of his field work, carried out in the late 1960s when annual oil revenues were approaching a billion dollars. Yet those developments were still quite minor compared to what happened in the years nearer 1981, when total revenues reached , 108.2 billion (Kanovsky 1994). That was a boom time in Saudi Arabia, with tremendous expenditures on public infrastructure such as education, housing, hospitals, highways and telecommunications, as well as subsidies to the agricultural sector including the Bedouins. In the 1960s, when I was gathering most of my data and when Cole was collecting his. Bedouin life was still in many respects what it had been in Musil's time, with the exception of some trickle-down use of motor vehicles and some income from the oil company or government employment of some tribesmen. In this respect I feel confident that my snapshot (and his), even if our shutters clicked just-in-time, more fairly represents the old Arabia than the new. In Chapter 14 1 offer some comments on recent developments that may be leading to greater change in the Bedouins' experience and perception of the natural world. The term "plants" in this study refers almost exclusively to the wild desert flora of the study area. The Bedouins' involvement in agriculture, at least at the time of my data collection, was essentially nonexistent. They used, and had names for, some products of cultivation — staples like rice, dates, onions and of course coffee, tea and sugar come immediately to mind ~ but they knew these plants essentially as town-purchased products, not living entities. The date palm is an exception in view of its special importance as a local staple product and the fact that Bedouins have in the past had rights in some oasis date groves and are familiar with the palm as a feral or wild species in some parts of the study area. I have also included some cultivated fodder plants, such as barley, oats and alfalfa, which are occasionally found growing spontaneously if briefly on 22 disturbed desert sites and which the Bedouins sometimes purchase in villages as supplementary livestock feed. Another point that bears emphasis is that although my data are drawn from a total of some ten different tribal groups, those groups are unevenly represented. The greater part is taken from consultants of two tribes of the central and southern parts of the study area, Al Murrah and Bam Hajir. In several respects, as will be noted later, I have taken their core input as a standard against which I compare what might be called supplementary data from more distant groups. My system of transcription for Bedouin speech is described in Chapter 4. For general written Arabic, including current tribal, personal and place names (except a few towns that have accepted English spellings), I follow a modified version of the system used by the [British] Permanent Committee on Geographical Names (PCGN) and the [American] Board on Geographic Names (BGN). For the scientific taxonomy and nomenclature of vascular plants I follow Mandaville 1990, which is still reasonably up-to-date. I refer also to one or two species not found in the coverage area of that flora, or which were subsequently described as new. 1.2. The Development of Folk Classification Theory This section aims at providing a basic understanding of folk classification theory and terminology as they have developed since the 1950s. I give special attention to the framework and terminology of Brent Berlin, which have become to great extent a model for other workers. Beyond that I am necessarily selective but have attempted to provide background for the theoretical interpretations of my own data, mainly in Chapter 9. 23 Descriptions of some aspects of man's relationship with the natural world of plants and animals are as old as ethnology itself. Early ethnobotany (first use of the term is generally attributed to Harshberger 1896), however, was concerned almost exclusively with the uses of plants rather than with views and concepts of the plant world. Until the mid-twentieth century a typical "ethnobotany" consisted of a list of plants with scientific names, often arranged according to the families of Western botanical taxonomy, or alphabetically, giving for each entry a "native" name (more or less correctly assigned and transliterated) and a description of how each plant taxon was used, whether for medicinal purposes, food, construction materials or tools.^ By the 1950s several of the social sciences were undergoing a shift in approach that could be called at least quasi-paradigmatic. This was the "cognitive revolution" leading away from strict behaviorism in psychology and, in linguistics, to Chomsky's interpretation of grammar as a mental object (D'Andrade 1995). In ethnography, this was paralleled by a new focus on the conceptual, mental aspects of societies under study with emphasis on the semantics of words ("terms") in the minds of the studied subjects. This led to rapid developments in the field called ethnographic semantics, with an early concentration on the analysis of kinship terminology. It was soon extended to other domains, as in Metzger and Wilhams' analysis of the concept of firewood among the Tzeltal of Mexico's Chiapas highlands (D'Andrade 1995:58-62) and Frake's taxonomy of the kinds of illnesses recognized by the Subanun of Mindanao, the Philippines (Frake 1961). Frake, one of the early successful practitioners of ethnographic semantics. ' This approach was not the universal ideal. Gilmore (1932:324), for example, pointed out with respect to American native groups that "It is not Indian economic botany only which we should seek ... . We should learn what their naturalists know about plant anatomy .... We should obtain their views of plant taxonomy and their methods in nomenclature ... what they know of the relation of plants to their environment... and of association of species." It is fair to say that in practice, however, these finer points were generally neglected; it was in fact the "economic botany" that continued to prevail. 24 evaluated the approach succinctly; "The analysis of a culture's terminological systems will not, of course, exhaustively reveal the cognitive world of its members, but it will certainly tap a central portion of it. ... To the extent that cognitive coding tends to be linguistic and tends to be efficient, the study of the referential use of standard, readily-elicitable linguistic responses — or terms —should provide a fruitful beginning point for mapping a cognitive system" (Frake 1962). There is a general recognition now that man's concepts and mental arrangements of living things ~ plants and animals — may be fundamentally unique in several respects. Each basic kind of living thing seems to be presumed to have an intrinsic but hidden special nature, or "essence," that is not present in non-living natural or man-made objects (Atran 1990:57-58). 1 would speculate that this could arise easily from man's universal observation of the reproductive faculty of living things and the common sense notion that "like begets like." Pine seeds reliably produce more pine trees, not oaks or elms. Some invisible pattern is being passed down through the generations. The scientist with his theories and instruments calls it genes or DNA coding; the non-scientific observer assumes there is "something in there," some kind of "pineness," but is not sure what. Another special feature of human conceptualization of living things is, at least to some extent, the mental organization of such objects in hierarchical, inclusive ways based on the notion that one thing is "a kind of" something else, e.g. that a pine is "a kind of" tree (see Wierzbicka 1996:372, who cites Atran and Hunn with similar views). One might be marked correct in a scholastic examination in saying that" pine is to tree as chair is to furniture," but a closer examination of the two relations will show that they are fundamentally different. This is shown by linguistic evidence: One can say (speaking of a single object) "Look at that tree!" but not "Look at that furniture." "Chair" is a countable noun, while "furniture" is a mass noun. Additionally, one can easily imagine. 25 and sketch in a few seconds, a picture of a "tree" (in a general sense, just "a tree") but one cannot imagine or draw (as a single object) "a furniture." "Furniture" is an abstraction based on cultural/wnc^/on. Similar considerations apply to other groupings of artifacts such as "tools" or "toys" (Wierzbicka 1984:317). The "kind of" relationship implies a "vertical" structure such as that exhibited by Fig. 1.2 (below) showing Berlin, Breedlove and Raven's 1973 scheme. Plant and animal kinds and groups can also, however, be related in a "horizontal" manner, where taxa are considered to be not "kinds" of others but rather "like", or "different from," others. Another important basis for horizontal relationships is that of binary opposition, where features of contrasting taxa are perceived as opposite ends of a dimension such as size ("big vs. small") or woodiness ("hard/woody vs. "soft/herbaceous") resulting in the life forms "tree" and "herb" (Brown 1984:99-104). The majority of specialists in folk classification admit the existence of both vertical and horizontal relationships but may differ on the emphasis that should be given to each. Conklin had already applied some of the new cognitive techniques in his doctoral dissertation on the ethnobotany of the Hanunoo of Mindoro Island in the Philippines (Conklin 1954). This work, as described by Berlin (1992:4), was " the first ethnographically and botanically sophisticated description of a full ethnobotanical system of classification for a nonliterate society.Some of Conklin's descriptive terminology for his Hanunoo data appears somewhat foreign to workers today, such as references to ^ Berlin's description here is a bit misleading with respect to "non-hterate society." Conklin's work was in fact atypical in that his "chief informant" and in some areas 60-75 percent of his fellow countrymen were able to read and write using a 48-character Indic-derived script (Conklin 1954:17-18, 56). The question of study subject literacy is always a factor in folk classification work, primarily because the ability to read implies the possibility of general education which worldwide often includes some elements of Western folk classification or some basic concepts of Western scientific taxonomy. Consultants might thus be tempted to answer classification questions in terms of school-learned views rather than those of their everyday speech. Randall and Hunn (1984:333) describe this process and give some interesting first-hand examples from Randall's work with Sinama (southern Philippine)-speaking consultants. In my Chapter 13 1 allude to a similar process in Saudi Arabia. With respect to Conklin's work, remarks by him (e. g. 1954:18) indicate that such "tainting" of his data was in fact unlikely. 26 the "exocentricity" and "endocentricity" of name forms, but his concepts are clearly familiar. A few years later he set forth some of the basic terminology seen in recent folk biological classification work. A key concept there was that of the lexeme as the data unit of folk classification, his lexeme being "a meaningful form whose significance cannot be inferred from a knowledge of anything else in the language" (Conklin 1962:121). Thus, to use two of Conklin's own examples, the expression "pitch pine" is a single lexeme, while "cheap pine" is not. Conklin's classification of lexemes has been subsequently refined in some respects, but his basic concept is still valid. He also described levels of contrast and types of contrast, such as inclusion (a pine is a kind of tree) and exclusion (a pine is not a kind of oak) and the hierarchic structure that characterizes many folk classifications. He defined folk taxonomy as "a system of monolexemically-labeled folk segregates related by hierarchic inclusion" (ibid; 128). The next major landmark in the development of folk classification theory was the description by Brent Berlin and his associates, Dennis Breedlove and Peter Raven, of general principles considered applicable to the speech of virtually all nonliterate societies. This was based partly on their study of Tzeltal (southeastern Mexico) folk classification and incorporated data from a number of other studies dealing with unrelated languages (Berlin, Breedlove and Raven 1973). With respect to nomenclature, Berlin, Breedlove and Raven built upon Conklin's concept of the lexeme but argued persuasively for a refinement in the two basic lexemic types called by Conklin "unitary" and "composite." Under this revision, lexemes are, first, either "primary" or "secondary." Primary lexemes are often (but not always) unique single-word expressions such as oak, pine or maple. Secondary lexemes are composed of primary lexemes with the addition of a modifier, such as white oak, ponderosa pine or sugar maple. Primary lexemes are further subdivided on the basis of whether they are 27 semantically unanalyzable like oak or interpretable to some degree with respect to meaning, like crabgrass. Analyzable primaries break further into the subcategories of "productive" or "unproductive," the former being names such as crabgrass or creosote bush, that include the label of an immediately superordinate category (here, grass and bush). Unproductive analyzable primaries are semantically transparent to some degree but do not include the name of a superordinate taxon. Examples: butter and eggs (the plant); poison oak (poison oak not being a kind of oak). Productive primary lexemes superficially resemble secondary lexemes but differ by their occurrence in contrast sets some members of which do not include the label of a superordinate taxon. Thus crabgrass contrasts directly W\\h fescue, grama and tanglehead (other kinds of grasses). Secondary lexemes, by contrast, are involved only in sets every member of which names the superordinate taxon: white pine, pitch pine, yellow pine, ponderosa pine. This lexemic typology is summarized in Fig. 1.1, which includes two examples of each type. (unanalyzable) oak tree primary lexeme type (analyzable) productive Bermuda grass hopbush unproductive cat-tail ironwood secondary white oak bell pepper Fig. 1.1. Relationships of lexeme types (after Berlin, Breedlove and Raven 1973:218). 28 With respect to folk biological classification, Berlin, Breedlove and Raven postulated a five- or six-level hierarchic structure with five or six categories treated as basic across all non-literate societies and across different languages. The categories are termed (proceeding from the more to less inclusive): unique beginner (unique in the sense that it does not, like the others, belong to a contrast set with one or more other members), referring to all plants or all animals in general; life form, which includes widely used terms for groups of kinds of organisms, such as "trees" and "vines" with plants, or "snakes" and "bugs" with animals; generics, referring to basic kinds of plants or animals, such as "oak" or "squirrel"; specifics, which are particular kinds of generics (where the latter are subdivided by name); and varietals, which are named subdivisions of specifics. A sixth possible category called intermediate was proposed as falling between the life form and generic but requiring further evidence for consideration as a cross-cultural category. Berlin, Breedlove and Raven presented this scheme in diagrammatic form (Fig. 1.2). 29 plants, the kingdom (UB) Level 0 Level 1 grass (LF) bluegrass(G) \ Level 2 Level 3 Level 4 pine (G) bermuda grass (G) com (G) vine (LF) tree (LF) \ honeysuckle (G) \ oak(G) melon (G) watermelon (S) red watermelon (V) sweet com (S) feed com (S) musk melon (S) yellow watermelon (V) UB = Unique Beginner LF - Life Form G -- Generic S = Specific V = Varietal Fig. 1.2. Diagram of Berlin, Breedlove and Raven's 1973 folk classification model. Examples have been added from American English folk classification. The taxon "com" is treated here as an unaffiliated generic and thus occurs at level 1 rather than the usual level 2 for generics. Due to space constraints, only a few of the actually existing taxa are shown at levels 1-4. The category "intermediate" is not shown; when present it would add a level between life form and generic. After Berlin, Breedlove and Raven (1973:215). 30 The authors pointed out some characteristics of these general categories that are for the most part constant across different cultures and languages: The unique beginner is often unnamed in many unwritten languages; thus, the majority of languages among nonliterate societies do not have words for "plants" or "animals" in general. The most basic, numerous and often-used category of organisms is the generic, which corresponds to such common English plant names as "oak" or "daisy", or "deer" or "skunk" among animals. They are numerous but in number tend not to exceed roughly 500 in any given language. The majority of generics are grouped together into more inclusive categories (life forms), such as "trees" and "vines" or "snakes" and "fish ." Life forms are limited in number and usually do not exceed something on the order of 10 in any language. A few generics are said to be unaffiliated in that they are not considered to be a member of any life form. These are often generics of particular cultural importance or ones that exhibit unusual anatomical structure. Some generics (usually a minority) are subdivided into specifics which have labels including the generic name and a modifying adjective referring to some attribute of the specific. Thus in American English "white oak" is a folk specific referring to a particular kind of oak. Specifics may in some cases (although these are rather rare) be further subdivided into varietals, which then carry the specific name with an added attribute, e.g. "baby lima bean" (a kind of lima bean which is in tum a kind of bean). Organisms labeled as specifics or varietals tend to be of special cultural importance — often domesticated plants or animals. The category called intermediate, where it exists, tends to be nameless or "covert," with its presence indicated by indirect means. Berlin, Breedlove and Raven pointed out also that taxa of the same category generally and cross-culturally appear at the same taxonomic levels. The unique beginner always occurs at level zero, and life forms occur only at level one. Generic taxa generally 31 occur at level two but may (when they are not affiliated with any life form) be found at level one. Specifics are usually positioned at level three but may occur also at level two when included in an unaffiliated generic. Varietals, when present, are generally found at level four but may be found at level three when ultimately included in an unaffiliated generic. Examples of many of these cases may be seen in Fig. 1.2 (above). The types of lexemes used to label the general categories are also to some extent predictable. Generally in all systems and languages, the generic, life form and (when present) the unique beginner are labeled with primary lexemes. Secondary lexemes are applied to the infrageneric categories specific and varietal. The launching of Berlin, Breedlove and Raven's model, particularly after it was taken as the basis of their classic work on Tzeltal plant classification (Berlin, Breedlove and Raven 1974), greatly stimulated folk classification research across a broader range of societies with the objective of testing these "general principles." Berlin's model also came under some criticism. Some of these critiques were matters of terminology. Bulmer (1974), for example, objected to use of the term "generic" for the basic folk name category because it implied the existence of a further subdivision that often did not exist and because many uninomials referred to logical or biological species. Brown (1974) questioned the validity of covert (unnamed) categories as elements in folk classification. Other criticism dealt with structural matters. For example; Hunn and French (1984) questioned the pervasive application of the hierarchical principle of inclusion, pointing out that many conceptual relationships between plants among their Sahaptin consultants (northwestern United States) were not examples of hierarchical structure but rather of "coordination," referring to relationships with "core" or prototypical taxa. Ellen (1986:87) suggested by implication that Berlin and associates, in imputing a strictly hierarchical system of ethnobiological classification to all societies, were in fact imposing 32 their own structural biases derived from the Western classical Linnaean system of scientific taxonomy. Berlin in 1992 reformulated his model and supporting arguments in book form, incorporating revisions based partly on critiques such as those above and partly on considerations of new data. He emphasizes that "these proposals are to be considered as hypotheses for testing against new empirical data" (Berlin 1992:21). A summary of the revised principles in Berlin's own words (ibid.: 31-35) is provided in Appendix B. One of the more noteworthy revisions in the 1992 scheme was the dropping of the former numbered "levels" which partitioned the vertical dimension of the 1973 taxonomic tree diagram (Fig. 1.2). The tree diagram, whether inverted, horizontal or otherwise, is itself dropped and replaced with variations on the Venn diagrams of mathematical set theory, a convention that had already been used by other authors with respect to folk classification (Hunn 1976, with description of earlier use by Bright and Bright). See Fig. 1.3. 33 Kingdom Life Form Unaffiliated generic oo Life Form Generic Varietal Specific Generic Intermediate Fig. 1.3. Telescoping Venn diagram of Berlin (1992). Simplified from Berlin (1992:23). These shifts were no doubt generated at least in part by criticisms that the authors were "imposing" the system of Linnaean taxonomy (with its characteristic tree diagram) on data from their consultants — an issue which has led also to a general avoidance by many authors of the term "taxonomy" in reference to folk systems. Additionally, "intermediate" is now accepted as a full-fledged member of the family of ranks, although its absence in some systems is recognized by indicating that the numbers of ranks may number "from four to six." The phenomenon of prototypicality is explicidy recognized along with its influence on some areas of nomenclature. The term "kingdom" replaces the less intuitive "unique beginner" for the most inclusive category. Berlin also, and in my view successfully, defended continued use of the term "generic" for the basic level rank. Berlin's conceptual scheme for ethnobiological classification, with all its explicit or implicit ramifications, is by no means universally accepted by specialists in the field. It 34 has, however, become not only a handy model and set of terms, but the standard against which the great majority of workers now describe and compare their new materials. Given its reasonably good fit with my Bedouin Arabic data, I have not hesitated to adopt it as a basis for description and discussion. Other workers, meanwhile, were making important contributions to the field of folk classification in general. Brown (1984a) carried out a multi-staged investigation of the life form rank culminating in a synthesis demonstrating that a basic inventory of life forms for both plants and animals is found cross-culturally. This study with respect to plants (and I will focus here only on the ethnobotanical side) reviewed 188 languages from diverse geographical and ecological regions, examining use of the life form classes glossed in English as "tree", "grerb", "bush", "vine", and "grass" ("grerb" being a term coined for convenience from "herb" and "grass," reflecting the frequent folk grouping of these two forms in a single class). Brown demonstrated that these life form classes were not only widespread, but that there were cross-cultural constraints on the combinations in which they could occur. This involved "implicational relationships" of the kind discovered for the cross-cultural nomenclature of 11 basic color categories by Berlin and Kay (1969). This kind of relationship is evident when the existence of one term "imphes" - virtually "requires" - the existence of another, but not vice versa. Thus with regard to the hue aspect of color in Berlin and Kay's study, it was found that languages that had a term for green almost invariably had also a term denoting red. The reverse was not true: some languages had a term for red alone. These combinational constraints implied that color terms were acquired by languages in a small number of determined orders; in the case above, red precedes green. Berlin and Kay listed seven evolutionary language stages characterized by what color terms had evolved. Stage I languages had terms only for broad spectral segments glossed "black" and "white"; stage II encoded black, white, and 35 red, stage III had black, white, red and green (or yellow), etc. (Berlin and Kay 1969:2223). Brown found that plant life forms also varied in number. A few languages had a term only for "tree" (broadly defined), some only for "tree" and "grerb" . "Grerb" was not found alone, however, and a label for "bush" could occur only if "tree" and "grerb" (or "grass") were both also found. Languages could be classed in any of six evolutionary stages determined by the number of basic life form types they had developed. Brown summarized these implicational relationships and evolutionary stages as in Fig. 1.4: vme [no life forms] < vme Fig. 1.4. Plant life form encoding sequence and language stages (after Brown 1984a:24). The split after "tree" indicates two possible evolutionary paths. When both "grass" and "grerb" are encoded as life forms, "grerb" refers only to non-grass, small herbaceous plants. Brown's characterization of life forms, with their distributional constraints and evolutionary sequence, were criticized by Hunn (1982), who felt the validity of Brown's arguments was impaired because the majority of his life forms were not universal basic terms (in the sense of the basic colors of Berlin and Kay). For Hunn, even classes like "tree", "shrub" and "herb" were arbitrary placements along a continuous dine and were 36 not, in his view, consistently applied. Randall and Hunn (1984) offered a more extended critique, partly on the basis that Brown's data were unreliable, being based to some extent on inexpert dictionary glosses or on information from interviewees whose life form concepts may have been distorted by introduced patterns. Additionally, they pointed out, the life forms chosen as universal by Brown did not correspond to a number of those found in languages they had studied in detail (southern Philippine Sinama, northwestern U.S. Sahaptin and Chiapas, Mexican Tzeltal), and overlooked utilitarian factors intrinsic to the nature of life forms under their interpretations. Brown (1984b) responded pointing out that earlier limitations in his data had largely been overcome in his latest (1984a) formulation and that his hypothesis did not disallow the existence of life forms other than those of his basic ten. An interpretation of Randall and Hunn's data with more careful reference to his life form definitions would, he said, put them largely in agreement with his hypothesis. Another major contribution by Brown was a very broad-scale review of the folk classification systems of hunter-gatherers vs. small-scale agriculturists with respect to numbers of labeled biological classes and numbers of binomial names (Brown 1985). It was concluded that the foraging groups had smaller total name inventories and that these rarely included binomials. Brown also provided an explanatory framework for these findings. This work is discussed in more detail in section 9.8 in connection with the fit of my data from a nomadic pastoral society. One of the more persistent issues in folk classification theory has been the discipline-basic question of whether folk classification and nomenclature arise from man's innate intellectual tendencies to name and arrange the perceived discontinuities in the living natural world, or whether these processes reflect the physical or non-physical cultural usefulness of these living kinds and their classifications. The often remarked 37 extreme positions in this polarity are (for the "intellectualists" or "perceptualists") LeviStrauss' emphasis on the primacy of intellectual function in his Savage Mind and (for the utilitarians, functionalists or adaptionists) Malinowski's much-quoted "short road" from the wilderness to the belly and mind of the savage (e. g. Morris 1984:45). Brent Berlin, probably considered the leading theorist in folk classification studies, has long been a strong proponent of the intellectualist position. His 1992 restatement of "general principles" specifies that "ethnobiological systems of classification are based primarily on the affinities that humans observe among the taxa themselves, quite independent of the actual or potential cultural significance of these taxa" (1992:31). Another of his principles points out that "a substantial majority of ethnobiological taxa will correspond closely in content with taxa recognized independently by Western botany and zoology" (ibid.:34). This last statement is linked closely to one of Berlin's main arguments for the non-functionalist position: that an often observed close fit between folk and scientific taxa (the latter by rule excluding cultural factors), as well as the apparent "uselessness" of many folk taxa, are evidence for a perceptual rather than a utilitarian basis for ethnobiological classification (Berlin 1992:80-89). Another advocate of the perceptualist position is Atran (1990:54), who says that "For items that pertain to the conceptual space of human function and use, then, there may well be 'unclear cases' of category affiliation, but this has no direct relevance to folk biological classification." This idea of Atran is characteristic of a key distinction often emphasized by the intellectualist school: that of "general purpose" vs. "special purpose" classifications (Berlin, Breedlove and Raven 1966:274-275). While admitting the empirical fact that some folk classification systems do have taxa based on utilitarian factors, such as edibility, the perceptualists argue that such human functional attributes do not pertain to the "general purpose" classification of plants but rather to a different "special purpose" 38 system based on one utilitarian criterion. Such criteria, it is stated or implied, are not as significant to basic classification and should not be confounded with general purpose attributes. Berlin, Boster and O'Neill had already(1981) presented the results of experiments in the bird naming patterns of the Aguaruna Jivaro (northern Peru), concluding from the results that "classification is primarily determined by the perceptual salience of each species." Birds rated independently by Western ornithologists as highly salient in a perceptual sense by such factors as size, coloration and plumage were found to have stable, widely recognized Aguaruna names. The names of those rated as less salient perceptually were characterized by higher variability Field workers, meanwhile, were continuing to record folk taxa among both plants and animals that were clearly based on utilitarian factors. Hunn (1982) provided a first extended and theoretically based reaction to what he saw as continuing neglect of the utility dimension. He argued that folk biological knowledge domains "cannot be adequately understood in such a functional vacuum" (ibid.:832) and that a number of empirical findings, such as the existence of "empty" or residual classification space, cannot be accounted for by the strict set theoretical model followed by Berlin, Breedlove and Raven (1973). Folk classification theory, said Hunn, had become rent by two contradictory models; a formal taxonomic hierarchy model on the one hand and on the other by one including both "a general purpose biologically natural taxonomic core" and a "periphery" of special purpose, biologically artificial taxa. The "core-periphery" pattern is superior in explanatory power, he said, and can explicitly recognize the purpose of classification (Hunn 1982:830). Extending his discussion to the problem of how to measure and record cultural utility, Hunn suggested that any such approach should be from "the native point of view" and based on a working premise that no two folk taxa will 39 be functional equivalents. Each taxa should be defined in terms of a unique "activity signature," which he thought might consist of a series of imperative sentences giving instruction for action in uses of the taxon being considered. Morris (1984) supported the utilitarian position with his discussion of folk classification among the Chewa of Malawi with particular focus on their concepts of fungi. Here, of a total biological inventory of some 500 larger fungal species, only about 70 species — those considered edible -- participate in a classification with numerous labeled taxa. The remainder, when referred to at all, are simply lumped under a term glossed as "useless organisms" (used also in reference to useless animal taxa). Functional considerations also play a role in Chewa life form classes. Clement (1995) argues for a utilitarian approach based on an analysis of Montagnais and Cree (Quebec, Canada) data showing a utilitarian basis for life form classes indicated by linguistic clues. Brown (1995) examined the question of utilitarian factors in folk classification by examining the labels given by New World natives to 77 non-native plants, animals and artifacts introduced by European colonists in both North and South America. The study involved 292 language cases and 196 distinct languages. Each label encoded was examined on the basis of whether it was utilitarian in nature (such as a horse being called "he carries heavy things") or basically perceptual (such as a horse being referred to as "large tapir"). It was found that only 10 percent of introduced living things had utilitarian names while the proportion for artifacts was 63 percent. The result was all the more striking in that the plants and animals involved were all domesticated forms specially bred for utilitarian purposes. Brown's conclusion was that these findings largely substantiate the intellectualist view. He pointed out also, however, that some names for introduced 40 plants were utilitarian in more than 30 percent of the language cases, indicating that functional considerations do sometimes play a role in ethnobiological cognition. With respect to my own position in this debate, I began my investigations of Bedouin Arabic plant classification as an assuming functionalist (a subspecies of ethnobotanist described, among others, by Hays 1982:93), thinking that even if utilitarian factors were not immediately dominant in my data, they would become so in time with a better understanding of plant names, classification and uses. I have finally been led by my data to the conclusion that my consultants' plant classification is built mainly on perceptual criteria. Yet utilitarian features may be evident in a few generic names, and they certainly play a dominant role in one intermediate-rank taxon, as will be described in section 9.3. As also pointed out there, I argue against the idea that this category should be disintegrated from the others as a part of some other, "special purpose," universe. Nor would I deny that considerations of utility might play larger, even overriding, roles in other folk classification systems. 41 2. THE STUDY AREA I define my study area, in eastern Saudi Arabia, as portrayed in Map 2.1. The part enclosed by the dotted line is what I would refer to as the "core area," which is that region ranged by the tribes of my primary consultants and in which I have fairly complete 40 1 Ar RuwaJaJi 1 50 1 i 60 i 30 30 5»iilubah A ' ..Mutayr Hutaym \ 4\ . "''/-v/, '• .v A O O L ? / \ J ^ \ \ - \ X GUI.f- OF- ^ •)/ f 20 ^ 0 200 KM 400 1 40 20 \ A l< A n 1 A N ^ 1 S !; A ' 50 Map 2.1. Arabian Peninsula, showing study area. The core study area is enclosed in dotted line. Names of consultants' tribes are centered on their home territories. 42 knowledge of the flora in terms of scientific taxonomy. Tribal names shown outside that area indicate the range centers of other groups contributing data but for whom I do not have a reasonably full ethnobotanical inventory. The names are placed in the approximate centers of the home territories, or dirahs, where the water and occupation rights of each group are generally unquestioned. 2.1. Geology and Topography For place names referred to here and in other parts of this study, see Map 2.2. Our core geographical area covers approximately 520,000 km^ in eastern and northeastern Saudi Arabia. It lies in part of what geologists know as the Arabian Shelf, the eastern of the two major structural provinces of the Arabian Peninsula. Making up a bit less than two thirds of the Peninsula's total area, this province is characterized by eastward-dipping sedimentary rock strata laid down by ancient seas upon a crystalline basement complex. The total depth of these sediments increases from zero at the surface contact with the basement in the west to something over 5000 m eastward and southeastward in the basins beneath today's Persian Gulf and northern Rub' al-Khall sand desert. Upper Jurassic and some earlier horizons in this sequence provide the prolific reservoirs of the world's largest onshore and offshore oil fields (Powers et al. 1966). The exposure of the basement complex in the western part of the Peninsula forms the other major geologic province, the Arabian Shield, composed of Precambrian metamorphic and igneous rocks that were continuous with an African shield counterpart until separated by the opening of the Red Sea rift in later Tertiary times. This event came too late to block some commonality, particularly with the dominance of Acacia spp. and associates, of the flora of western Arabia and that of lands on the western side of the Red Sea (Mandaville 1984). 43 \ I R A N ^ -i/ \ ^ / I R A Q \ / ^4- T \^ Basrah \ \ KUWAIT ^ V. AN N \ F C D Hafar al Bafin AIQavsumah* \ JX- o ^t^'^ALQAR-AH / ^ ,•;•> Khubayra ?• . H3'il JABAL SHAMMAR ••fcO \( AsSaffaniyah is^ ^ As Saiiar ^ ^ ^ /f -y ^ , .Qaryat al-Ulya \x, i. u Wabrah 4r ar <P ^ «xa, \M Jubayl "XRasTanura .31 '^'Q^Pf^ldDammgm %, i:-. I AI-Arfawjvah .An Nu'ayriyah Al Fadill ^ ..irj 1, Dhahran^!) pJBAHRAIN 'Uray'irah Ab^alq ^ ALHASA Al Hufuf * ' V^i'Uqayr \ \ QATAR •7 . \ A \ U D Khuravs ••:•.•. ?!•. R I Y A I ) H v - ; ::•• ® •.:X-:v. ?' ^ • As Sik'ak.^ I ^ »*1 Wadi^;-">r: Nibak At Kliarj • Al Qa^iyah p ^ W C .5P;;S Yabrlii A R A B I A 7^ T •• '• :V O • ^ r .. \ ^Al Quwav/, M too I KlI.OMFrrERS 0 1 MILKS 200 —I too » =d2(M) V3 \ R Map 2.2. Central and northern Arabian Peninsula showing place names mentioned in the text. The majority of name spellings on this map follow the (unmodified) BGN system. 44 Our study area is today bounded on the east by the western shore of the Persian Gulf and on the west roughly by the western margin of the great arc of dunes called adDahna'. It extends northwestward into the northern plains and in the south includes the northem part of the Rub' al-Khall. The greatest part of this area falls within the current Saudi Arabian administrative area known as the Eastern Province. The northwestern portion, beyond the long depression called al-Batin, is administered as part of the Northem Frontiers. Overall, this is a region of slight to moderate topographic relief. The surface, where not obscured by bodies of wind-blown sands, gravel sheets or evaporites, consists of Tertiary sedimentary rocks. The land rises almost imperceptibly westward from the convoluted shoreline of the Gulf across flat to rolling sandy plains until, at an elevation of some 250 m, it meets the rocky escarpment marking the edge of the Summan plateau. The coastal zone merges gradually on the north and northwest with smooth plains, in parts covered with lag gravels and in part with shallow sands. In the south it meets other gravel plains leading into the hyper-arid Rub' al-Khall, which extends a tongue of mobile sands ~ al-Jafurah — northward along the coast. Shallow sands cover most of the coastal lowlands and in some parts, particularly in the Jafurah sand body south of about 26° N, these may be heaped up into permanent areas of wind-blown dunes. Limestone or sandstone bedrock erosion remnants in some areas rise above the sand surface, but these seldom stand more than 30-60 m above mean local elevation. The region includes the ancient and still important spring-fed oases of alQatlf on the coast and al-Hasa farther inland and, overall, water sources are more plentiful than in other topographic regions of the study area. Hand dug wells, generally quite shallow and often seasonal, provide brackish water traditionally used for livestock and Bedouin households. Far more important since the 1970s, however, are the deeper water 45 wells drilled for the widespread oil production facilities of the region and in some cases by government agencies such as the Ministry of Agriculture and Water. It was long­ standing oil company policy to leave exploration bore holes open for Bedouin use when potable water was encountered, and these provide water in much greater quantity and with greater dependability than the old hand-dug wells. There are no natural perennial streams in any part of our study area, and dry water courses flow only briefly after rare, heavy rains in their watersheds. A characteristic terrain feature of the coastal lowlands, found extensively along the coast but also at some points farther inland, is the salt flat known as the sabkhah (pi. sibdkh). These are dead-flat areas, sometimes several miles wide, with a characteristic puckered, brownish salt crust that overlies a shallow brackish or briny water table. Along the coast they may be formed by the filling of former bays and estuaries with silts and marls. The crust, usually only a few inches thick overlying briny mire, is too saline to support plant life, but the flat's margins may be surrounded by zoned halophytes. These surfaces, particularly after winter rains, are avoided by camel herders and automobile drivers alike. Any vehicle attempting a crossing over such an uncompacted surface will almost immediately bog down beyond its axles. Some of the sibdkh are crossed by longestablished automobile tracks consisting of little more than two parallel ruts but in which the crust surface has been compacted by long use. These provide passable routes except after heavy rains. The coastal lowlands have been fairly well furnished with paved roads since the 1970s. Apart from the trackless parts of sibdkh and areas with large mobile dunes, its terrain is also easily passable by off-road vehicles. Even the heavier dune areas may be crossed by skillful drivers in high-clearance vehicles equipped with sand tires. 46 The Summan plateau, which varies in width from about 80 to 250 km, is rocky terrain marked by low limestone hills and knolls and by depressions and basins floored with whitish silt playas. Along its eastern margins, erosion has cut channels in the rocky plateau edge, leaving a line of outstanding buttes and tablelands. It rises gently toward the west to an elevation of about 400 m, where it meets the eastern edge of the Dahna' sands. For the most part, this is easy terrain for motor vehicles with adequate ground clearance. Water supplies are scarce compared with those of the coastal lowlands, and there are fewer hand-dug wells although the many rock-floored basins may hold pools of rainwater for weeks after heavy winter rains. What hand-dug wells are found there tend to be very deep, in some cases exceeding 60 m. The eastern margin of the Dahna' sands bounds the Summan plateau on the west, and its western edge forms a convenient boundary for our study area. This long, narrow arc of dunes is one of the major topographic features of Arabia and has always marked the eastern threshold of the central Arabian plateau lands known as Najd. The Dahna''s belt of red dunes (the sand grains are stained by iron and other metallic oxides) links the major sand body of northwestern Arabia, the Nafud, with the Rub' al-Khall in the south. In many parts it consists of several parallel ridges {'uruq, sing. Hrq, literally "vein" or "nerve") of dunes, each with a specific name, separated by intervening bands of harder ground. The 'uriiq display varied dune forms, from barchans to high-peaked star dunes, and all are difficult to cross off-road with motor vehicles although there are some recognized tracks that avoid the most difficult terrain. Apart from some deep bore holes which have been drilled since the 1970s, the Dahna' is a virtually waterless area although its deep sands have traditionally been a favorite winter grazing ground of the Bedouins. North of about latitude 27° 30' N and west of 48° E the coastal lowlands merge gradually into flat plains. Diminishing relief and sand cover mark this transition, as the 47 general land elevation rises very gradually toward the west. Broad parts of these flatlands are made up of late Pliocene or early Pleistocene alluvial deposits from the WadI arRumah—al-Batin drainage system, with silty surfaces strewn with lag gravels and cobbles carried all the way from the igneous and metamorphic exposures of the Arabian Shield in western Arabia. Farther to the northwest, the smooth plains grade into the region known as al-Hajarah ("the rock lands"), with its rough surface of exposed limestones. Over most of this area, at least as far as the margins of the rougher al-Hajarah, the flat and generally smooth terrain is ideal for off-road vehicle travel. A major topographical feature is the broad, linear, southwest to northeast-aligned depression of al-Batin, the course of which marks the line of a major flow channel cut during earlier pluvial times. Water resources in all of this area today are very poor, and the few hand-dug wells are deep (4060 m). Even deep-drilled boreholes provide poor quality water. South of roughly the 23rd Parallel, the study area enters the northern precincts of the Rub' al-Khall, which has a total area of some 650,000 km^ and has been described as the largest area of continuous sand cover in the world. Its sands are underlain in the west by the ancient gravel flows of WadI ad-Dawasir, and its floor grades farther downslope into evaporites with marls and sabkhahs exposed among the dune massifs of the east and northeast. Dune structures are of great scale, ranging from broad sand sheets in the north to parallel linear forms scores of kilometers long and rounded "sand mountains" up to 250 m high. Our study area extends through only the northwestern quadrant of this great sand area, corresponding roughly to the range of the tribe of A1 Murrah, although some limited ethnobotanical data were acquired from tribesmen of the sands farther south. Water supplies in the Rub' al-Khall are extremely limited, with few hand-dug wells providing water fit for human consumption. Other wells provide high-salinity water that can be tolerated by camels and thus make possible some exploitation of limited grazing 48 resources, generally limited to the cool season and to areas that have been favored by recent rains. The use of motor transport in the Rub' al-Khall was pioneered by oil company explorationists in the late 1930s. Today Bedouins use off-road vehicles there, sometimes even in such difficult terrain as the huge dune massifs of the northeast. 2.2. Climate The dry, subtropical climate of eastern Saudi Arabia is typical of that of world desert regions lying along the poleward margins of the Trade Wind belts and in the descending belt of the Hadley Cell. These regions receive generally stable, descending air that is adiabatically warmed as it loses altitude and is consequently dried (Wallen 1966:32; Allan and Warren 1993:14). This leads to the formation in these desert territories of semi-permanent high pressure zones with divergent circulation that suppresses cloud cover and precipitation except when this pattern is disturbed by incursions of rare storm centers from outside. The southernmost parts of the Arabian Peninsula lie along the southern margin of this climate province. In summer, with the seasonal northward shift of the hitertropical Convergence Zone, they may be touched by precipitation from the rising air masses of that belt (Huschke, Rapp and Schutz 1970). This brings summer moisture to the coastal region of Dhufar, and increases somewhat the still-rare chances for summer convectional rains as far inland as the southern Rub' al-Khali. Our entire study area, however, as far south as the central Rub' al-Khali, has a Mediterranean climate regime in the sense of exhibiting a clear division into hot and cool seasons with rainfall confined almost exclusively to the cool period of October to April. The winter rains are associated with "Mediterranean" or "western" depressions, which are low pressure storm centers that enter from the Mediterranean region and move east and southeast across the Arabian Peninsula (Huschke, Rapp and Schutz 1970:12). 49 Particularly in spring, these may bring squall lines and thunderstorms with brief torrential rains and gale-force winds. In midwinter they tend to bring prolonged cloud buildups with longer and more beneficial rains. These depressions are gradually dissipated as they move across the Peninsula, and the probability of rain decreases to the southeast. They do not normally carry precipitation as far as the Rub' al-Khali, but there are exceptions, such as the broad frontal development with widespread rains I saw across the central and southwestern sands in February 1982. Annual rainfall means range from around 115 mm in the far north and northwest of our area to less than 35 mm in the central Rub' al-Khall. Dews are not infrequent in the coastal areas, but they have not been measured or otherwise evaluated. Snow is virtually unknown, although there have been very rare minor falls in the Najd uplands just outside our area such as the one that occurred in Riyadh and al-Kharj on 3 January 1973. Brief intense hail storms sometimes accompany spring squalls. For plant life, the reliability, or lack thereof, of rains from year to year is as consequential as its amount. The variability of rainfall amounts in our area is typical of many world arid regions. For example, total annual rainfall at Dhahran over 39 years ranged widely between extremes of 5 mm and 277 mm (Arabian American Oil Company 1979). One measure of rainfall variability is "relative interannual variability," calculated by finding the average of year-to-year rainfall differences over a long period and expressing this as a percent of the mean (Wallen 1966:38). This value for the great majority of our study area stations ranges between 70 and 90 percent. Between individual years, variability may exceed the mean. Annual and monthly rainfall records and relative variabilities for selected stations in our area are summarized in Table 2.1. The majority of the station locations are shown on Map 2.2. 50 Table 2.1 Rainfall Data, Eastern Province Stations Mean Annual Rainfall, mm Station Mean Absolute Maximum Absolute Minimum Years Record Percent Variabilitv as-Safftnlyah al-Qaysumah an-Nu'aynyah ash-Shumlul Ras Tanura Abqaiq 27-08N, 49-12E as-Sarrar Dhahran Khurays al-Hufuf Yabrin 109 108 108 107 94 92 86 80 77 63 59 39 206 348 300 283 297 181 247 230 277 158 146 104 30 8 23 33 9 7 10 43 5 12 14 9 11 23 15 11 27 30 14 14 42 14 14 14 81 56 77 76 79 89 85 71 89 85 73 71 Mean Monthly Rainfall, mm As-Saffanlyah al-Qaysumah an-Nu'ayrlyah Ash-Shumlul Ras Tanura Abqaiq 27-08N,49-12E a.s-Sarrar Dhahran Khurays al-Hufuf Yabrin J 20 23 20 20 24 21 19 7 17 8 10 4 F 25 15 17 15 15 19 8 10 12 3 2 5 M 20 15 21 18 11 13 18 16 12 18 19 12 A 16 20 24 22 14 10 20 17 10 26 26 8 M 1 8 2 3 3 3 10 4 2 0 0 1 J 0 0 0 1 0 0 1 0 0 0 0 0 J 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 1 0 1 1 0 A 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 s 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 4 0 3 5 0 3 5 0 0 0 0 N 9 10 12 11 5 3 5 6 9 0 0 2 D 41 19 31 17 21 18 12 15 17 10 10 3 Note: Monthly means do not add to annual means, having been derived from different data. "Percent variability" refers to "relative interannual variability" as defined in the text. Source of data: Arabian American Oil Company (1979); Saudi Arabian Ministry of Agriculture and Water Resources, Hydrological Publication (various issues). Saudi Arabian Ministry of Planning, Statistical Yearbook (various issues through 1998). 51 Temperatures measured by standard means range from an absolute maximum of 52° C (Abqaiq in July) to -3° C inland in January. Frosts have been reported inland as far south as the central Rub' al-Khall. Points near the Gulf coast experience less extreme ranges. Temperatures for Abqaiq (Fig. 2.1) are typical for inland stations. 60(140) 54 (130) 49 (120) 43 (MO) 38 (100) 32 (90) ^ 27 (80) O o ui a: 3 h< (70) (60) •60 (T UJ a. (50) (40) (30) 30 -7 (20) 20 -12(10) -18 (0) JAN FEB MAR APR MAY •--•ABSOLUTE MAXIMUM T. A V E R A G E M A X I M U M T. MEAN T. JUNE JULY AUG SEPT OCT NOV DEC • — • AVERAGE M I N I M U M T . ABSOLUTE MINIMUM T. — % RELATIVE HUMIDITY Fig. 2.1. Monthly average temperature and humidity at Abqaiq (19501976). From Arabian American Oil Company (1979), courtesy of the Saudi Arabian Oil Company (Saudi Aramco). 52 Evaporation rates, because of their close relationship to evapotranspiration and availability of surface moisture for plant growth, are of special interest in any study involving natural vegetation. Most of the data for our study area are in the form of opensurface measurements by the American Class-A pan method. Some of these are summarized in Table 2.2, which shows rates ranging from 35 to 100 times the local mean annual precipitation. Direct measurements are not available for the probably most extreme conditions in the central Rub' al-Khall, but the rates listed for al-Aflaj and as-Sulayyil, near the western borders of this region, suggest the values to be expected. Table 2.2 Mean Annual Evaporation Rates South-Central to Eastern Saudi Arabia Station al-Hufuf al-Qatif al-Kharj Harad al-Aflaj as-Sulayyil Evaporation, mm Years Record 2660 2960 3070 3451 4130 5250 4 4 5 1 6 9 Source: Saudi Arabia, Ministry of Agriculture and Water Resources, Hydrological Publication (various issues). Measurement method is Class-A pan. The mean wind velocities measured in eastern Arabia are not great by world standards, but wind effects in such an open, loose-soiled desert environment can often prove decisive for plant survival. Winds significantly increase the desiccating power of the already hot, dry atmosphere, have a powerful effect in molding topography, particularly in 53 dune sands, and directly affect the root stability of individual plants. They also have strong effects on the human environment, reducing visibility and general comfort. Winds in our area have a diurnal tendency to increase around midday, probably as a result of differential warming. More spectacular are the results, even far inland, of a strong seasonal pressure pattern over the Gulf. The directional pattern of the basically northeast Trades are strongly distorted beginning about May, when a trough of low pressure moves up the Gulf as an extension of the great seasonal low over the Asian land mass to the east (Huschke, Rapp and Schutz 1970). This leads to the well-known shamdl (literally "north") winds of early to middle summer which may blow for days, sometimes gusting 30 to 65 km/hr from the north-northwest along the isobars of the Gulf low. From north to south there is a progressive directional shift in this wind from northwest to north and finally northeast - all apparent in the longitudinal dune alignments of the Dahna' and the Rub' al-Khali. The shamdl (a term often used somewhat inaccurately by Westerners to refer to the dust storms that may or may not accompany it) is always quite dry. Its coincidence with rising summer temperatures and longer days makes June and July the time of greatest moisture stress for plants and animals. August, although a hot month, is the calmest, with rising relative humidity. Figure 2.2, diagramming mean wind speed and direction for Abqaiq, shows the directional skewing effect of the shamdl. 54 Knots Percent tZO •17 to 34.1% 270° 90° 240* —— Wind Direction Percent Mean Wind Speed Fig. 2.2. Mean wind speed and direction at Abqaiq (1967-1970). From Arabian American Oil Company (1979), courtesty of the Saudi Arabian Oil Company (Saudi Aramco). Relatively strong northerly winds may also occur in winter. Dust storms are common in our area, particularly in the shamdl season when they may go on for days with reduced visibility. True sand storms, where sand is raised a meter or more above ground level, require exceptional wind velocities and are rare. The great bulk of sand movement takes place within 50 cm of the surface (Bagnold 1941:10-11). A glance at the rainfall and temperature charts for our area will show immediately that we are dealing with "arid lands" or "desert." Yet aridity can be more precisely defined. Students of dryland climates have long been concerned with methods of classifying different regions in terms of their aridity: basically the relationship between 55 water needs and water supply. More than a dozen well known climate classification systems or "indices of aridity" have been devised to provide qualitative or quantitative means of comparing different arid lands (for a useful summary of such methods see McGinnies, Goldman and Paylore 1968: 44-52; McGinnies 1988:61-62). Some indices or classification systems were based only on measures of such basic parameters as precipitation and temperature, but more recent systems have tended to include the factor of potential evapotranspiration because of its more direct relationship with moisture conditions and plant water use. The best known index is probably that of Thomthwaite (1948), which he calls a moisture index (Im). This, as later revised (Thomthwaite and Mather 1962:120), is defined as 100 [(P/PE) - 1], where P = precipitation and PE = potential evapotranspiration. Values of -67, -33 and 0 separate "arid," "semi-arid," "dry subhumid," and "moist subhumid", respectively (ibid.: 121). Meigs applied Thomthwaite's moisture index in his preparation of world maps of arid regions for UNESCO , adding the class "extremely arid" for areas which showed no seasonality of rainfall and where there was a record of at least one 12-month period without rainfall (Meigs 1953). Under this system, the part of our study area in the Rub' al-Khal! is classed as extremely arid and all the rest as arid, (map, p. xxiv in McGinnies, Goldman and Paylore 1968). UNESCO, as part of preparations for the United Nations Conference on Desertification in 1977 at Nairobi, published its "Map of the World Distribution of Arid Regions" (UNESCO 1977). This classified the arid regions in terms of the ratio P/PE, where P refers to precipitation and PE to potential evapotranspiration. Evapotranspiration was calculated by the Penman (1948) rather than the Thomthwaite (1948) method. The term "hyper-arid" was applied to regions where P/PE was less than 0.03. Areas with P/PE between 0.03 and 0.20 were termed "arid," and those between 0.20 and 0.50 "semi- 56 arid" (UNESCO 1977). Applying these criteria classes that part of our area north of about the 25th Parallel as "arid" and that to the south of this line as "hyper-arid." Another attempt at a world-wide mapping of arid zones was carried out by the United Nations Environment Program in 1992 and published as part of its World Atlas of Desertification (UNEP 1992). The ratio P/PE was again taken as the defining function, but the calculations of PE were based on the Thomthwaite method. Recognizing that Thomthwaite's approach tended to underestimate PE in dry environments, the boundary between "hyper-arid" and "arid" regions was placed at a P/PE value of 0.05 rather than 0.03 as a "partial correction" (see UNEP 1997). Additional correction was provided through use of an empirical formula. Our area was shown on the world-scale map as "arid" north of approximately the 28th Parallel and "hyperarid" to the south of that line. UNEP's World Atlas was revised in 1997 (UNEP 1997), with class definitions still based on the 1992 map. This revision had very little effect on the 1992 classification of the Arabian Peninsula, and our area was mapped again as described above. With respect to the geographical area we are concemed with here, the problem with all these world-wide classification and mapping exercises is the lack of input data. In fact it appears that apart from two or three stations on the Gulf coast, not a single precipitation or temperature station from our area was used in the 1992 and 1997 UNEP mapping projects and that boundaries were drawn on the basis of interpolation or subjective estimates (map of precipitation and temperature stations in UNEP 1992, 1997). In view of this paucity of input data for the maps, I have calculated P/PE for three inland points in the northern, central and southern parts of our study area respectively using the Thomthwaite (1948) method to estimate PE, then adjusting those PE values following the empirical formula of Hulme, Marsh and Jones to correct for the Thomthwaite method's 57 tendency to underestimate PE in arid environments (Hulme, Marsh and Jones 1992:1217). The correction formula takes the form PEa= 1.30 PEj-0.43P +246 where PE^ is adjusted PE, PEj. is uncorrected PE by the Thomthwaite method, and P = annual precipitation in mm. The correction places our calculations on the same basis as those of UNEP (1992, 1997). Table 2.3 shows both the unadjusted and adjusted PE values for each station. Table 2.3 P/PE Ratios for Three Study Area Stations Station P (mm) PE (mm) PE^ (mm) P/PE^ Years Data al-Qaysumah 115 1331 1927 0.059 30 Abqaiq 92 1483 2134 0.043 30 Yabrin 39 1533 2222 0.018 7 P = annual precipitation; PE = calculated potential evapotranspiration by the Thomthwaite (1948) method; PEa = PE adjusted by the method of Hulme, Marsh and Jones (1992:1217). Source of temperature and precipitation input data: Arabian American Oil Company (1979); Saudi Arabia, Ministry of Agriculture and Water, Hydrological Publication (various issues); Saudi Arabia, Statistical Yearbook (various issues to 1998). These results confirm the general accuracy of UNEP's 1992 and 1997 mapping of our study area within their own definitions of aridity classes. Yet all three (1977, 1992, 1997) of the UN world arid lands maps are at some variance with our facts in terms of their verbal descriptions of "hyperarid" regions. All three characterize such regions as having no seasonality of rainfall, yet all of our hyperarid area, even down through the 58 northern Rub' al-Khali, shows a clear winter-spring rainfall regime with rainfall virtually zero at other times. The 1977 map description states that the hyper-arid zone with P/PE less than 0.03 has "almost no perennial vegetation except some bushes in river beds" and that grazing is generally impossible, both of which are not the case in our area. The 1992 and 1997 descriptions call the hyperarid environments "the true deserts" that "offer very limited opportunities for human activities." The expression "very limited" is open to interpretation, but our Bedouin consultants would no doubt beg to differ with that evaluation. 2.3. Flora and Vegetation As viewed by the plant geographer, our study area falls entirely in the Saharo-Sindian regional zone, that great desert biome that extends all the way from the Atlantic coast of North Africa across Egypt, the Arabian Peninsula and into the arid region of northwestern India. Within the Arabian Peninsula, this zone is generally now divided into an Arabian regional subzone and a Nubo-Sindian province (Kiirschner 1998). All but perhaps a narrow Gulf coastal belt of our area lies within the Arabian subzone. I have earlier (Mandaville 1984, 1990) suggested that the entire southern half of the Peninsula could be assigned to a Sudanian (corresponding to the Nubo-Sindian) province on the basis of contracted occurrences of Acacia (except in the Rub' al-Khali). I feel now that those occurrences might better be treated as relicts or intrusives in Saharo-Arabian territory. The assignment of the Gulf coastal zone of our area to the Nubo-Sindian province is based on the occurrence there of communities led by Nubo-Sindian species such as Panicum turgidum and associates including Cymbopogon, Eremopogon, Leptadenia 59 pyrotechnica, Salvia aegyptiaca, Monsonia and Polygala erioptera. The boundary with Saharo-Arabian territory, however, is very poorly defined (Kurschner 1998). Overall, our area is characterized by communities of widely spaced subshrubs, or in some cases by totally shrubless areas, with either of which may be associated more or less dense sprinklings of ephemeral annuals restricted entirely to the late winter-spring season and reflecting the seasonal and chance spatial patterns of local rainfall. The proportion of these briefly growing annuals (as a fraction of total species) is greatest in our northern plains, about 63 percent, and declines southward to about 17 percent in the northern Rub' al-Khali (Mandaville 1990:25). Total perennial vegetation cover is in general considerably less than 10 percent. Tree forms are virtually absent, except in cultivated areas or as a few rare stands of Acacia associated with basins or the larger relict water courses. Many of the more important plant communities are led by woody dominants of a single species. The majority of these formations appear to be in close equilibrium with their natural environment, and the processes of plant succession sometimes emphasized in studies of mesic or humid regions seem to play a minor role except on disturbed sites. Overall, the vegetation is best developed and probably most productive in the boundary region between our central coastal lowlands and the northern plains, where favorable soil conditions and greater rainfall occur together. The following brief descriptions of some of the more significant plant communities of the study area are based on the author's field experience and not on any formal attempt at a plant-sociological analysis. Rimth Saltbush Shrubland This open shrubland dominated by the rimth saltbush, Haloxylon salicornicum (Chenopodiaceae) probably covers more land than any other community in northeastern Arabia. It ranges from Iraq in the northeast down into 60 the northern edge of the Rub' al-Khall. It is best developed on deeper stabilized sand where its stature increases and spacing is closer, but it also occurs on gravel plains and even over the rocky Summan, where it is wide-spaced and stunted. On 18 February 1970 I surveyed a well-developed stand 18 km southwest of as-Saffanlyah (study site in 27° 53.4'N, 48° 37.8'E) with the results shown in Table 2.4. Table 2.4 Survey Data, Rimth Saltbush Shrubland Shrub Layer Total density: 772/Ha Species Haloxylon salicornicum Panicum turgidum Lycium shawii Total cover: 8.6 percent Relative Density Percent Total Shrub Cover .90 .08 95 3 .02 2 Annual Layer Species Plantago boissieri Schismus barbatus Astragalus spp. Ifloga spicata Lotus halophilus Paronychia arabica Medicago laciniata Launaea capitata Crucianella membranacea Cutandia memphitica Ononis serrata Freq Densitv/m^ .92 .84 .64 .60 .44 .32 .32 .28 .28 145 65 14 50 .16 2 2 .12 8 6 5 4 4 There had been good rains, and this sampling included 20 annuals, of which those widi a frequency of 0.1 or greater are included in the list. 'Arfaj Shrubland This is another open shrublet community but having 'atfaj (Rhanterium epapposum, Compositae) as dominant. It is best developed in parts of the northern plains and northern Summan where bedrock is not far beneath the surface. It is 61 found also in Kuwait and Iraq and reaches south to about the 23rd Parallel where it may still be seen along the eastern edge of the Dahna' sands. A pure stand of Rhanterium surveyed by me 17 February 1970 at a location 17 km northeast of Qaryat al-'Ulya (study site in 27° 36.7'N, 47° 49.2'E) had an unusually high perennial density and cover; 3145/Ha and 16.3 percent, respectively. A semi-random quadrat sampling of the annual layer showed the following associates having a frequency of 0.10 or greater (Table 2.5); Table 2.5 Annuals in 'Arfaj Shrubland Species Plantago boissieri Picris babylonica Schismus barbatus Neurada procumbens Erodium laciniatum Asphodelus tenuifolius Medicago laciniata Plantago ciliata Rostraria pumila Astragalus spp. Freq. .73 .56 .49 .48 .16 .15 .13 .12 .10 .10 Densitv/m22 7 12 4 1 1 1 1 2 1 A total of 18 other annuals of lesser frequency were also recorded. Thmdm Grass-Shrubland I use the term "grass-shrubland" for this community type, rather than "grassland," because this species of perennial grass, thmdm, Panicum turgidum, grows as spaced, rounded and culm-branched "shrublets" rather than as tufts or turf. This community is widely distributed in the coastal lowlands, from the coast up to about 100 km inland. It sometimes has woody associates such as Calligonum comosum (which may function as a codominant), Lycium shawii or (near the coast) Leptadenia pyrotechnica. On 19 October 1980 I surveyed, using the quarters method, a stand 25 km south-southwest of al-Fadill (study site in 26° 46.0'N, 49° 05.7'E), finding 62 the Panicum with a density of 1439/Ha, Calligonum comosum with 76/Ha, and total shrub cover of 3.5 percent. Calligonum-Artemisia Sand Shrubland This distinctive community is found on inland dune sands of the central and northern Peninsula, particularly in the Dahna' south to about the 23rd Parallel. Its diagnostic species is Artemisia monosperma (Compositae), which is hardly found outside it. Calligonum comosum (Polygonaceae) is almost always present, and Scrophularia hypericifolia (Scrophulariaceae) is an associate in parts of the northern Dahna'. When cool season rains have been good, this formation supports a wide variety of annuals, including Plantago spp., Eremobium aegyptiacum, Cutandia memphitica, Linaria tenuis, and Anthemis scrobicularis. Ephedra Shrubland This community, which may be associated with gypsaceous soils, is characterized by essentially pure stands of Ephedra alata (Ephedraceae). It occurs in scattered locations, each seldom of much areal extent. Achillea-Artemisia Silt Basin Association This is a northern community type distinctive by its highly aromatic dominants, the composites Achillea frangrantissima and Artemisia sieberi. It is common in the Hajarah and al-Widyan regions on the northwestern borderlands of our area, but patches of it may be encountered on heavy silts and clay basins of the northern plains and in the Summan. Ghadd Shrubland This community has as its dominant the large ghadd shrub, Haloxylon persicum (Chenopodiaceae) and is found in some deeper sand habitats of the southern coastal lowlands and the northern Rub' al-Khali. Ghadd is the largest of our saltbushes, sometimes exceeding man-height, and is found in sand terrain less stable than that supporting its smaller relative, Haloxylon salicornicum. It may form islands in rimth 63 country and in the Rub' al-Khall may border hddh shrubland (see below). Ghadd grows more widely spaced than the smaller saltbushes but contributes much greater cover per individual. Because it is found in the more southern parts of our area with mobile sand and less rainfall, the variety of annuals associated with it is usually quite limited: Plantago hoissieri, Eremobium aegyptiacum and, at least in the northern parts of its range, Silene villosa. Hddh Saltbush Shrubland This community is endemic to the Rub' al-Khall, as is its dominant species, hddh, Cornulaca arabica (Chenopodiaceae). Hddh shrublets may be spaced 3-20 m or more depending on local conditions. It may occur as virtually pure stands covering thousands of square kilometers or have as associates Calligonum crinitum, Tribulus arabicus or Limeum arabicum. The sedge Cyperus conglomeratus is usually found with it This community is bounded on the north at about the 23rd Parallel; it appears to extend south to near the limit of the sands. Rub' al-Khali 'Abal Shrublands This is another wide-spaced community found only in the Rub' al-Khall, where Calligonum crinitum subsp. arabicum takes the place of Calligonum comosum of the northern sands. It is accompanied almost everywhere by Cyperus conglomeratus and often by Stipagrostis drarii and Limeum arabicum. Succulent Halophyte Associations A series of distinctive, often sharply zoned halophyte associations, almost always led by chenopods, is found in and around coastal salt marshes and sometimes around inland sabkhahs. They are characterized by such species as Suaeda vermiculata, Seidlitzia rosmarinus, Bienertia cycloptera, and Halocnemum strobilaceum. 64 Shrubless Community Types There are some wide tracts in our study area -- apart from mobile sands, bare rock and terrain with other obvious limits — that are virtually without woody plants. The most notable examples are the gra'ah ("bald") lands found in the northeastern part of the northern plains. Shrublets are absent here and vegetation is almost entirely restricted to a flush of short-lived annuals in those years when there are good winter rains. The grass Stipa capensis often takes spring dominance here with Plantago spp., Helianthemum spp. and a variety of other annual associates. Micro-communities I use this term for highly specialized associations, often related to distinct terrain forms, that may be found as islands within some of the broader community types. An example are the "sidr basins" scattered through the sparse rimth saltbush country of the Summan. Here, in rounded, clay-floored basins of various sizes (which may become long-lasting pools after heavy rains), are well developed stands of Ziziphus nummularia (Rhamnaceae), sidr, sheltering associates such as Ephedra foliata and Sisymbrium erysimoides. The open ground is occupied after rains by silt-loving herbs such as Althaea ludwigii and Notoceras bicorne. The ecological importance of this habitat is far out of proportion to the limited ground area it occupies, and such basins are concentration centers for birds and other wildlife, as well as the nomads' herds. The Annual Cycle of Plant Growth Throughout eastern Arabia, as in other hot deserts without summer rainfall, summer is the unfavorable season for plant growth, leading to dormancy or the evasion of drought by the production of seeds. The growth cycle for many desert plants thus begins in the autumn or winter, rather than in spring as in more temperate regions. Some perennial plants in the study area show a resumption of active growth as early as September, well before the arrival of the first rains. This may be associated with 65 shortening day length, moderating temperatures, and the increase in atmospheric humidity which has occurred by this season in coastal areas. The pace of growth quickens, however, with arrival (if they arrive at all) of the first Mediterranean depression rains of the season — usually in November or December but occasionally in October. Such rains, if early, may lead to a flush of germinating annuals within a few weeks. If they come in December or January, cold weather may delay germination, or growth much beyond that stage, until the warming of spring. Along with the germination of annuals comes a resumption of new shoot and leaf production by the perennials, many of which have shed leaves or died back completely with the beginning of the previous summer's drought. Desert annuals may flower and set seed within a few weeks after germination, completing their life cycle in a fraction of the usual growing season of more humid environments. Some of them have apparently evolved chemical germination inhibitors or other moisture detection devices in their seeds to protect them from the danger of germination before soil moisture levels would allow further growth (CloudsleyThompson and Chadwick 1964). If germination is followed by moisture stress, some plants conserve growth energy by flowering or fruiting in a dwarf size hardly as big as early seedlings under more normal conditions. In a converse manifestation of such form plasticity, growth may be prolonged with the plants achieving unusually great stature if rains are repeated and well spaced. Geographic areas of growth and reproduction of both annuals and perennials may be extremely patchy when rains come from small local storms. The annuals (if they have emerged at all in any given year) are often at the peak of maturity in March or early April, although some species are habitually early or late bloomers. Perennials, including some grasses, usually peak sometime later. By late April or May, depending on local conditions, any annuals have withered and are gone for the 66 season. Many perennials maintain active growth into May or June before falhng again into dormancy. Some deeply rooted woody plants of tropical origin such as Acacia and Ziziphus flower and fruit in June or July or even later. A very few smaller perennials such as succulent Zygophyllum spp. or the semi-succulent Heliotropium hacciferum, while peaking in late spring or early summer, are able to maintain some active growth through even the hottest part of the dry season. They are in fact rarely seen not bearing at least a few flowers or fruit. A very clear exception in these patterns is found in the saltbushes of the family Chenopodiaceae, which are either succulents or have other highly modified, droughtresistant anatomy. These are in active vegetative growth during the hot season and flower and fruit in October and November. Some of them flower in both spring and autumn. In closing this section I would emphasize that a good growth of annuals over any appreciable geographical extent in our study area is the exception rather than the norm. Given the interannual variation in rainfall and considering that a good growth of spring annuals is dependent on both the amount and timing of cool-season precipitation episodes, it is not unusual for three or four years to go by without more than a token sprinkling of ephemerals developing in some very restricted areas. On the other hand, when good rains do fall widely and with good timing, the effect on the desert landscape can be most dramatic. Vegetation cover, usually less than 5 or 10 percent with the widely spaced perennials, can seemingly ovemight rise to approach 80 percent or more with a flowered carpet of rich green stretching to the horizon. As I will argue in Chapter 9, these phenomena influence the Bedouins' concepts and classification of the plant world. 67 3. THE PEOPLE I appreciate that the social unit involved in this study is broader than is usual in ethnobiological investigations. My data collection began with a concentration on plant nomenclature with an early objective of examining inter-tribal and inter-regional variation in names. Consultants were thus drawn from several different tribes.i It soon became clear, however, that essentially the same "plant language" was spoken by all the northern and eastern Saudi Arabia-based tribes, from the frontiers with Jordan and h^aq down into the central Rub' al-Khali. The speech of all of these tribes belongs to the same dialect group, generally known as Najdl Arabic (higham 1994). They are all pastoral nomads who consider themselves, with pride to be badii (nomads) as opposed to hadar (settled folk of the towns, villages and farms). Some subsections of virtually all of the tribes, particularly in recent years, have adopted a settled existence for economic reasons, but they still consider themselves badii by lineage and thus basically different from the longsettled agriculturists or townspeople. The social systems, material culture and ecological relations of all these tribes are essentially the same, with an economy and subsistence long based on camel raising, supplemented to varying degree with sheep and some goat husbandry. All of these tribal peoples are SunnI Muslims and all, except the northernmost such as the Ruwalah, have been affected in near-equal degree by the Islamic ^The concept of "tribe" is fuzzier in Bedouin speech than it is in English because the term qabllah, usually glossed in English as "tribe" can in practice be used for smaller or larger social divisions. Confusion can arise in such cases as the Ruwalah, often treated as a tribe but who form part of a larger unit, the 'Anazah, who are more often referred to in the literature as a "confederation" although the relationship of its divisions are supposedly based on ancient kinship. In practice there is usually not much confusion about what constitutes a tribe, and I follow the concept as used in most of the English and Arabic literature. The smaller tribal segments, usually referred to in English as a "section" or "subsection" are called in Bedouin Arabic a fakhd, hmUlah, or bdidah. 68 reformist Unitarian (or so-called Wahhabi) movement that has impacted Arabian tribal and political life at intervals from the late eighteenth century to the present. On all these grounds I felt justified in lumping my data, with the proviso that variations in usage will be pointed out and assigned to tribal sources. The following brief description of Bedouin life refers to the state of tribal affairs during the period of my primary data collection, 1960-1975. Many of these points are still valid today. Some changes that have taken place in more recent years, largely as a result of economic developments in Saudi Arabia, will be discussed in Chapter 14. All the Bedouin tribes are characterized by a segmentary lineage system with descent reckoned stricdy in the male line. Parallel segments at each level are held to stem from descendants of a common forefather, and the name of each tribal section usually includes in some form the name of this supposed eponymous ancestor. At the lower level, near that of bayt (which is an extended family occupying one or a few tents) is the important concept of ibn 'amm, which literally means "father's brother's son," and may be used in that restricted sense. It also, however, has a classificatory reference (sometimes in the plural form, banl 'dmm) to all those males descended from a common ancestor about five generations above the present adult generation (Lancaster 1997; Cole 1975). In some contexts it can be applied in a much wider sense (Cole 1975). It can also correspond to the traditional five-generation "vengeance group" that in long tribal custom is responsible for avenging a crime committed against one of its members or for paying the penalty for a crime committed by one of its own. At the inter-tribal level there is a widely recognized division into groups called a0 ("of pure lineage," as figured by traditions of ancient genealogy) and ghayr asil (nonast/). Tribes in the latter category are less numerous, examples being the Sulabah, Hutaym and Shararat in the northwest and the Rasha'idah and the 'Awazim in the east. 69 Historically some of these have been held in protected client status by some of the asi/ tribes. In practice they today suffer little prejudice in the desert scheme of things beyond the virtual impossibility of their members being accepted in marriage by one of the asil groups. Some tribes are considered to be more closely related than others, such as the several groups that belong to the 'Anazah confederation or as the A1 Murrah and the 'Ujman, who both recognize their common descent from an ancient ancestor. Yam. These related groups may be rivals in some respects but have often assisted each other when opposed by a common enemy. Leadership of the tribe is vested in the person called shaykh, or amir, and the major sections of the tribe often also have their own leading members similarly styled but of lesser status. The function of the paramount shaykh, since inter-tribal raiding and warfare was suppressed by central govemments in the 1930s, is primarily to represent the tribe's interests vis-a-vis the national government and to intercede with the government on behalf of his fellow tribesmen in personal legal cases, claims and requests for government services. He also acts as a mediator in intra-tribal disputes, and there is a general preference for such differences to be settled internally in the interest of preserving tribal autonomy to the greatest possible extent. The shaykh of a tribe has virtually no coercive powers but can often be very persuasive, as many depend on his mediatorial services. His position is not automatically hereditary from father to son but does generally reside within a single tribal clan which tends to remain the same over a relatively long period, at least of several generations. Succession is decided within the shaykhly clan on the basis of which senior member is considered best fitted for the job, taking into account tribal public opinion and the candidate's reputation and influence in central government circles. Generosity and hospitality are among the highest virtues in Bedouin 70 esteem, and any leading tribal personality is expected to spend freely on the almost constant entertainment of visitors and to be free with what largesse may come his way. The Bedouins' relations with their grazing lands will be explored in more detail in section 6.1, but it may be noted here that neither a tribe as a whole nor its individuals or leaders "own" the land they use for livestock production. By long desert custom (and by Islamic law) grazing land is a commons for all Muslims. In the core of its generally recognized home territory or dirah, a tribe holds priority rights to the use of water sources, but the dirah of any tribe may be, and often is, used for winter and spring grazing by other groups. The use of "home" wells, at least in the cool season, may also be shared when their production is adequate. The dwelling occupied by the Bedouin household is the tent, woven of black goat hair or mixed wool and goat hair, known as the bayt sha'r ("house of hair"). In eastern and northeastern Arabia it is almost invariably pitched with its back to the prevailing wind, the north-northwest. If the wind should reverse, the back curtain can be quickly moved around to the front. The tent is divided by a vertical curtain into the men's section, or majlis, at the right end (as seen facing the tent) and the family, or women's section, on the left. Visitors and male friends are received and entertained in the men's section, closely in front of which lies the fire, nearly always burning or smoldering, used in brewing the coffee and tea essential for hospitality. It is poor form for visitors to approach the tent from any direction except the majlis end, and then from the outer front quarter where their approach is clearly visible, giving the women time to retire to their more private section. When non-family members are present, the womenfolk wear veils and generally keep to their side of the curtain but may from there sometimes participate in conversation with men known to the family. Children, including younger girls, have the free run of both worlds, and young boys are expected to assist in hospitality by helping Plate 3.1. Consultant Juhaysh ibn Mutlaq of the Dawasir displays coffee-making implements. These would normally be kept inside the face of the guest section of the tent, which is seen here end-on, facing left. He holds in his left hand the mihmds, the long-handled, heavy iron pan used for roasting coffee beans; in his right, a stack of the small, handleless coffee cups. The roasted beans are ground in the brass mortar and pestle in front of his right hand. Three beak-spouted coffee pots are in center front. Photograph courtesy of the Saudi Arabian Oil Company (Saudi Aramco). 72 serve the customary offerings of coffee, dates and tea. Girls, too, must know these tent obligations. On one occasion I called at a tent when nobody was home save a young girl about eight years old. She gravely invited me ( and I was quite unknown to her) to sit in the guest section, blew up the coffee fire and with perfect poise prepared and served me coffee, dates and rounds of tea while I waited for her father to return from a shopping trip. Firewood, in the form of uprooted desert shrublets, is often piled around the majlis tent end and provides some extra shelter in the cold season. Camels that are taken out grazing during the day, usually by the older boys in the family, are brought in close to the tent at night, as are any family goats or sheep. The whole family sleeps in the larger, family part of the tent, while any guests are put up in the majlis. Household cooking is done at a separate fire associated with the women's tent section, and even by 1965 a few families were using kerosene or bottled gas with portable bumers for this purpose. The coffee, or hospitality, fire on the other hand, is invariably fueled with traditional desert firewood, sometimes supplemented with dry camel dung, which makes good coals. Bedouin livestock is kept primarily for milk and milk products, which are a dietary staple. Meat is generally eaten only on special occasions, such as for the major feast days of Islam or in honor of visiting guests, when a young male goat or sheep (or very rarely a camel) may be slaughtered. Before about 1955 wild game was an occasional supplement to the Bedouin diet, with meat provided by several species of gazelle found in the northern plains or southerly sand areas. Even the oryx was still found in the Great Nafud and the Rub' al-Khall. The main quarry among the birds was the hbdrd (the houbara bustard, Chlamydotis undulata ), which was hunted with falcons. By 1960 most of the larger game had been hunted to extinction or near-extinction by motorized hunting 73 parties, often groups of the royal families of Saudi Arabia and neighboring Gulf states using semi-automatic or even automatic firearms. The average Bedouin was thereafter reduced to coursing hares with his slugl (a fast, greyhound-like hunting hound) or bagging an occasional bustard, itself now very scarce. Protein input was also supplemented by more lowly fare, including the desert locust (Schistocerus gregarius), of which huge swarms arrived in some years to decimate desert as well as farm vegetation. The large, spiny-tailed vegetarian lizard pi. dubban) is considered edible. Wild plants in the diet will be discussed in section 6.3. Rice, since about the time of World War I, has supplanted wheat as the staple starch. A typical family meal of above average fare might consist of fresh or soured camel milk and a pot of rice boiled with onions and a tin or two of tomato paste. Thin unleavened wheat flour bread may be made on some occasions. Dates are also considered to be a staple and are often purchased semi-dried in large compressed blocks or sacks which keep well for months due to their high sugar content. Fresh fruit, such as imported apples and oranges, may occasionally be purchased in the towns and are considered to be great treats by the children. The dependence of Bedouins on the products of the towns has been noted in literature since at least the time of the Islamic philosopher-historian Ibn Khaldun (13321406 A.D.) and has been studied in more recent times (Ibn Khaldun n.d.:153; Khazanov 1983). The Bedouins in our study area in fact rely on village and town markets for virtually all of their foodstuffs except milk products and meat. Regular purchases include coffee, tea, sugar, cardamom (an essential spice used in Arabian coffee), dates, rice, onions, tinned tomato paste, as well as small items such as salt and matches. Essential hardwares likewise are town-purchased. These include housing materials such as tenting strips, poles, ropes and iron stakes; also coffee pots, teapots, metal bowls for milk, 74 cooking pots, knives, flashlights and batteries, stoves and petroleum fuels (if used). The majority of these market items — even traditional ones such as the ghutrah (men's head cloth) and house wares such as tent material and the brass pots and mortar and pestle used in coffee making ~ are now imported from outside the Kingdom, usually from other Asian countries. Clothing may be purchased ready-made in the towns, but the women often make their own and children's garments themselves from purchased material. I used to bring families gifts of flower-print material after being coached in advance by the husband on the favorite patterns. And I remember finding a broken and sand-polished, hand-crank Singer sewing machine on an abandoned Bedouin campsite. I acquired several examples of the beautiful weavings, in the form of the colorful, patterned, elongated wool rug called a sdhah, made by Bedouin women on a flat loom staked out on the sand. These may be used as ground cloths or sewn together as tent partitions. They may also be sewn into camel bags or general storage bags. The men folk seldom demonstrated much in the way of handicraft skills. Metal work, as for making knives and other implements, is held to be a low-caste trade associated with the non-asTl tribes such as the Sulabah. South Arabian tribesmen of the southern Rub' al-Khall appear to be more self-sufficient, and a Rashidi from those parts taught me to braid wool and leather into halters and leads for camels. Within our study area, even the lowly camel stick, not to speak of more complicated items such as riding and pack saddle frames, is purchased in town rather than made at home. This should not be taken as a measure of the average Bedouin's mechanical aptitude. Some of them had acquired motor vehicles as early as the 1960s, usually in the form of light trucks retired from oil company service and sold at low cost to employees. Several of my Al Murrah acquaintances of this period became quite adept in dealing with a balky internal combustion engine or broken running gear. 75 At the time of my data collection virtually all Bedouins were non-literate, but they were certainly not without literature. Poetry is the prime art form among them, and almost any tribesman can recite from memory long poems on themes ranging from love to tribal warfare. Some are also skilled raconteurs of the sdlfah, a genre of historical narrative describing famous events and personages of the past (Ingham 1997:144-169). Many a long evening around the coffee fire begins with the request inshidl, "give [us] a poem! (nshidah)". Bedouins have sometimes been described as being lax in the observance of Islamic religious obligations. This may well have been the situation in some parts of the Peninsula in not-so-distant times. Musil, for example, in his meticulous and extensive ethnographic description of the Ruwalah of the period 1908-1915, has no chapter or section on, and few references to, religion in the orthodox sense although two chapters are devoted to the supernatural and the spirit world (Musil 1928a). Even more recently the Ruwalah have been described as being not much concerned with the formal aspects of religion (Lancaster 1997:52). My experience has been much the contrary among the tribes of the east and northeast. All the people that I worked with, visited or traveled with were always punctilious in their execution of the five obligatory daily prayers and in keeping the fast of Ramadhan. Their speech is constantly sprinkled with pious expressions, and many individuals, although illiterate, could quote some parts of the Qur'an. Their somewhat puritan outlook today (still balanced by a great deal of common sense) was doubtless generated in large part by the Unitarian movement that was given such emphasis in the alliance of the Al Sa'ud ruling family with partisans of the reformer Muhammad ibn 'Abd al-Wahhab (Rentz 1960:554). Although the ikhwdn settlement plan (see below) did not take permanent root among Bedouins, the revival of orthodox 76 religious ideas obviously did. This influence was less pervasive in the far northwestern parts of the present Kingdom, probably accounting for the apparently more relaxed attitudes in that region. The central government of Saudi Arabia has made several attempts, for reasons of political expediency or simply for "modernization," to induce the Bedouins to adopt a settled life based on agriculture. The first, promulgated during the first quarter of the twentieth century, was a religious-oriented scheme generally known in Western literature as the "ikhwdn movement." Beginning around 1912, King 'Abd al-'Aziz Ibn Sa'ud sent religious leaders out to the tribes to preach the virtues of a settled life based on the ultraconservative Unitarian tenets of the eighteenth century reformer, Muhammad ibn 'Abd alWahhab. Parcels of land with water wells, usually lying within the traditional territory of each tribe concerned, were assigned as hujar (sing, hijrah, "place of refuge, settlement") where the tribesmen were to live as ikhwdn ("brethren") in a pious life based on smallscale farming (Philby 1955:261-264). Many such settlements were established in diverse parts of the Kingdom, but none of them involved more than a small portion of each tribe's membership, and many of them were abandoned within a few decades. One of the more important "modernizing" plans for Bedouin settlement was attempted in the 1960s as the Faysal Settlement Project, named after King Faysal, who acceded to the throne in 1964. The plan was to settle, over a five-year period, some 1,000 families of the Al Murrah and ad-Dawasir tribes on 10,000 acres to be put into cultivation in the WadI as-Sahba' basin in the Eastern Province. Irrigation water was supplied by 50 pumped wells, and costs for the first five-years' operation were approximately 39 million dollars (Mandaville 1965a). Despite optimistic pre-project surveys carried out among the Bedouins (during a particularly severe drought period), members of neither tribe were finally, in practice, willing to become farmers. The project was completed but tumed 77 over to commercial farming interests that used non-Bedouin labor in the large-scale mechanized production of alfalfa hay and other fodder for sale on the market. A settlement scheme in northwestern Saudi Arabia in the early 1960s to assist the drought-stricken Shararat tribe in Wadi as-Sirhan also came to naught (ibid.). On the other hand, later Bedouin settlement and assistance projects in the far northwest of the country have reportedly been more successful, and Cole and Altorki (2000) describe some aspects of Bedouin settlement in al-QasIm through a more natural, evolutionary process facililtated by government-financed loans for agricultural projects and family housing. The latter approach, in my experience, has been typical of recent developments Kingdom-wide. The following summary descriptions of the tribes involved in my ethnobotanical data collection are arranged in rough order of their importance as sources for my data. It should be noted, however, that the first two groups listed, A1 Murrah and BanI Hajir, contributed more than all the others combined and are therefore described in greater detail. Population figures should be taken as order-of-magnitude estimates, as tribal census figures, if they exist at all, are not available. AI Murrah (sing. Marrl) Al Murrah are one of the most important tribes in eastern Saudi Arabia and are unusual in several respects. Perhaps more than any other group they maintained their camel-herding nomadic ways, holding out against a general tendency to sedentarization in the growing oil economy of Saudi Arabia. Their primary dirah is bordered roughly in the north by the latitude of al-Hasa and extends south to the central Rub' al-Khall. The Dahna' sand belt runs along its western edge, and to the east it extends beyond the base of the Qatar peninsula. One of the more frequent Al Murrah ranges lies between the 50th and 52nd Meridians, along the line of water wells that forms a main north-south crossing route of the Rub' al-Khali. The tribe, while primarily a deep 78 sand-dwelling group, has the most extensive range of movement of any tribe in the east or northeast, and its members may be found, according to season and pasture conditions, almost anywhere east of the Dahna' sands from the central Rub' al-Khall to the borders of Iraq in the north. A1 Murrah had an earlier home in southwestem Arabia in the vicinity of Najran, although the date of their migration to the tribe's present range in the east is not known. They claim kinship with a group in the Najran area, and they consider themselves closely related to the 'Ujman tribe on the basis of common descent from an ancient ancestor, Yam (Rentz and Mulligan 1950). Estimates of the tribal population range from 5,000 (Philby quoted in Rentz 1957) to 28,000 (Matthews 1960). Cole's (1975) figure of 15,000 appears reasonable. The tribe has seven to nine main sections arrayed in two major descent groups. The paramount shaykhs come from the Al Fuhaydah section, and according to my last notes (of 1981), the incumbent then was Faysal ibn Muhammad ibn Lahum ibn Shuraym, frequently referred to simply as "Ibn Shuraym." He replaced his cousin, Talib ibn Rashid, who died 15 December 1980. Faysal also became commander of the central government's 40th National Guard brigade. The women of Al Murrah appear to have a freer and more open social role than in many tribes. In my experience it is the only tribe of our study region in which a man's formal name may include a matronym referring to his mother or grandmother (my consultants Salim ibn Hamad ibn Miznah and 'All ibn Hamad ibn Fari'ah are examples). Al Murrah have a particularly high reputation as trackers and guides in eastern Arabia, and the central government's amirs in major Eastern Province towns still maintain MarrI trackers on call to help apprehend criminals, the tracker's testimony being accepted in courts of law as that of an expert witness. The following couplet (Rentz and Mulligan 79 1950) is generally known in eastern Saudi Arabia and refers to the government's methods of tracking down lawbreakers: fis-sama barqiyah fil-ard marrlyah In the sky, radio telegraph On the ground, Marrls One section of A1 Murrah seasonally visited the derelict oasis of Yabrin, on the northern edge of the Rub' al-Khali, to collect dates from the semi-wild palms growing there near slow-flowing springs. Two hijrah settlements were established there by the same people during the heyday of the ikhwdn movement. Al 'Adhbah section also established colonies at Nibak and as-Sikak, near the base of the Qatar peninsula. All four settlements are now inhabited by members of the original groups and have grown to small villages with schools and other government services. Ban! Hajir (sing. Hajirl) BanI Hajir still remember Tathllth, in the southwestern mountains of Saudi Arabia, as their original home, and they consider the tribe of Janb there as their relatives. Their move to eastern Arabia may have taken place two or three hundred years ago. They also claim a close relationship with the Manasir, who now range in the present territory of the United Arab Emirates (Rentz 1957; Rentz and Mulligan 1950). Bam Hajir ranged primarily in, and east of, the Qatar peninsula until about 1900, when the greater portion of the tribe moved west as a result of a dispute with Al ThanI, the Qatarl ruling family (Rentz and Mulligan 1950). Since then their dirah has lain primarily in the sand dune area known as al-Bayda', which extends from the vicinity of al-Jubayl on the Saudi Arabian coast south to around al-'Uqayr. Additionally, as a reward for their loyalty and military services in the cause of the Sa'udI royal family, they were assigned settlement rights in the area of al-Jawf (Jawf BanI Hajir) west of the 80 present oil town of Abqaiq (Buqayq). Here several of their leading shaykhs established hujar, which were later abandoned, then reoccupied. Ban! Hajir include 14 major tribal sections, including al-Makhadibah (or alMakhadib), in which lies the shaykhly clan, ash-Sha'abin. In 1982 the incumbent paramount shaykh was Hamud ibn ShafI ibn Salim, who succeeded his father upon the latter's death in Kuwait during the winter of 1955-56. The members of Ban! Hajir have been estimated to total some 14,000 (Matthews 1960). Bani Hajir often camp outside their dirah proper, sometimes with 'Ujman groups to the northwest, sometimes with the 'Awazim in as-Sudah, near the former Saudi Arabia-Kuwait Neutral Zone. The tribe raises both camels and sheep. My primary consultant of this tribe, 'Ali ibn Sa'Id of al-Makhadibah, took pride in his fine riding camels of 'umdniyah stock. Al-'Ujman (often written 'Ajman; sing, in either case 'Ajml) The 'Ujman are an important tribe of eastern Saudi Arabia, with a dirah centered on the district known as WadI al-Miyah (which is not a true wddl or seasonal watercourse, but rather a wide, elongated depressed area along the eastern edge of the Summan plateau). A significant portion of the tribe has become settled, or semi-settled in the series of Wad! al-Miyah villages stretching from an-Nu'ayrlyah in the north to 'Uray'irah in the south. Estimates of the population of the tribe have ranged from 15,400 to 28,000 (Matthews 1960). The 'Ujman have six main divisions and 24 sections (Rentz 1951). The paramount shaykh, generally known as Ibn Hithlayn, is of the section called A1 Mu'Id. Rakan ibn Dldan Ibn Hithlayn was still alive in 1975, although his son (another Didan) was then assuming many of his leadership functions. As noted above, al-'Ujman are related to Al Murrah and like them have migrated to eastern Arabia from their ancestral home in the vicinity of 81 Najran in tlie southwest. Ingham (1994) places their sub-dialect along with that of A1 Murrah and Qahtan in the southern Najdl group. Qahtan (sing. QahtanI) Qahtan are the third of our consultant-contributing groups whose language is classed as southern Najdl. A major portion of the tribe is settled as villagers in their early homeland in southeastern Hijaz, while Bedouin sections range up through southern Najd. Some of them have taken jobs in the oil industry towns of the Eastern Province, and some of their leaders have commanded National Guard brigades assigned there. Their numbers have been estimated as 28,000 (Matthews 1960), and their paramount shaykh was said in 1961 to be Khalil ibn Nasir Ibn Qarmalah of A1 Sahma'. Ad-Dawasir (sing. Dawsarl) Ad-Dawasir are a large and now widespread group with a historical center in the Wadi ad-Dawasir area of southern Najd but broadly extending up into central Najd. Large portions of the tribe have long followed a settled life, but perhaps a third of its total population of some 35,000 has been nomadic (Matthews 1960). An important Dawsarl family, the Sudayrls (as-Sadara) has married into the Saudi ruling family and has contributed many able governors and other officials to the provinces of the Kingdom. The tribe has two main divisions and many sections and has long had a connection with the Gulf area, where in earlier times some of its members worked as pearl divers. They were also instrumental in founding now important coastal cities such as ad-Dammam and al-Khubar (Rentz 1965). Among their important shuyukh in 1972 were Muhammad ibn Uqayyan Ibn Nassar of al-Ghayathat, located at al-Kharj, and Shayban ibn BadI Ibn Quwayd of al-Masa'irah, at al-Quwayz in WadI ad-Dawasir. Shammar (sing. Shammari) The Shammar are usually described in two groups, one of which for some 200 years has been located in northern Iraq (the "Eastern Shammar"). The Shammar of Saudi Arabia are centered in the area of Jabal Shammar in northern 82 Najd, which includes the important town of Ha'il. Here was located the capital of an important Shammar family, the House of Rashid, who were long-time rivals of the House of Sa'ud for mastery of central and northern Arabia and who were not subdued until 1921. The tribe has long had settled elements at Ha'il and in villages around Jabal Salma and Jabal Aja. The population of the Saudi Arabian Shammar has been estimated at some 35,000 (Matthews 1960), with four main sections. Shammar speak the northern variant of Najdl Arabic, and their plant terminology displays some interesting variations from the usual central and southern patterns. Ar-Ruwalah (sing. Ruwayll) The Ruwalah are an important and very large tribe of farnorthwestem Saudi Arabia and the greater Syrian Desert. They were large-scale camel breeders until the early 1960s, after a major drought across northern Arabia caused great livestock losses and led to greater dependence on sheep herding and more settled modes of livelihood (Lancaster 1997:99-100). The Ruwalah form an important part of the 'Anazah, which is sometimes described as a tribal confederation, sometimes as a tribe with major divisions. The dirah of the Ruwalah in the recent past has included the areas of Tayma and Khaybar, Wadi as-Sirhan, and the Hamad and al-Widyan districts of Saudi Arabia's northwestern borderlands. The Czech historical geographer Alois Musil made several lengthy field trips with the Ruwalah between 1908 and 1915 and has left a most valuable account (Musil 1928a) of their way of life at a time before the introduction of the automobile and post-World War political arrangements began making inroads into traditional Bedouin ways. Musil also collected botanical specimens and vernacular plant names, leaving in his works a unique means of gauging some aspects of change in the ethnobotanical knowledge of this group. 83 The shaykhly family of the Ruwalah is that of Ibn Shavian of al-Mur'az. Their chiefs have at times maintained close ties with Syria, some of them having been members of that state's Chamber of Deputies. In more recent years they have increasingly thrown in their lot with the government of Saudi Arabia and have played important roles in that country's National Guard organization (Lancaster 1997). The population of the tribe has been estimated as between a quarter and half a million (ibid.). Ban! Khalid (sing. Khalidi) BanI Khalid are historically one of the most important tribes of northeastern Arabia, their shaykhly family of A1 Humayd (often known as Al 'Uray'ir) having virtually ruled the Gulf coast and hinterland for major periods between the sixteenth and eighteenth centuries. This ascendancy was broken with their defeat by the first Sa'udI state in 1793, but they continued to play an intermittent role in the provincial politics of al-Hasa province until 1913, when the region was added to the growing domains of 'Abd al-'AzIz Ibn Sa'ud (Di Meglio 1978). The tribe, with six main sections, is now largely settled, with major numbers inhabiting the village of 'Anik in the oasis of al-Qatif. They also own lands associated with two of their hijrah sites on the coast north of al-Jubayl. The leading personalities of Al 'Uray4r, after submitting to Sa'tidl rule, intermarried with Al Sa'ud and took up residence in the capital city of Riyadh. Their most notable leader there in the early 1970s was Na'if ibn Muhammad Ibn 'Uray'ir. The tribal population was estimated as 7000-8000 by Matthews (1960). Mutayr (sing. Mutayri) By tradition the original homeland of Mutayr was in the Hijazi uplands between Mecca and Medina. They moved east into central Najd, whence they were displaced by the 'Utaybah into their present dirah farther to the northeast between al-Artawiyah and Hafar al-Batin (Ingham 1993). Their range includes the village of Qaryat al-'Ulya and the wells known as Tiwal Mutayr ("the deep wells of Mutayr"), 84 among which are al-Lihabah, al-Lisafah, al-Qar'ah and Wabrah. Some members of the tribe have in recent years settled in villages established at these traditional summering places. The Mutayr have two main divisions, each with three sections. One of these sections, al-Muwahah of Tlwa, includes the shaykly clan, the Dushan (Rentz 1951). The paramount shaykh in the 1960s and early 1970s was Bandar ibn Fay sal ad-Dawish. Matthews (1960) estimated the tribal population as about 35,000. 85 4. CONSULTANTS, LANGUAGE AND WORK PROCEDURES The number of Bedouin consultants contributing to this study was approximately 20, not counting those involved in one-time events such as chance field encounters with passing herdsmen. Of this 20, a core of about 10 long-term consultants contributed an estimated 80 percent of the total data. All consultants were male, of age 35-75, with the majority in the upper part of this range. All had spent at least half of their lives as active nomadic herdsmen and had been originally selected by reputation and interview for their knowledge as informants for map place-name work, field guidance and the provision of general tribal information . These skills are based on the kind of field experience that is also basic to the acquisition of botanical knowledge. All consultants received some nominal remuneration as recompense for their work time.^ None of the consultants had any specialist plant knowledge (of medicinal plants, for example), and all but one were non-literate. The exception was an elder of the Shammar tribe who had acquired a rudimentary knowledge of written Arabic. None had experience of any form of horticulture. 4.1. Najdl Arabic Virtually all consultants were monolingual speakers of the Arabic dialect known as Najdl. The few exceptions were members of A1 Rashid, al-Manahil and A1 Wahibah, of ' This compensation rate was Saudi riyals 8.5 per day (then equal to approximately US$ 1.90). This was paid regularly every two weeks on the basis of 14 days work although actual work time was much less. 86 the southern and eastern Rub' al-Khall, who spoke southern Arabic and whose contributions will be so identified. Najdl Arabic is that Arabic spoken by the settled inhabitants of the central plateau region of the Arabian Peninsula, known as Najd, and by numerous Bedouin tribes, some of which are centered in the same region and some of which have spilled over to occupy new homelands to the north and east, now outside Najd proper (Ingham 1994). It is characterized by several archaic features found also in Classical Arabic, although the idea sometimes expressed by Westerners or city Arabs that Bedouins "speak Classical Arabic" is certainly not true. Some of these old features are (mainly from Ingham 1994): 1. Retention of the indefinite noun marker (tanwin) suffix in the form -in (from the coalescence of classical -un, -an, -in). 2. Retention of classical th and dh, which have merged with t and d in many other dialects. 3. Existence of the internal passive in verbs (as opposed to the replacing prefixes ^ or in- in other dialects). 4. The use of certain particles such as gid (classical qad) as a marker of the emphatic past and tham ("then"; classical thumma). On the other hand, some classical features have been "lost," such as the distinction between d and z, which have coalesced (with the pronunciation of J as z , in my transcription d). The Najdl dialect group is subdivided by Ingham (1994) into three main subdialect types called northern, central and southern. These, in my experience, hardly differ from one another as much as do the varieties of American English. The northern variant, characterized by the speech of the Jabal Shammar region and the Shammar tribe, appears to be the most distinctive. The southern variant of Najdl, including the speech of 87 Qahtan, Al Murrah, 'Ujman and Bani Hajir, is the most prevalent in my ethnobotanical data. All dialects of Arabic, like other members of the Semitic language family such as Hebrew and Ethiopic (Geez), are characterized by having verbal and nominal (including adjectival) word forms built on a skeleton of three (rarely four) root consonants in specified sequence. Each root, which is a grammatical abstraction that does not exist as such in either the spoken or written language, carries a broad, sometimes vague, semantic field, some aspect of which is usually recognizable in concrete vocabulary. "Real words" consist of the root consonants supplemented by various vowels and a few standard supplementary consonants assembled in a large but finite series of patterns, providing different shades of meaning that are, to at least some extent, predictable. Thus in classical Arabic, from the root (indicated here in capital letters) KBR, with the general meaning of "bigness," we have derived verbal forms such as KaBuRa, "to grow big, tall"; KaBBaRa, "to enlarge, magnify"; taKaBBaRa, "to be haughty" (consider oneself big); noun forms such as KiBR "greatness, stoutness"; and adjectives such as KaBlR, "big, large." This syntactical peculiarity of Arabic has a consequence in ethnosemantic studies such as the one at hand. Inasmuch as the great majority of plant names can be traced, at least theoretically, to a root of some generalized meaning, nearly all of them can be conceived as exhibiting some degree of semantic transparency, and this is true even of the primary, simple lexemes that are folk generics and that in many languages are often unanalyzable. The consequences, and particularly the limitations, of this aspect of Arabic semantics are discussed more fully in section 9.5.2. Najdi Arabic, like other Arabic dialects, also has a collective noun form that is peculiar to names of natural objects, usually animals and plants, but also stones and 88 minerals. Known in classical grammar as the ismu l-jins (" noun of kind" ), it can be tested for by asking for the name of "just one of it," which for a generic noun will be returned with the feminine singular suffix -ah. Thus 'arfaj, "''ai/fl/bushes in general"; 'arfajah, "a single 'arfaj bush." Not all plant names are generic nouns of this type, but the great majority of them are, and it is the form usually returned, either in the collective or singular (technically the "unitative"), to the question; "What is its name?" or "What do you call it?" Interestingly, the word ''jins" which appears in the formal grammatical term, is used in current Arabic scientific writing as equivalent to the Linnaean "genus.Plant names in this collective noun form appear in general to be more psychologically salient than those that are not. Thus, among the life forms, the universally recognized categories shajar ("perennials") and Hshb ("annuals") are collectives, while at-tawdlr, a category apparently used by only a few northern tribes, is a standard "broken plural." All lexemes that are generic nouns are in this study given in the collective, not their singular, forms. Like virtually all Bedouins, my consultants had had some contact with classical Arabic as used in Islamic religious observances, in formal speeches by government officials on public occasions or, in modem form, on the radio. In general, however, except in the case of a few prayer formulas used by all Muslims, their knowledge of classical Arabic was passive — largely understood but not spoken. 4.2. Transcription of Bedouin Speech I should emphasize that the pre-existing data from which this study is drawn were not collected for linguistic purposes, at least not in the sense of maintaining a fully accurate phonetic record of what was heard from the mouths of consultants. The data-collecting ' The apparent lexical similarity of Arabic jins to both Latin genus and Greek genos is, as far as I have been able to determine, only coincidental. 89 research environment in which I worked was rather one more typical of traditional oriental studies, where classical Arabic was generally hovering in the background as an unspoken standard. And this fit our objectives. Place names were collected for the purpose, after considerable study and evaluation, of publication on Arabic-language maps in classical Arabic form. My plant terminology was collected, in many cases, for easy comparison with the forms of the same names that I knew might be found in classical literature. And in any case, my concern was primarily that of semantics. It was not therefore unusual for me to hear a Bedouin plant name that sounded, for example, something like ihsela and to record it on a card in the classical form busaylah. Similarly, in most cases all dialectal variants of the classical phonemes qdf and M/went down as"g" or "q", and "k," respectively, although some consultants sometimes used the fronted affricated versions "dz" or 'Yz". We went to great pains to get our phonemes correct but were not much concerned with our colloquial phonics, particularly the precise "coloration" of the short vowels or, sometimes even, their presence or absence. I do not feel that this shorthand compromised in any significant way the purposes of this study, but it does mean that my data should not be used by a descriptive linguist as examples, say, of Ban! Hajir short vowel practice when they see plant names recorded by me followed by "BanI Hajir." My source notes thus refer to the plant name, not its precise phonic expression. The Bedouin plant name forms should thus be taken as "common" or "normalized" Najdl Arabic, probably with a southem Najdi bias, rather than as a precise phonetic rendering of specific utterances. I do claim that my transcriptions provide generally good and fully understandable renditions of the speech that I heard even though they may not be fully consistent to the sub-dialect level. Bedouin speech in my text is marked by the use of bold italics. 90 I have adopted, with the idea of causing minimal discomfort to the eye of the nonHnguist, a Bedouin Arabic transcription system that resembles general approaches used in English-language Middle East studies joumals. My aim here is to maintain all phonemic distinctions while minimizing diacritical marks by employing conventional digraphs such as kh, th and sh. In those few cases where the consonants of apparent digraphs should be read with their individual values, I insert a forward slash to indicate this, e.g. adiham, "black" rather than adham. Table 4.1 lists each of these symbols followed by a linguistic description. Table 4.1 Bedouin Arabic Phonetics and Transcription^ Consonants b t d t k g Plosives voiced bilabial voiceless dental voiced dental palatalized voiceless dental voiceless velar voiced velar Liquids / dental r alveolar Nasals m bilabial n alveolar / th dh s z s d sh kh gh h ' h Continuants (Semi-vowels) y w palatal bilabial Fricatives voiceless labio-dental voiceless interdental voiced interdental voiceless dental voiced dental palatalized voiceless dental palatalized voiced interdental voiceless palato-alveolar voiceless uvular voiced uvular voiceless pharyngeal voiced pharyngeal voiceless glottal Vowels I, I e a, a u,u o ^ The Semitic Transliterator font used to print this work is available from Linguist's Software, Inc., P.O. Box 580, Edmonds, WA 98020-0580, USA, tel. (425) 775-1130, www.linguistsoftware.com. 91 I transcribe the feminine singular suffix as -ah rather than -a, as the final "/i" may be weakly sounded in Bedouin speech. The definite article is shown, when applicable, in its assimilated form (thus an-najU, not al-najil). It is recognizable by the following hyphen. Several items in the Arabic sound inventory have no equivalents in English or many other Western languages. The following pronunciation guide can be followed by non-Arabic speakers for casual reading. Vowels: These should be pronounced as if they were Spanish or Italian. Vowels with macrons should be prolonged and their syllables stressed. Consonants: The following may be pronounced as in English: b, d,f, g (as in "go"), h,j (as in "job"), k, I, m, n, s, t, w, y, sh (as in "she"), th (as in "thin"). The digraph dh should be read as th- in the English word "the"; kh as ch in Scottish "loch;' gh is somewhat akin to French uvular "r" but may be spoken simply as hard g in casual readings, hha back, heavily aspirated "h"; it may be approximated with the "h" of English. The so-called emphatic consonants s, t, are spoken like their non-emphatic counterparts but with the tongue retracted toward the palate. In casual reading they may be spoken as the non-emphatics. The emphatic dh, which I write as d, may be pronounced as its non-emphatic counterpart (described above). ' (the Arabic letter 'ayn) is best ignored by non-Arabic speakers or pronounced as its associated vowel. Doubled consonants must be pronounced doubled. 4.3. Working Procedures Working procedures on nearly all occasions took the form of informal interviews. My consultants would generally work with me for a few weeks at a time, then would often be 92 absent for some weeks or even months visiting their home tribal areas and families. All work was conducted in Arabic without use of interpreters. Names were checked with several consultants whenever possible, and the tribe of the consultant was recorded with each name. Formal lists from multiple consultants were compiled only in a few cases, such as for investigation of the concept of "the seven hamd plants" (section 9.3). No attempt was made to explore the total plant name inventory of any one person, and my data represents the set theoretical union of names collected from all sources. I nevertheless feel that my inventory of folk generic and higher order names, after the deletion of synonyms, would approximate the repertoire of an average elder, fieldexperienced Bedouin that might have been encountered during the years of data collection (1960-1975). Inasmuch as all of these consultants would have gained their knowledge of plant life well prior to any significant economic changes stemming from development of the Saudi Arabian oil industry, I am confident also that resulting changes in Bedouin life would not have truncated this knowledge to any significant degree. Plant names were elicited through identifications in the field by consultants acting as guides or by my presentation of fresh or, very rarely, pressed specimens in the office. On a few occasions consultants traveling alone brought in specimens from remote areas at my request. Much of my spare time between the years 1962 and 1988 was devoted to learning and recording the flora in scientific taxonomic fashion as the basis for a flora of eastern Saudi Arabia that was published in 1990. This work was based on the collection of several thousand specimens deposited mainly in the Natural History Museum, London with smaller collections going to Kew, Edinburgh and Washington. My plant identifications were checked (or my unknowns determined) by Middle East plant specialists at these institutions. I made no formal voucher collection for the vernacular name work. I can, however, attach with confidence specimen numbers and their 93 herbarium locations to each folk name, and such data is provided in my inventory of folk generics. My greatest regret now with regard to work methods was my inability to include information from female consultants. Cultural restrictions in this very conservative Muslim environment, as well as the location of my usual office workplace, made it very difficult for a male investigator to consult with women. This might have been possible in a situation where one could gain family confidence by living in the field for long periods in the company of a Bedouin group. My field trips, however, never included stays of more than a weekend with any one family. By far the most important Bedouin use of plants is for livestock grazing, and herding is primarily a male activity. There was some indication, however, that the women might have been more knowledgeable about food and medicinal uses of wild plants, as limited as these uses appeared to be. I hope another investigator, preferably a female, will find an opportunity to study the entire gamut of Bedouin-plant relationships from the women's viewpoint and tell us of the results. As is always the case in ethnobotanical field work, we teeter on the shoulders of our consultants, and some have broader shoulders than others. The following partial list of names is provided both as some basis for future gauging of the accuracy of my data and in gratitude to these who gave most generously of their patience: 'All ibn Sa'Id ibn 'All of al-Makhadibah of Banl Hajir 'All ibn Hamad ibn Fari'ah al-HurayrI, of A1 Hurayr of al-Ghayathin of A1 Murrah Salim ibn Hamad ibn Miznah of al-GhayathIn section of A1 Murrah Hadban ibn 'All ibn Naffah of al-Jabran of al-Jarabi'ah of A1 Murrah Juhaysh ibn Mutlaq al-GhuyaythI of al-Ghayathat of ad-Dawasir Muhammad ibn Khursan of Qahtan 94 Khulayf as-Shammari of Shammar, of whose full name I can now find no record but whose counsel on northern plant lore was invaluable. Sari ibn Mukhaylil of ar-Ruwalah Muhammad ibn Ma'wid ibn Sa'id of Bayt al-La'bah of Bayt Yamani of Al Rashid, who spoke a southern, non-Najdl, dialect and taught me more of camels than of plants, but whose knowledge of the sparse Rub' al-Khall flora seemed unrivaled. 95 5. STARS, LAND AND PLANTS The story line - the single-spaced parts in this somewhat unconventional chapter involves fictitious names and imaginary events but is based on personal experience. Its objective is to describe some practical aspects of Bedouin life and its interactions with the environment that are not covered elsewhere in the paper. Plant uses and terminology are treated here only in brief, as these are discussed in other chapters. It is mid-September, three hours after sunset, in a small Bedouin encampment situated some 70 kilometers from the Persian Gulf coast in eastern Saudi Arabia. A fire is burning in front of the eastern, guest end of one tent that is a bit larger than the others. Men's voices, a little excited, are heard, and someone puts another piece of brushwood on the fire, raising sparks. Only a young boy in the group is standing, and in the reflected light of the fire one can see the brass coffee pot in one of his hands, the stack of small, handleless porcelain cups in the other. It is his job to keep the elders supplied with the cardamom-flavored brew, and he takes his task seriously. There are six families in six tents here, all of the Ghayathin section of the tribe of A1 Murrah. A few years ago their summer camp would have been at one of the hand-dug groups of wells farther inland, perhaps among the clean white sand domes of Irj, over against the edge of the Summan. This year they had moved east on the advice of a kinsman who had taken a job as a watchman at a new oil facility built by the Americans. He had told them that a new water well was drilled here last winter and that if they got there early, they could choose the best place to pitch their tents for the summer near the new steel water trough. (The oil company operations people had learned years ago to install a camel trough at all new remote facilities. Whenever they hadn't, the local Bedouins would appeal to their paramount shaykh; he in turn would visit the Government's Amir of the Eastern Province, Ibn Jiluwi, who would politely request the company Government Relations man to see to the necessary. The relations man, using the Amir's magic name and with his contacts with higher management, never failed to convince the construction crew.) The Bedouins call this place "Nimrat Ithnen" ( "number two," having simplified the formal English name, "'Ayn Dar Gas-Oil Separator Plant Plate 5.1. Consultants, from left, Khulayf, of the Shammar tribe, and Muhammad ibn Khursan, of Qahtan, at the coffee fire. Photograph courtesy of the Saudi Arabian Oil Company (Saudi Aramco). 97 Number 2"). The water from the deep well here is warm and brackish, but it's more than good enough for camels and most important, it's virtually inexhaustible and delivered through a pipe to a watering trough. No long hours this year hoisting hundreds of leather buckets of water in the summer sun. Another advantage was that the summer people's cousin, the watchman, had access to a telephone. He was supposed to use it only for "official" purposes, but no one complained if once in a while he called up one of the few other MarrI employees in the company -- most of them drivers of oil exploration vehicles — for tribal news. The talk around the campfire this night was sparked by an important event of the early morning. Before first light, after the little group had chanted their pre-dawn prayers on the sandy rise near the tents, they turned left to look south as they had every morning for the past week. Raising their hands to shield their eyes from the glare of the Nimrat Ithnen's. gas flare less than a mile away, they had finally seen it. It was a star very low in the sky. It was bright but flickered deeply through the thick atmosphere near the horizon. True, they had already heard about it from fellow tribesmen camped farther south and inland, where the air was clearer. But that's never quite the same as seeing it oneself. The new year had truly begun. For these Bedouin households the "beginning of the year" meant the beginning of the annual pursuit of desert vegetation, essential for their herds and livelihood. The official Islamic calendar used by the Saudi Arabian government is based on lunar months, leaving their year 11 days short of the Western calendar year based on solar time. A given lunar date thus falls 11 days earlier each year on the solar calendar and moves through the seasons, repeating the cycle every 33 years. This system is of little use to people concerned with plant life linked to the seasons by rainfall, day length and temperature. The official calendar has thus always been largely ignored by the Bedouins except for the observance of religious obligations such as the fast of the month of Ramadhan and the Pilgrimage. Even before the transistor radio, these requirements could easily be met by occasional checks during town market visits and by glances at the phase of the moon. The Bedouin year has always been reckoned by the stars and thus remains synchronized with the seasons and the annual march of desert plant and animal life. The 98 year consists of four seasons, called as-sfan (corresponding approximately to 15 September - 15 December), ash-shitd (15 December to 15 March), as-sef (15 March to 15 June) and al-ged (15 June-15 September).! Each of these seasons is subdivided into shorter periods marked by the heliacal rising^ (or more rarely risings or settings at sunset) of single stars or asterisms. Some of these named periods or stellar events correspond to the ancient mandzil al-qamar, or "mansions of the moon," which divided the year into 28 named periods of 13 days each and which are still observed by seafaring folk of the Persian Gulf (Sergeant 1968). The numbered years that are part of the Islamic calendar system were also little known to the Bedouins, who related events to mnemonic year names based on widely known happenings. Some of these names refer to important historical events, others to unusual weather phenomena. Given the importance of grazing conditions in the Bedouin economy, it is perhaps not surprising that many are also concerned with unusual developments (or failures) of wild plants. Actual year names quoted by my consultants, always given in the form "sanat ", "year of ," have included: Sanat Sbilah Year of the 1929 battle at Sabalah, where Ibn Sa'ud defeated the rebellious Bedouin Ikhwdn forces of Mutayr and their allies Sanat as-skhunah "Year of the fever," when sickness was widespread Sanat al-jrdd ijrdd) A year in which there were many swarms of desert locusts Sanat al-khzdmd A year, about 1950, in which the annual plant khzdmd (Honvoodia dicksoniae, Cruciferae) was unusually prevalent ! Some northern tribes add one or two additional season names, using terms derived from important star signs of the periods. 2 The first appearance of a star during the year as it is seen to rise above the eastern horizon before sunrise. Each day thereafter it will appear higher in the sky. 99 Sanat rabl' al-'arfaj A year when there were no annual plants in the spring period but the 'arfaj shrublets {Rhanterium epapposum, Compositae) flowered profusely Sanat al-halam A year in which the dwarf shrublet, halam (Moltkiopsis ciliata, Boraginaceae), germinated and grew in great numbers Sanat as-siffdr A year in the 1960s when the annual plant growth consisted largely of the cruciferous annual, siffdr {Schimpera arabica). Sanat hdjj al-ghanam "Year of the pilgrimage of the sheep," a year in the 1960s when grazing was so plentiful in the northern plains that scores of truckloads of sheep were sent northwest on the Trans-Arabian Pipeline road, reminiscent of the great bus caravans seen each year taking pilgrims to Mecca. The star for which the A1 Murrah were watching at Nimrat Ithnen was sihel, or Canopus. Throughout much of Arabia the appearance of sihel marks the end of the severest part of summer and the beginning of the season called as-sfan. In central Arabian latitudes Canopus is above the pre-dawn horizon before the end of August. But it usually takes two or three weeks more for it to become visible above the haze and obstructions near the horizon. Nothing dramatic happens with the weather at that time, hi fact high heat, and in the Gulf coast region high humidity, continues into October. Li everyone's mind, however, summer heat is now "downhill" and thoughts turn to autumn travels in search of the first rains and early grazing. One of my consultants of BanI Hajir provided the following couplets celebrating the rise of this star: tbayyan sihel wa rdl albil 'add il-mafrUd wald 'dd rd'i s-sed yagnas al-mishrdbah Canopus has appeared and the herdsman keeps away the young camel [from its mother] And the hunter has not returned seeking drink 100 (This is the time to wean the young camels of the previous season; and the hunter need no longer interrupt his expeditions to return for water) ya sihel al-jnubi bardak yiji nasnds ya habbnl lit-tayyib law min bald an-nds Oh Canopus of the south, your cold comes as a cool breeze You who have loved me as a good [man] though so far from mankind Yet this was traditionally also the time of dhalgat sihel, "the sword point of Canopus," the time when a visit to the oases of al-Qatif or al-Hasa could result in infection by al-wubd," the pestilence" (probably a reference to the endemic malaria that afflicted those areas until about the 1960s). The men around the campfire at Nimrat Ithnen that September evening were also discussing plans for their annual migration to the northern plains, where the autumn rains, al-wasml, usually came earliest (if they came at all). The wasml seldom arrived even in the north before the latter part of October, so there was plenty of time for preparations — overhauling the camel gear, resewing the seams of the black hair tents and purchasing supplies. Salim, one of the younger men, said he would move out by the time of the first possible wasml, firm news or not. He would act as the group's 'assds (pi. 'awdsls, a rain and pasturage scout) and get back word as soon as he had firm knowledge of any northern rains. The elder brothers, 'All and Faysal, remembering the hardships of the previous year when there was no wasml rain at all, said they would stay put until they had sure news. Their herd of 50 big majdhlm (sing. mijhim\ the strain of heavy, near-black camels known for their high milk production) could still make do with the remaining dry stubble of thmdm grass and occasional moves over to the saltbush grazing in the lowlands ten miles to the east. The womenfolk started getting the tents ready for the move north, making plans for a communal tent-sewing session to strengthen the seams that joined the faljdn (strips of tent material) into larger pieces. They also checked the poles and ropes so they could tell their husbands what needed buying in the Plate 5.2. Erecting the "house of hair." Young daughters of an A1 Murrah consultant pull on a guy rope while their mother drives a stake. 102 Thursday market at al-Hufuf. The wasm rains could come up north as early as late October if they were lucky, and by the middle of that month, with the rise of the Pleiades {aththrayyd) above the eastern horizon at evening prayers and the wasm season officially begun, they were eagerly questioning any travelers from the north. The Pleiades are always associated with the winter rain season and auspicious times by the Bedouins. Their rise at the time of evening prayers, about two hours after sunset, heralds the coming of the cool season, and their setting at that time in May marks the beginning of summer heat. A proverb of A1 Murrah says: ila [5/c] badat ath-thrayyd Vshd dawwir IVydlak ad-difd wa idha ghdbat ath-thrayyd i'shd dawwir Idhddik ar-rishd hidd ya rdT ash-shiydh If the Pleiades start their course at evening prayer, look for warm clothing for your family And if the Pleiades are setting at evening prayer, look for the well ropes for your camel herd Oh, herdsman, get the ewes in [and ready to be bred] Wasm rains in October or November bring special excitement and much praise of Providence among the Bedouins, as they are an essential (although not sufficient) condition for the fullest possible development of grazing vegetation. Additionally, they are considered essential for the growth of fag', the prized desert truffles collected by the Bedouins to eat themselves. After autumn rains, the desert annuals germinate but grow only a little. Their growth is then interrupted by low winter temperatures even though additional rain may, hopefully, fall in December and January. The warmer days of spring lead to rapid growth of both annuals and perennials, and if additional rain falls then to keep the ground moist, the annuals develop great density and stature. If there are no rains 103 until late winter or spring, the annuals are not able to grow to full size before they are withered by the quick rise of temperature in late spring and early summer. It was the first week in November, just after the first cold front moved in from the northwest bringing a temperature drop and the first real change in the weather. The group at Nimrat Ithnen was again at the evening coffee fire and well settled after the first three cups when Salim, having saved his words for best possible effect, said simply: "News from the north." All eyes turn. "What news?" "albarakah. 'uliim min Fesal. jdhum sel fil gra'ah" ("Blessings. News from Faysal. They've had heavy rain in the Qar'ah") "alhamd lilldh. waysh hafrathd?" ("Praise be to God. How deep is it?") "dhird', alhamd lilldh" ("Arm-deep, praise God"). The question "how deep is it" did not refer to a depth of standing or running water but to the depth of moisture in the ground. When rain falls on sand it percolates downward until a well defined front of wet sand reaches an equilibrium depth, a depth directly proportionate to the amount of rain that has fallen. i The standard Bedouin method of measuring and reporting a rainfall is to dig a hole straight down with one hand until the finger tips reach the front with dry sand. The depth is then reported (in terms of higher and higher marks on the hand and arm) as asdbV (to the base of the fingers), kaff {iht middle of the palm of the hand), mVsam (to the wrist), matld (to the place where a woman's bracelet is worn, about 8.5 cm above the wrist), dhird' (to the thick part of the ^ Cloudsley-Thompson and Chadwick (1964:23) state that the depth of such percolation in dry sand is "something in the order of eight times the immediate precipitation." This closely approximates my own experience. On 27 November 1967 I dug ten test holes in fairly flat, medium-textured sand terrain near Abqaiq (Buqayq), Saudi Arabia after four days of moderate, intermittent rains, the first of the season. The total precipitation gauged at Abqaiq by the Arabian American Oil Company was 0.51 inches. The depth of the moist-dry boundary ranged from three to six inches, apparently depending on local slope. Six of the ten measurements fell within the range 3.5-4.5 inches, and the average of all was 4.0. 104 arm), kursW (to the elbow), ma'dad (to the upper arm between elbow and shoulder) or even mankib (to the shoulder). As might be expected, the Bedouins also have a well developed terminology of rain types. The term sel, used above, means the flow of water in rivulets and runnels across the ground in amounts up to and including flash floods and indicates that rainfall was heavy enough to cause such effects. Rains are classified according to season, such as: wasml (of the wasm, autumn), shitwl (of the winter), and matar as-smdk (of spring, of the star sign, as-smdk). A light early rain in the fall is a da'th. According to intensity it may be a thinnlt (a drizzle), a rishshah (a sprinkle), a hamlah (heavier but without thunder), a mkhllah (thunderstorm cell), or a wadddn or wddish (a long, slow rain). A rain of restricted areal extent is a shakhat. The place where Salim reported the rain had fallen, in al-Qar'ah (literally, "the bald lands"), is a wide area up in the northern gravel plains where there are no perennial plants except for thinly scattered halam, a rough-textured dwarf shrublet seldom reaching 20 cm in height. The Qar'ah is not a favorite grazing ground. Firewood has to be carried in from other regions, and the dominant plant in spring is the coarse annual sam'd grass, the ripening heads of which have barbed awns that catch in the mouths of livestock. Nevertheless, the group at Nimrat Ithnen decides to move up there immediately. They will camp on the boundary between al-Qar'ah and the rimth saltbush country, along the old automobile track to Kuwait. They can use rimth for fuel, and the young sam'd and other annuals will soon provide some fresh grazing. Hopefully they will learn about other rains in areas with more productive vegetation. Three days later the families of Salim and 'All, having packed the tents and all belongings on several of the larger male camels, moved off to the northwest. The first day would be an easy one, and they'd stop after covering some 35 105 kilometers in the area called al-Habl. The camels would not need water for another two days and they could graze on what little was left of last year's thmdm grass. The women liked the area not only for the grazing but for the scattered 'abal shrubs that provided excellent, clean-burning firewood. Collecting fuel was one of their jobs. They did not put up the heavy, main goat hair tents. For this brief stop they'd use a light canvas fly over two poles. They covered nearly 50 kilometers the next day, still in al-Habl. The following day found them camping within the southeastern edge of the broad lowlands known as WadI al-Miyah ("Valley of the Waters," so-called although it was not a true wddl, or seasonal watercourse, because of its shallow water table with many brackish wells). This was the home territory of the 'Ujman tribe, but these were ancient kinsmen of Al Murrah and the traveling party made a point to call at tents for coffee and gain intelligence. These lowlands had rimth saltbush as the dominant shrub cover, and the rimth was now in November just passing its peak of flowering development. It provided excellent camel grazing as well as fair firewood, although it was still greenish and generated considerable smoke. The next day was a long one, again covering nearly 50 kilometers and putting them into the southwestern edge of the tract called ar-Rada'if. After rains this was prime grazing country in the spring, but the dominant 'arfaj shrublets were now only bundles of dry sticks. The camels would have to make do with bits of dried annuals left over from the previous season. In the campfire 'arfaj flames up like tinder and is useless as a long burning fuel, but it is good for starting dried camel dung that would soon be glowing like charcoal. The end of the next day put the party within sight of the desert village of Qaryat al-'Ulya, a settlement of the Mutayr tribe. 'All decided he would go in to the little market the following day seeking any news of rains. He took along his slugl hunting hound in hopes of starting a hare and carried his single-shot shotgun, hoping to spot an early bustard (hbdrd). The slugi, a slim, light-colored, greyhound-like hound, is part of many Bedouin households. It is swift enough to run down the desert hare {Lepus capensis). In Bedouin animal terminology the slugl is not classed as a dog (kalb), which in Arabia is considered a coarse and unclean animal good only for watchdog duty and never made a pet or taken into the tent. The salugl, however, is a hunting companion regarded with some affection by the family and is often found in and around the household precincts. The differences between a slugl and a dog is emphasized in the following rhyming couplet, used among Al Murrah to make fun of anything improperly mixed or impure: 106 lugi, lugi, mahu kalb wala slugi! lugi, lugi, it's not a dog and not a slugi! Eastern Arabia before about 1955 had larger game, including two species of gazelle and, in the Rub' al-Khall, the Arabian oryx {Oryx leucoryx). Hunting from motor cars with semi-automatic rifles soon drove them to virtual extinction. The hbdrd (houbara bustard, Chlamydotis undulata) is the prime feathered quarry, often hunted with falcons. It is a migratory species, arriving in Arabia in the fall for the winter season. Everyone in the market knew of the rains in al-Qar'ah, now only 50 kilometers away, but so far there had been nothing else. The two families reached the edge of the gravel plains late the following day. The next moming, their having passed the ridge of al-Warfah and the deep wells of Khubayra', 'All decided to check one of his favorite spots for hunting fag', the desert truffle. There would be none to find at this time of year, but he could check for soil moisture. If it had rained here he knew it would be worthwhile looking again in the spring; if not, it wouldn't be worth the trouble. He smiled as he dug into the gritty earth. It had, indeed, rained, and pretty hard. He had told the family not to divulge the location to outsiders. By late afternoon they had found Faysal's tent, north of the oil pipeline road. The families greeted each other in standard A1 Murrah fashion, putting their hands on each other's shoulders and with faint smiles, gently touching noses three times and asking many times over: "How are you? How are the herds"? The new arrivals pitched their tents near Faysal's and gathered to discuss the water situation. Was the standpipe very crowded? In the cooling days of autumn, camels can go for several days without watering, but they must drink occasionally, and the families would need their own tent supply. The few hand-dug wells on the northern plains are very deep, and much work would be required to draw enough for the herd. The A1 Murrah group had therefore decided to water at the pipeline motor pump and trough, some three hours' ride to the south of their location. 107 Salim's family had two kinds of water bags that could be carried on camels. One was the traditional girbah, a goatskin bag made of a whole hide with the legs and other openings tied shut with thongs. When full of water, the leather would sweat continuously, keeping the contents cool by evaporation. The other containers were made of the inner tubes of large truck tires, cut into halves and the ends tied off. The water in these tubes got hot in the sun, but they were less prone to loss by evaporation or leaks. Salim's family experienced an emergency midway into their first week at the new camp site. Miznah, their 12-year-old daughter, had been bitten by a hayyah, or sand viper, while walking barefoot behind the tent after dark. Salim was worried, as Miznah was in considerable pain and such bites could, he knew, become infected and go bad. The next morning Miznah's mother walked about a mile to a shallow runnel where some sparse bushes grew to get some leaves of ramrdm, a traditional snakebite remedy to be used as a poultice. She was back an hour later and immediately mashed up the rough-haired, slightly succulent leaves and tied them over Miznah's wound. Miznah said she thought it felt better then, but Salim said he would take her on camelback down to the pipeline road, where they could catch a ride to the oil company clinic. As it turned out, Salim and Miznah did not return for another week as they had been sent on to the company hospital in Dhahran, where some minor surgery was required. The common sand viper of eastern Arabia, Cerastes cerastes, is responsible for virtually all cases of snakebite in the region. It is the Old World analog of the American sidewinder, which it closely resembles in size and habits. It injects rather small amounts of venom, and its bite is seldom life-threatening except to small children. The only other dangerous snake of the area is the black, hoodless cobra, Walterinessia aegyptia, called the yaym, sometimes believed to have the power of flying like a bird. Fortunately, it is extremely rare. By the time the coldest weather arrives in December, snakes are no longer abroad at night and pose little danger. 108 Meanwhile, the grazing was not going very well. The camels were nibbling off the thin haze of green as fast as it grew, and Salim knew that when the really cold winds came in a few weeks, growth of the annual plants would all but cease until early spring. The stock was not losing weight any more, but neither was it gaining. Finally in December, with the Bedouin season of shita beginning, came some good news. Heavy rains had fallen in the heavy sand belt of the Dahna', some 185 kilometers to the southwest. Water was hard to come by in that area, but large, long-lasting rain pools, khbdrl (sing, khabrd), had formed in the rocky Summan country bordering the sand on the east. Salim and Faysal talked together and with their wives about this new opportunity. Crossing the rocky Summan to the Dahna' would be a rough trip in the cold weather. When they got there they could expect no new plant growth until early spring. But when it did come up, they knew, it would be really lush. Better to stake out a good area for their herds now rather than wait for the huge influx of tents that was sure to come in spring. The families did not discuss it, but in the back of their minds they were also thinking of the comfortable sand country. The lower, more stabilized dunes of the Dahna would provide good 'abal firewood for the coldest days yet to come. The camels could winter-graze on dry standing sabat grass on the stabilized dunes and on the dry nusl grass on the gravely strips between the linear sand forms. A week later the two families had packed the baggage camels and moved off westward. Tribes that spend much of their time in the great sand bodies of Arabia, such as A1 Murrah, al-'Awamir and al-Manahll, always prefer traveling and camping in sand country rather than on rocky or otherwise hard ground. In the more arid regions the sands generally provide the best grazing vegetation, and they are considered soft, "comfortable," and "clean." Camels raised in sand country, for which their feet are specially adapted (Plate 6.7), may go lame with tender feet if suddenly forced to work on rocky ground. A sand area in the most general sense is called a ramlah, but a general term for "dune" hardly exists in Bedouin speech, which prefers more specific nomenclature. The barchan (the crescent shaped dune that marches downwind alone or in groups with a steep, cascading slip face in its mouth) is a ti's (pi. ti'us). The rounded dome or whaleback without slip face is a zbdrah (pi. zbdyir). Linear dune forms are known as Hrug (sing. 109 Hrg), a word that means literally "vein" or "nerve." The "sandstorms" beloved of Hollywood Saharan scenes seldom pose problems to Bedouin camp life in the sands; even quite strong winds in fact lift the grains only a foot or so above the streamlined dune surfaces. On the other hand, one does avoid pitching a tent immediately in the wind shadow of dune slip face, as only moderate breezes will lead to an irritating rain of fine grit from the upper lip, and the slip face itself can move forward toward the tent. All things considered, our two A1 Murrah families were looking forward with keen anticipation to setting foot again in the sandy comfort of the Dahna', named for the reddish color of its fine, iron-oxide coated grains. The group moved off to the west the following mid-morning, driving the camels ahead across the smoothed pebbles and cobbles of the Dibdibah. They headed back toward the country of the Mutayr tribe, whose deep wells at alLisafah, within the eastern edge of the Summan, would provide the last fill of the water skins before before they set off across the dry, limestone plateau. It would be a job raising enough water, as the wells are over 200 feet deep. They reached al-Lisafah on the third day and were glad to find the wells deserted; they would not have to wait for their turn. They spent the following morning raising water by hitching camels to the long well ropes over pulleys, driving them down the big mound of dung around the well mouths and out on the straight runways worn by long use, until the leathern buckets finally reached the surface. After camping for the night at the wells, they were off to the west the next midmoming. Their trip to the edge of the Dahna' sands would take the most of five days at a fairly easy pace. Their route would parallel the ancient track leading from al-Lihabah to the wells of al-Qa'Iyah beyond the Dahna' in Najd, but keeping north of that trail. Their track was seldom a straight line, as they preferred to keep as much as possible to the silt basins that dot the Summan, with their softer and more vegetated floors, avoiding the barren and hard limestone ridges as much as possible. There was much excitement when, on the afternoon of the fourth day, they sighted ahead of them, from the top of a rise, what appeared to be a desert lake hundreds of meters across. They had reached the first of the khbdrl, or rainpools, that had been reported in this area. The water was fresh, cool and clean, and the two families decided immediately to camp for the night near its edge. In the morning all took advantage of the chance for a fresh wash, the men and boys going to one corner of the pond, the women and girls to another some distance away. They also topped off their 110 water skins, although it was slow work skimming these shallows with buckets. Two containers were filled with rainwater only; they would provide the extrasweet water preferred for brewing tea and coffee. Rain pools can be important water sources in Arabia's northern plains, where wells are few but where rainwater can stand for weeks or even months on rock or clay-floored natural basins. The water in such pools is usually quite fresh although its quality diminishes over weeks as it is fouled by drinking livestock and human use for washing. The locations of rain pools are a function of local topography and of course require the presence of a relatively impervious stratum at or near the surface. Despite their existence for only a fraction of the year, many of these pool sites have developed populations of small crustaceans (I have seen at least two genera, including Triops) that hatch from drought-resistant eggs in a matter of hours after soaking by rain and that grow rapidly to adult form within a few days or weeks to complete their life cycles. It was not long after noon prayer the following day that Miznah's young eyes had spied the faint reddish line on the western horizon. "I think I see the sand," she said. The younger children had been asking for hours now, "Are we there yet?" "How much farther?". Salim turned his camel toward slightly higher ground and unwrapped the cloth from a battered pair of binoculars. "It's Hreg ad-dhul. We should get there by sunset." The Dahna' is a curving sand belt that forms a natural boundary between the eastern lands sloping very gradually down to the Gulf and the inland plateau called Najd. It looks narrow on the map but has its own internal structure: a parallel series of some seven Hrug, or linear sand ridges, each with its own name. What Salim called 'ireg ad-dhul was the easternmost of these ridges, called "little sand ridge of the dhul." Dhul (sing. dahl) means "sink holes," which are well-known features of the limestone Summan country on the eastern edge of the Dahna'. They are narrow openings or natural shafts in Ill the hmestone, going down sometimes tens of meters and usually with horizontal passages. Lying as they do in low spots of the rocky surface, they tend to collect rainwater. These water sources are usually used by the Bedouins only in special need, as the usual well bucket and rope cannot be used from the surface in these contorted shafts. Using them involves a dangerous climb down with a bucket into the dark interior of the sink and sometimes crawling for a hundred meters or more along pitch-black horizontal passages to reach the end-pool. The families put up only a tarp for the night when they camped just inside the edge of the sand. 'All, kneeling in the sand, had already dug a test hole to check the local rainfall and had found it very satisfactory. In the morning Salim and 'All moved off alone on camels to scout the surrounding country. They were back by noon, having found a good spot behind the second ridge for their first camping place. The women smiled when they got there to see the hefty bases of large 'abal bushes that would make good firewood. They would be needing a great deal of fuel in the coming weeks, which might at times bring frost. Bedouins, especially those from the south such as Al Murrah, say they suffer more from the cold of winter than the heat of summer. Farther north, on the high plateau lands ranged by northern tribes like the Ruwalah and Shammar, even sleet and brief snowfall are not unknown. Winter dress usually includes the farwah, a heavy sheepskin coat with the fleece inward, and the boots known as zarbiil (pi. zardbTT), made by craftsmen in the oases such as al-Hasa. These have leather soles and partial uppers, with coarsely woven camel hair tops about 20 cm high. A family, however, seldom has enough of this winter gear for all its members, and some may have to go barefoot and with thin cloaks through the cold season. The two-family encampment got down to a quiet routine for the following cold weeks, with the camels grazing on the dry tops of grasses poking out of the 112 sands and running along the edges of the inter-dune flats. The only excitement came in mid-January, when a convoy of oil company vehicles worked its way along the eastern edge of the sands, stopping from time to time to send up showers of earth with explosives placed in drill holes. Miznah asked her father what that was, and Salim replied that they were Americans looking for oil. They put bombs of denamlt in holes and blew them up. This made the oil deep down in the ground shake, and when it shook they could see it with a special kind of darbil (binoculars). His explanation would not make the grade in Geophysics 101 but it served his purpose well enough. When the trucks had left he walked over to the seismic line with the children. They marveled at the size of one pair of footprints. Workmen had put pipes with welded numbers at long intervals along the line and between them were little wooden stakes with red flags. The word had gone out from the Amir of the Province that no one was to touch those markers, but the family group picked up lengths of insulated electrical wire abandoned by the shot crew. It was useful for mending broken saddle frames and sewing leather goods. There were also some nice tin cans with tight lids, good for storing sugar and tea. After supper, both families gathered around a fire at one tent. A pile of 'abal firewood helped to break the cold shamdl wind. The grownups drank coffee and everyone had hot tea with milk. Miznah's little brother begged his father to tell the story about how sa'd (Orion) had fought al-gamar (the moon) over who would get to marry ath-threyyd (the Pleiades). He had heard the story the first time last year and he never tired of it, especially the part about how Orion had his head cut off and how the moon got a black eye in the fight. If the moon was up and anywhere near full at story time, he would run outside the tent and look for the black eye on the moon, which was still there for anyone to see. His older brother preferred stories about Ghehaban, a hero of A1 Murrah who rose from obscurity to lead his tribe. One of the stories ended with a poem that the children didn't fully understand. Salim explained the meaning of the words. Once, when the weather was still cold, the wind changed and came from the southeast and clouds began to build up in a warm spell. It rained for half a day, not very hard but a nice slow soaker. Then it got cold again. The campfire stories mentioned here are only brief examples of the rich oral literature that have always been a feature of Bedouin culture. I was told the story of the battle between Orion and the moon by a consultant of A1 Murrah. There are doubtless many other such star tales yet to be recorded. Ingham (1997:101-111) transcribed and translated two Ghehaban tales as examples of Marri speech. The sands didn't begin to change until almost the end of February, when the days began to warm a bit. But then things happened fast, almost like magic. Patches of lawn-like greenery sprouted along the lower banks of their sand ridge as the annual plants pushed upward. Many patches seemed to be all the same thing: ribl, the Plantago whose narrow leaves were already showing their covering of fine downy hairs. Other areas had different plants mixed in, not yet recognizable to the average school botanist but which 'All could name immediately: ghrerd, smemah, siffar, tarbah, gahwlydn and hurbuth. The camels nibbled off these seedlings as fast as they appeared immediately around the tent and out along their usual daily grazing places, but 'All knew there would be plenty to last the spring within a few hours' walking time. By midMarch most of the annuals were in flower, and the sweet perfume of the khzdmd blossoms was scenting the milking bowls, which now seemed to be inexhaustible. Some of the flowering plants bore bright crimson, spider-like creatures, umm al-matar ("mother of the rain"), the giant velvet mites that seemed to hatch only in times of plenty. The two families could not use all the milk, even after the 25 newborn camel calves had all they needed. The women and older girls worked together to make igt, the dried sour milk cakes that could be kept and nibbled throughout the coming year. Miznah took her little brothers out to collect salad plants: the sour but refreshing reddish leaves of the wild dock, hambasls, and the peppery leaves of a yellow-flowered crucifer, siffdr, which they brought back in handfuls to the tent. Indeed, everything seemed to be going well. The nights were no longer so cold, the days were balmy, and the rising voice of umm sdlim, the lark, could be heard in his spiraling spring courtship display. Other Bedouin groups had moved in to the greenery of the sands now, many of Mutayr, even some shawdyd, sheep-herding groups from southern Iraq with donkeys instead of camels. They kept their distance from the A1 Murrah early birds, however, and there was no bickering beyond a bit of campfire muttering. The camping place was moved twice as the spring season progressed, each time to areas with less grazing pressure and farther from other tents. There was another rain in mid-March as a squall line moved over the Dahna. It lasted only half an hour, but it came down in buckets with lightning and thunder nearby. Some of the rain pools out on the limestone were replenished, even doubling in size, while others, outside of the rain spots, got nothing and continued to shrink. The Bedouin families made periodic trips out to the pools, mainly to bring in water for tea and coffee making. The camels needed no water at all while grazing on the now-lush annuals, and the families were drinking mainly milk, not water. 'All had not forgotten his truffle ground back in the Dibdibah. If he waited until the families' return trip at the end of spring, the fag' would be tough and dried out, and somebody else might have found the spot. He'd better 114 Plate 5.3. Sister and brother of the A1 Murrah tribe return to the tent with handfuls of the cruciferous annual, siffar {Schimpera arabica) to be eaten as salad greens. 115 make a quick trip over there now. He was off before dawn one morning with two of the older boys, all on their best riding camels. This would be a good lesson, he thought, for the lads, this fast travel without the whole household coming along. They reached the spot at sunset, after two long days and part of one night in the saddle, covering 150 kilometers. No one else seemed to have been there, and in the morning they walked slowly through the spring growth of ragrug and umm as-swegah, knowing that the truffles would be found only where those plants grew. They looked for the tell-tale cracks in the slowly drying earth, often with little humps that marked the hiding places of the swelling fungus. They found some almost immediately and were happy to discover they were in good time; they hadn't yet hardened or dried out. They worked all morning in the hunt, and by the time they were finding no more they had two saddle bags full of the earthy-smelling truffles, many of them of the large zbedX variety as big as their fists. Both households were out to greet them when they finally got back to the tents, exhausted but proud of their trophies. They poured out the truffles on a tent mat amid oohs and aahs, and several handfuls were selected immediately for fireplace roasting that evening. Such are the delights of the Bedouin rabV, that rare, brief outpouring of desert productivity that usually happens only at intervals of several years when the rains are not only plentiful but come with good timing. As often as not, there may be only one rainfall in a given area. This may not be great enough for the germination of annual plants at all. Or the 'ishb may spring up from one rain but then go thirsty. Then, as in the advertising understatement, "some restrictions may apply." As the still-tiny plants sense a continued lack of water they may struggle into bloom when only a centimeter or so high, with hardly any leaf, and from these depauperate flowers produce a few seeds for the next year when conditions might (or might not) be better. When chance brings repeated rains at intervals of several weeks, however, the annuals can reach full development, blooming with profuse greenery in luxuriant meadows that nourish all animal life in the desert as well as Bedouin livestock. 116 By late April, however, the annuals had finished flowering and were beginning to dry up. By early May the days were becoming hot, and the camels had to be taken again out to the rain pools, many of which were now reduced to cracking mud spots. Miznah's nine-year-old brother Hamad had been watching the dubbdn, the big, spiny-tailed lizards that had their burrows down on the flats between the sand ridges. Now that the days were warmer they tended to be less skittish, lying out in the sun farther from their holes around midday, becoming bright yellow in color. Hamad found that he could carefully creep up on them almost to within catching range, and one morning he came back to the tent triumphantly carrying a fat-bodied dabb almost half a meter long. He knew they were good to eat and asked his father if he, since he had "hunted" it, could slaughter it himself and have the meat for supper. Salim smiled and said yes, but that he should share it with his brothers and sisters. Later, before supper time, Hamad took the dabb off to one side of the tent. He gravely recited the blessing formula, bismallah ar-rahman ar-rahlm, "in the name of God the Compassionate, the Merciful," just as he had seen his father do while killing the lamb for their Id feast a few months ago, and quickly dispatched his quarry in the correct fashion, using a small knife. Curious about the distended stomach he found inside he cut it open to see what was within. He was amazed at all the 'ishb that was still recognizable. "Look, bdbd, see all the plants; khzdmd, hurbuth, sa'ddn, and ribl". Salim explained that that was why the dabb was good to eat — because it ate only plants just as a sheep or a camel does, while the waral (the desert monitor lizard ~ the other large lizard of these habitats) was not edible because it ate animals including poisonous snakes. In 1964 I took six specimens of dabb (Uromastyx aegyptius microlepis Blanford) and reported 8 species of plants from stomach contents (Mandaville 1965b). The tails and hind legs of two specimens were roasted and the flesh found tasty if somewhat fibrous and stringy. There was no "gamy flavor," and the meat seemed more like lamb than the chicken or fish to which it has been compared. Toward the end of May, all the annual plants had turned to brown. Our nowhappy families, having seen the Pleiades setting at evening prayers, knew it was time to begin the move back toward their summer home, the sandy downs of Nimrat Ithnen. They would move slowly, having now a group of mother camels with calves that might have trouble keeping up with the herd, and they 117 would use a route heading back in the general direction of Qaryat al-'Ulya, which lies in the midst of excellent 'arfaj grazing. The female camel generally calves only every two years, so about 50 percent of a herd of females will drop young in any given year. The gestation period is roughly 12 months. The young are generally weaned by 12 months or less. Wilson (1984: 97-99) provides useful data on conception and reproductive rates. Although annual grazing plants are generally dead and gone by the end of May, some of the perennials continue to thrive, with flowers and providing green forage, well into June. The yellow-flowered composite shrublet, 'arfaj {Rhanterium epapposum), is one of these later bloomers. Several important grazing grasses, including nusi {Stipagrostis plumosa), also fall into this group. The party moved off slowly the following midmorning, stopping to top off their water bags with the rather muddy remnants of the last rain pool on the rocky Summan beyond the edge of the sands. 'All took the lead on a course a bit north of due east, with all looking forward to the rich 'arfaj grazing that they would reach in about six days. On the way they hoped to water again at the deep wells of al-Lihabah before the Mutayr tribe was setded in for the coming summer, filling the broad hollow with hundreds of tents and causing delays at the well mouths. In this they were successful, and they soon found themselves crossing altemating stretches of 'arfaj shrublets and rimth saltbush. The camels were choosing to spend more time on the rimth after their long winter and spring salt-fast, although that bush was just beginning to revive from its winter dormancy. They enjoyed even richer saltbush fare three days later as they moved across the upper part of Wadi al-Miyah and its scattered saline flats. A strong shamdl wind came up out of the north-northwest, and increasing dust in the air reduced visibility. This was not unexpected; it happened every year. The strong northerly winds of early summer are a usual feature of eastern Arabia as a regional low pressure establishes itself over central Asia with counter-clockwise 118 circulation over the Gulf and its Arabian hinterland. These "shamals" can blow for days or weeks on end (traditionally it is a 40-day event), leading to dusty skies and gritty conditions for both the Bedouins and townsfolk. Uncomfortable as it may be, it is considered preferable to the doldrum days that follow in mid and late summer, when winds fail completely or are replaced by southeasterly breezes off the southern Gulf. Oppressive humidity then creeps in and hangs over the Gulf coast for its infamous later summer period that, particularly for those without modem air-conditioning, is a strengthsapping and debilitating time. Our families' camping place at Nimrat Ithnen is far enough inland to escape the worst of the late summer humidity, but it can still be very uncomfortable there from August to October. From WadI al-Miyah it was on to the southeast, with the wind on their backs, into the tract known as ar-Rada'if, with its low rounded hills amid dense stands of 'arfaj still blooming in yellow. Ar-Rada'if was crowded with other tents. The excellent grazing was sufficient for all, although good firewood was in short supply. 'All cautioned the children to be careful, as desert animal life was now at its peak, and the sand viper and the scorpion were again abroad at night as well as the early and late daytime hours. The two families continued to move their light camps every day, but only short distances, taking a full week to work their way through ar-Rada'if. On the eighth day they smiled to find before them a wide sandy tract where 'arfaj was supplanted by extensive stands of shrubby thmdm grass and scattered 'abal bushes, now with their hanging, fringed, red or yellow fruits, like Christmas tree decorations (of which our travelers had never heard). This marked the northern edge of al-Habl, the familiar summer grazing ground adjoining their summer camp site at Nimrat Ithnen. Three days later they were busy putting up their main tents again, with backs to the continuing wind, within easy reach of the now-familiar camel trough. It was not their tent site of the previous year, but another spot nearby where the sand was fresh and clean and a slight elevation gave a good view of the nearby countryside. Everyone had a good wash with the plentiful, naturally warm, deep well water. Except for the camel mothers with new calves, the herd would soon be given new freedom. 119 It is not unusual, in Bedouin practice, particularly with a herd that knows a particular area as "home," for the camels to be left largely unsupervised during the summer encampment. They wander the countryside on their own, never straying to great distance from the home well, coming in by themselves every two days or so for watering. The end of summer may thus require something of a "fall roundup," bringing the herd back together and under control, preparatory to the supervised move out again for the next season's winter and spring rounds of grazing. One of the first things Miznah's mother did after the tent was set up for the summer was to visit her own mother and father, who were only about half a kilometer away. Her father and her husband's father were brothers. When she returned before evening she was carrying a heavy bundle. It was her hand loom, which she had left in safekeeping. On it, now rolled for easier carrying, was a half-finished strip of work that would become part of a new tent divider. She had told Miznah that she could start her own sdhah this summer, and she had brought along a smaller loom for that project, which would involve a great deal of mother-daughter instruction. Such projects would help fill the long summer hours until things became busier again with next season's move in the fall. First cousin marriages are common in Arabia, in fact are formally considered the norm. In practice it is far from an iron-clad rule, although frequent Bedouin marriages within the clan help maintain tribal solidarity. It also means that near relatives will often travel together and enhances family contacts and ties in the summer encampment. The hand loom used by this family was of the usual Bedouin horizontal type, with the warp stretched between wooden poles staked at each end in the sand in front of the family part of the tent, sometimes with the working end under the tent roof edge to provide shade for the weaver. The product is a truly woven piece, not the knotted type of carpeting 120 produced by some tribes in Iran. It can be a sdhah, a rug-like ground mat, or several strips that are joined together to form a tent divider. Narrower strips are produced to reinforce and decorate parts of the tent. A typical sdhah is some 250 cm long by 120 cm wide, made of two 60-cm wide strips sewn together lengthwise. The pattern, almost invariably geometric and of traditional designs passed down in the families, often involves three or four colors, such as black, brown, white or off-white, and red. A skilled weaver produces work of almost machine-like neatness, giving careful attention to the tightness of the weft and using, traditionally, the hooked horn of a gazelle to pull up the threads when required-^ I was told that vegetable dyes were once used for yarns, but examples I saw were chemically colored with market-bought imported dyes. All family members looked forward to the more frequent summer visits to the oasis town of al-Hufuf, with its colonnaded and shaded market stalls. Salim and 'All often encountered old friends there, and Miznah's mother hoped to get spousal approval to spend a few days at the open-air women's market, at the south end of the covered area, where she could sell some of this season's igt production and some excess balls of black wool yarn spun by her and the girls over the past few months. The pin money could be used for trinkets. This was also her favorite place to buy the few herbal remedies she kept in her personal chest in the tent. The sellers, she knew, were not "real doctors," but they always seemed to understand the symptoms she described. 'All planned to visit the camel market of al-Hufuf to sell some of the remaining young male camels of the previous season, now more than a year old. Miznah's little brother, during his first visit to the oasis, marveled at the thick forests of date palms, which looked cool but a bit spooky compared to the open desert where he was growing up. We leave our Bedouin friends here, with the herds still in near-peak condition and the camels grown in number — the best possible beginning for the coming hard times of mid- ^ Such a tool has become in short supply since the near-extinction of the desert gazelle by the 1960s. They were still in use as hand-me-downs, however, and I was given an example by one Bedouin family. 121 and late summer when forage around Nimrat Ithnen will diminish to slim pickings. The livestock will again lose weight. The hot weather will bring discomforts but also welcome social occasions, as fellow clan members visit tents pitched close together. All know that nearly three months will have to pass before they can again look to the south for the rise of sihel and the making of plans for another round of desert grazing. 122 6. PLANT USES 6.1. Plants for Grazing For the Bedouins of Arabia the quest for wild plants as livestock forage, defining as it does their very subsistence mode and ruling virtually all aspects of their annual cycle of movements and activities, obviously constitutes their most important use of desert plant life. During my data gathering 1 did not follow grazing field activities per se at length or in great detail but had occasions for field observations of many aspects of grazing practice. These, in general, confirmed descriptions of other observers (Musil 1928a; Cole 1975; Lancaster and Lancaster 1999). My consultants classified their livestock in the following manner: ghanam (sheep and goats) ibil (camels) dan (sheep) ma'az (goats) dibash (all ruminant livestock) V. J Fig. 6.1. Bedouin classification of livestock. Bedouins that I worked with represented primarily camel herding groups. A few of them kept some sheep and goats when camped for longer periods near Dhahran for part-time 123 employment, while relatives in the hinterland cared for their camels. The favored breed of sheep in Eastern Saudi Arabia is the all-black, fat-tailed 'arablyah (pi. 'urb), which was said to provide the best wool for tents and cloaks as well as milk for household use. It has a reputation for requiring less attention as it tends to wander less than other breeds. More common in commerce as a meat animal, even in the east, was the najdlyah (pi. najad), black with white face, with less fat in the tail and with thinner wool. Another breed, the light-colored 'usTyah (pi. 'awasa) of southern Iraq, was seldom seen except in the far northern reaches near the Iraq border. Goats were of a long-eared variety with the straight black hair favored, along with wool, for use in the weaving of tent material. Such small household flocks of sheep and goats that I saw around the tents of some of my consultants were cared for largely by the children of the family under the direction of the mistress of the household. The area of their grazing was generally around the main camp area and seldom beyond sight range of the tent. Camels (dromedaries; the single-humped species), however, were by far the most important Bedouin grazing animal among my consultant groups. 6.1.1. The Camel Sprenger (1891:361) called the Bedouin "a parasite of the camel," although a biologist today would no doubt prefer to describe the relationship as one of mutualism or symbiosis. Given the significance of the camel in the Bedouin economy and in many aspects of everyday life, one is tempted to postulate a Bedouin "camel complex" parallel to the African cattle complex of Herskovits (1926). Herskovits himself (ibid.: 644-649) suggested that the camel among some African groups outside the cattle regions carried some of the cultural attributes of the cow in his complex area. Possible earlier ritual 124 Plate 6.1. Camels watering at a drilled well along the Trans-Arabian Pipeline, northern Saudi Arabia. 125 aspects of a camel-based culture in Arabia have probably been suppressed by the overriding strictures of conservative Islam. I found numerous ceramic camel figurines among surface artifacts at the Hellenistic-Sassanian period archeological site at Thaj in the Eastem Province of Saudi Arabia (Mandaville 1963:13). Musil (1928a:245), writing of the early twentieth century when northern Arabia was much less influenced by orthodox Islam than today, describes circumcision customs among the Ruwalah that involved the slaughter of a camel. Today camels, among other livestock, are still slaughtered annually on the occasion of Td al-Adha' as part of the annual Muslim pilgrimage ceremonies. A consultant of the Al Rashid tribe told me that among his group, of the southern Rub' alKhall, a camel is slaughtered at a funeral feast by the relatives of the deceased and that a male camel calf is often killed for a feast at the birth of a boy. Camel breeds and varieties in Arabia vary as much as horse breeds do in Western countries, ranging from coarse baggage types to high milk-yielding breeds and the finefeatured, thoroughbred riding animals called 'umdnTydt because they originated largely in the region of Oman or its hinterland in southeastern Arabia. The most common type in the herds of my consultant groups were the all-black or dark brown animals called mjdhim (sing, majham). The name is basically a color term meaning "black," but it also identifies a recognized breed well known for its high milk production. Every tribesman knows the names of individual famous camels, and a number of tribal groups or families maintain special herds known by name throughout the country. The Mutayr tribe of our north-central area kept a famous herd of black camels known as ash-shurf, or "the noble ones," until they were confiscated by King Ibn Sa'ud as a penalty for their rebellion against the royal family. The brother of one of my Al Murrah consultants had in the early 1960s been appointed keeper of the renowned herd of thoroughbred riding and racing camels belonging to the Govemor of the Eastem Province, a member of the royal family. 126 This prize collection of animals, called al-mingiyah, "the selected ones," was the cream of the Governor's large herds and carried, in addition to his family brand, a special brand of two circles on the side of their necks. The possession of camels remains a mark of high prestige, and wealthier individuals often keep herds of hundreds, far beyond subsistence requirements. Camels, usually, are slaughtered only on special occasions and those are almost invariably young male animals. There is some random slaughter or selling, also, of male calves to save milk for household use and to maintain the high female-to-male ratio favored for Bedouin herds. Camels were still being used for transport, both to carry goods and for tribal household movements, at the time of my earlier data collection in the 1960s. Such use has since been almost entirely displaced by motor vehicles. There was formerly also a large export trade in camels, carried out by members of the merchant gild known as al-Hgel, from northern and central Arabia to Syria and Egypt. According to an elder Shammari consultant, the purchased herds were taken through Damascus or Palestine for resale to Egypt. By the time of the Arab-Israeli war in 1948 the markets were closed off, and by about 1955 the Kingdom had become a net importer of camels. Before intertribal conflicts were suppressed by the Saudi regime in the 1930s, thoroughbred riding camels were also an essential tool in long-distance raiding. There is still interest in high-bred animals for the sport of camel racing, which continues to be popular in Saudi Arabia and other Arab states of the Persian Gulf region. hi the main, however, it is for milk that the Bedouins keep camels, and camel milk has always been the traditional staple of their nutrition. The milk is used fresh, when it is termed halib, or soured for longer keeping in the form called laban. Laban is made by pouring the fresh milk into a sheep or goatskin bag kept for the purpose and which maintains the inoculant required for controlled souring. Some plants on which camels 127 graze tend to scent or flavor their milk. I found that the highly fragrant cruciferous annual khzamah (Horwoodia dicksoniae) lent a discernible perfume to the milk of camels grazing on it among spring annuals. The dune land perennial 'adhir {Artemisia monosperma) is said also to lend a slight aromatic quality to milk. The milk of camels grazing on saltbushes seems to develop a slight flavor reminiscent of the smell of crushed chenopods. A Hajiri consultant advised that camels are fond of the thistle Centaurea pseudosinaica but that this plant taints the milk with bitterness (the plant's vernacular name, mrdr, is derived from the word for "bitter," murr). According to a Marri Bedouin, a plant called khimkhim gives the strongest scent, "not very good," to camels' breath and milk. I was not at the time able to identify the species botanically with certainty, but there are good reasons to think it refers to the crucifer Matthiola longipetala and the very similar M. arabica (see entry shgdrah in the generic list, Chapter 10). The only other milk processing method used is the preparation of igt, which is made by boiling soured milk until the water content is almost entirely evaporated and it thickens into a heavy paste. It is then formed by hand into flat-bottomed cakes 8-10 cm in diameter and about 1.5 cm thick, each bearing across the top three parallel grooves made by the longitudinal pressure of the fingers of the maker. These cakes are dried in the sun, sometimes laid out on top of the tent roof, until they harden. They will then keep up to a year and can be nibbled as they are or crushed up with water to form a sort of reconstituted milk. Wild plant materials are sometimes added to the igt during preparation (section 6.3.7). Camel milk is low in separable fat, but a form of butter called jbdb, generally considered inferior to that from sheep or goat milk, is sometimes made from it. A greasy oil called widak can be rendered from the camel's hump on the rare occasions that the animals are slaughtered. This can be used in food or for application to leather as a softener and preservative. 128 Other camel products include the hair (generally called wabar, "fur") and leather from the hides. Camel hair, along with goat hair and wool, is used in making siydh (sing. sdhah), the decorative woven rugs made by the women, and for the woven divider curtains (anvigah) of the tent. Camel hair is considered to be too weak for making the roof and main side curtains of the tent, and goat hair is used for those parts. Camel leather, now generally made by craftsmen in the towns from purchased hides, is used to make the large bags called 'iydb (sing, 'aybah) for carrying family property when on the move. It is also used in making the portable troughs (hod, pi. hlddn) used in watering livestock, the leather bucket {dalii, pi. dali) used in drawing water from wells, and for a kind of skin bag for water called mzddah (pi. mzdd), larger than the more common type made from goat skins. Camel dungjallah, is collected when dry and used for cooking fuel when the family is camping in country with little perennial vegetation or in areas where shrublets have weak, fast burning stems that do not form good coals. Dried jallah is also pounded up into a powder and used to make diaper packs for babies (Dickson 1951:179). Camel urine (that from the females is always preferred) may be caught in bowls and used as a hair wash said to make the hair shiny and rid the scalp of vermin. I once saw one of my consultants run up behind one of his female camels and catch a double handful of fresh urine which he used as an immediate mouthwash, saying this was good "to make the mouth clean." Camel urine was also used to bathe new-bom infants (Musil 1928a:243). In dire emergency, when a Bedouin finds himself with empty water bags and in danger of dying of thirst, he may sacrifice a camel and drink the semi-liquid contents of its rumen after filtering through cloth. A consultant of the Qahtan tribe told me that it is also possible to induce a camel to vomit the contents of its rumen and thus obtain liquid without killing the animal. 129 The physiology of the camel is remarkable in several ways. Its power to go long periods without drinking is due not to any special ability to store excess water in the body but rather to economy in its use. The camel sweats less than other ruminants and thus expends less water for cooling. It can do this by virtue of its tolerance for high body temperature. Schmidt-Nielsen (1964) found that the camel's body temperature goes through wide diurnal swings, rising as high as 40.7" C during the day and falling to 34° to 35° C during the night as the previous day's heat load is shed to the cooler environment. The camel can also tolerate great water loss, to at least 27 percent of its body weight, while 12-14 percent loss is fatal for most other mammals (ibid.). The camel's kidney can produce urine considerably more concentrated than sea water (ibid.), and it thus can drink water of high salinity. I have notes of camels in the Rub' al-Khali drinking readily from an oil company-drilled water well with a measured total dissolved solids of 10,900 mg/1. I have also seen camels drinking sea water on the Persian Gulf coast near Dammam, where the salinity was at least 38 and probably above 40 per mille [40,000 mg/1] (Basson et al. 1977). This faculty is extremely valuable to the Bedouins, who are able to drink the milk of their camels even when traveling in country where the wells are far too saline for human use. The lactating camel thus becomes the equivalent of a walking and self-fueling deionization apparatus. Camel milk may also be mixed with well water of salinity above human tolerance to make a mixture called shamn, in which the salts are diluted to a drinkable level. The drinking volume requirements of the camel range between wide extremes. In the hottest season of the year, she must be watered at least every 2-4 days. On the other hand, when good spring rains have come and the desert is covered with lush annual vegetation, she can go entirely without drinking for weeks or even two months, deriving all her water needs from the fresh herbage. This latter situation is call the jazu, and 130 camels going thus without free water are said to be majziyah. Under such conditions the grazing ranges of camels are greatly extended, often into areas entirely without sources of free water. There appears to be no evidence that the nutritional requirements of camels are much different from those of other animals, with the exception of one important mineral: camels require between 6 and 8 times the amount of common salt considered adequate for other livestock (Wilson 1984:109). The camel veterinarian Leese [ca. 1927] recommended a salt supplement of 1.5 to 2.0 oz apoth. (45-60 grams) per day for camels not on saltbush grazing, but Wilson (1984) quotes evidence that the actual need from all sources is in the range of 120-140 g per day. My Bedouin consultants were all well aware of their camels' physiological requirements for salt, and some of their grazing practices are aimed specifically at meeting it. A Rashidi consultant told me that if camels in the Rub' al-Khall go as much as a full year without saltbush grazing they become afflicted with a condition called halas or hissah. They become weak and thin and have a tendency to eat bones and carrion. Inasmuch as bone material is not rich in salt, it is perhaps rather a lack of other minerals such as calcium, phosphorus or other trace elements that leads to this behavior (cf. Gauthier-Pilters 1961:213) and the acquisition of these, too, may be an advantage of saltbush grazing. Lack of salt in camels is also associated with the development of contagious necrosis of the skin (a bacterial disease) and arthritis. On the basis of experimental treatments in British Somaliland, the veterinarian Peck (1939) recommended a normal daily salt ration of 5 oz (150 g) to prevent both of these conditions. I was told that Bedouins may occasionally dig salt for their camels from natural salt flats (sbakh, sing, sbakhah) which are not uncommon in some parts of the study area, particularly near the coast. This is an infrequent practice, however, and camels much more commonly obtain their salt requirements from two 131 sources: grazing on saltbushes (I use the term "saltbush" for all subshrubs of the family Chenopodiaceae) and the consumption of saline well water. Good stands of saltbush grazing can be found in most parts of the study area, with some genera such as Haloxylon leading well-defined communities extending over thousands of square kilometers. Herdsmen are careful to take their camels to such areas for several months of the year. An appreciation of the camel's requirement for salt and the grazing practices to meet it are essential, as I shall explain in Chapter 9, to an understanding of the Bedouins' classification of plants above the folk generic level. The number of camels required to meet basic family needs is some 15-20 animals (Lancaster and Lancaster 1999:235, who point out that such a figure can be only theoretical because few if any pastoral societies live in a purely subsistence economy), but the majority of Bedouin households have larger herds. Cole's (1975:36) reckoning of an average herd size of 40-75 adult females among his Al Murrah group jibes well with my own observations, although his number of 20-25 for the male riding and baggage camels appears quite high. It is my impression that male camels are used for transport not because of any greater strength they might have but rather to spare the more valuable females from work; it would in any case be inconvenient to use females with young for baggage work. The number of male baggage camels kept has no doubt decreased with the increased use of motor vehicles for transport. Female camels, particularly those with young, are usually managed in groups separate from the males because of their special needs or to avoid undesired interaction. 6.1.2. Grazing Practice The choice of what general grazing area is to be exploited, i.e. where the camping unit is placed geographically, is made by the herd owner on the basis of any particular needs his 132 herd might have and after careful intelligence gathering as to the state of the vegetation and rainfall in various parts of the country. Such information is obtained from kinsmen and travelers as part of the intense daily social interaction always taking place in the tents, and sometimes from reports of scouts sent out by clan groups specifically to assess range conditions. Grazing, in general, is called ri% and the active participle, ra% is a common noun meaning basically "herdsman" but often used in an extended sense for anyone "in charge of" or "taking care of" something. (Someone who makes a business of repairing punctured automobile tires in a small village will thus be referred to as rdT al-banshar, from the English word "puncture"). My consultants also used a werhfald (3rd pers. sing, perf.) for "to graze," from which is derived mafia (pi. mafdli), a noun of place meaning "grazing ground." An intransitive form of this root, istafld (3rd pers. sing. perf.) means "to graze" (livestock) while another form, mafdliyah (fem.) is an active participle, "grazing." The grazing day begins soon after sunrise, as the camels couched near the tents are untied, roused and, if required, formed into separate grazing groups. The herdsman drives out {yisrah or yisarrah, 3rd pers. sing, imperf. "to take to graze") the camels, often riding one of them with the others in front and singing a herding song to encourage them on. He dismounts in the middle of the chosen area and watches the herd. Grazing may continue throughout the daylight hours in cool weather but is usually interrupted spontaneously by a rest period during the hotter middle of the day when the weather is warm or hot. During this time the animals adopt a couched position with (as described by Gauthier-Pilters 1961) their heads always facing the sun, a posture explained by SchmidtNielsen (1964) as a means of minimizing areal exposure to the sun and the consequent heat load. During this time, which is shorter or longer depending on seasonal temperatures, the animals chew their cuds. Grazing is afterwards resumed until near 133 sunset, when the animals are driven back to the tents by the herdsman. The udders of the lactating cows are often covered during grazing with a loosely woven or knotted yam mat, with ties at each comer, called a shmdlah. This "brassiere" temporarily prevents the calves from nursing and conserves milk for household use. After being taken back to the tents in the evening, the females in milk have these udder covers removed and are milked, usually by the men folk. The calves {hirdn, sing, hwdr) also have a tum. The animals are then bedded down, usually quite near the tents and with their forelegs tied in folded position to prevent rising. The camels chew their cuds while bedded down, and the Bedouin night is regularly punctuated by the various loud growlings, mmbles and belches of mminant digestion. In midsummer, when the herd owners are camped continually near the water wells that usually lay at the heart of their home tribal territory, or dxrah, the herd is often managed quite differently. At this time the camels may in effect be left on their own in the country surrounding the wells and not supervised or brought to the tents at all. The camels must make do with the sparse, dry forage they can find in an area that is always overgrazed. They come in on their own every 1-3 days for water, then go out again. At this time of greatest heat they often prefer to graze at night, particularly when there is good moonlight. Camels become quite attached to their home wells and usually do not wander beyond fairly easy reach of them. Problems sometimes arise, however, with camels recently purchased from a distant area, and such animals may try to return "home" on their own over distances of hundreds of kilometers. Feeding and watering tends to establish a base to which the camel becomes attached, and I was told that feeding dry dates, particularly, creates a tie to the feeding location. During this difficult summer period the herds often lost condition and weight and became very thin by the time the autumn move got under way. In more recent years camel owners have adopted the 134 practice of providing Government subsidized commercial feed, such as sacked barley, to their herds during the summer. The camel is both a browser and a grazer, grasping tufts of grass or bunches of leaves and shoots with its prehensile lips, usually moving continually. Gaulthier-Pilters (1961, 1981) emphasizes that the camel by nature forages in a manner that avoids overgrazing, taking few bites from the distal parts of each shrublet and avoiding taking entire plants except sometimes in the case of annuals. This is true, but I have seen areas seriously denuded by camels where herd pressures obviously exceeded the carrying capacity of the land. It is not usual for Bedouins to cut and collect wild plants by hand (yihashshun, 3rd pers. pi. imperf.) for camel feeding, but they say they do this under certain conditions, for example, in caring for a sick camel that cannot go out and graze. Probably the most common plant so cut is the grass, nasi (Stipagrostis plumosa), but broad-leaved plants such as 'arfaj (Rhanterium epapposum) may also be collected and used in the same way. The tool used is a largish common knife or a small curved steel knife with filed serrations on the edge and a wooden handle, made by blacksmiths in the towns and called a mahashsh. I have seen fodder cutters in the Hijaz carrying in loads of cut Stipagrostis, the grass all woven neatly into long braids, for use or sale in the town. My consultants said that the only plant too spiny for the camel to eat was the kiddd shrublet {Astragalus spinosus), a strong range increaser usually marking severely overgrazed land. In times of great drought the Bedouins may be reduced to collecting these bushes and burning off the spines {yishawwatun, 3rd pers. pi. imperf.) to provide some fodder for their animals. A Shammari Bedouin used the collective term 'alig for cultivated fodder, such as barley or dried dates, sometimes given to camels. Bedouins from the more southern part of our area, Bam Hajir and A1 Murrah, said they did not use that term. 135 For quantitative data on camel grazing we are greatly indebted to Gauthier-Pilters (1961, 1965, 1981) for her collection and analysis of camel grazing records in the western and northwestern Sahara. This is all the more valuable in that the environment and plant communities there are directly analogous to conditions in the central and southern parts of our study area. Many of the plant species she cites, in fact, are identical to those in our area. This work involved the monitoring of 150 normally grazing camels for a total of 500 hours, sometimes observing a single individual eight hours at a time. The study showed that in most pastures the camels consumed 10-20 kg fresh weight, corresponding generally to 5-10 kg dry matter, of plant material per day. When grazing on the most succulent plants, halophytes or spring annuals with a water content of up to 80 percent, the camels ate 30-40 kg green weight, corresponding to 8-12 kg dry matter. Some individuals were found to do well for several months on a daily intake of 5 kg dry weight of the grass Aristida pungens, found in the western Saharan dune lands (Gauthier-Pilters and Dagg 1981). This grass is closely related to the Stipagrostis drarii of sands in our study area. Bedouin herdsmen, because of the camel's special needs for salt, are always strongly concerned about achieving the proper balance in grazing between the plants known as hamd (the saltbushes), and khillah, non-saltbush grazing. Bedouins make the analogy: "hamd is to camels what meat is to men, while khillah for them is like our bread." As one consultant explained; "Camels can hve on hamd alone almost indefinitely if they have enough water [saltbush grazing always increases water consumption], but on khillah alone they eventually lose vigor and weight and get sick." A Bedouin describing a desert water well to another may say that the well is gdbid alhamd or gdbid al-khillah. "grasping the hamd or the khillah, conveying the important information that those plant types are dominant in the area, or within easy reach of that 136 water source. Good grazing land with hamd is said to be msds (or among northern tribes such as ar-Ruwalah, man)-, the opposite, land without the necessary hamd, is said to be wkhdm. The two opposing terms, while apparently linked in most of my consultants' minds with the groups of plants called hamd and their opposite, khillah, are also used more loosely in the sense of "good" and "bad" grazing areas, respectively. Always ranked among the best hamd species are dumrdn (Tmganum nudatum Del.), rimth (Haloxylon salicomicum (Moq.) Bge.) and, in the north, ruth {Salsola vermiculata L.). The importance of riith to the northern tribes is suggested by a folk anecdote that relates how a Ruwalah tribesman, upon death, asked his heavenly judge whether riith was to be found in paradise. When told that it was not, he replied that in that case, he would simply prefer to go elsewhere (Mandaville 1990). A tract of land with good hamd grazing is called an 'afjah (pi. 'ifdj), a term that usually implies the presence of a variety of saltbush species. Some saltbush species, however, are considered to be of little worth. These comprise the stands of extremely succulent chenopods found around the lowest zones of salt flats, often near the sea but sometimes inland. These, referred to collectively as tahdmlj (sing, tihmdj) by a consultant of Banl Hajir, include khirrayz (Halopeplis perfoliata), thilleth (Arthrocnemum macrostachyum), suwwdd (Suaeda vermiculata), and shindn (Seidlitzia rosmarinus). Camels that graze on such obligate halophytes are said to scour excessively, dehydrate and to gain little in nutrition. Grazing land in dry, poor condition (or the time of such condition) is called mahl or dahr, "drought." An area of dead plants caused by drought is referred to as malas, "barrenness." The other extreme, where grazing is at its very best, is called rbr. This is the word used in modem written Arabic and non-Bedouin spoken dialects to mean "spring" (the season of the year). Among the Bedouins, however, it is a pasture condition term denoting only the time of lush grazing when bushes are not only in leaf but 137 are surrounded by a rich cover of the short-lived desert annuals known collectively as Hshb. When grazing on such vegetation, the camels can go entirely without drinking. Such conditions, when they occur, invariably do so in the spring season, yet there are spring seasons (in fact the majority) where rains have not been copious enough to produce a rbi' at all {md jdna rabr has-sanah, "we didn't get a rabr this year"). Apart from the "saltbush question," herdsmen are also conscious of the results, for camel nutrition, of grazing on different combinations of other dominant plants. This seems to be of special concern in country, such as the Rub' al-Khali, where the number of grazing species is very limited, thus offering a more restricted range of nutrients. Thus a consultant of Al Rashid described a sometimes fatal disease of camels called giswdr caused by long pasturage on the saltbush hddh {Cornulaca arabica) together with a nonsaltbush perennial, zahr {Tribulus arabicus). Grazing on zahr alone may cause a loss of condition called zahr hamrd, while zahr with harm {Zygophyllum mandavillei) or with 'andab (Cyperus conglomeratus) are considered healthy combinations. A Bedouin of Al Murrah, speaking also of the Rub' al-Khall, said that a specific name, mussekh, is given to an especially good grazing combination comprising the grass sabat {Stipagrostis drarii), the sedge 'andab {Cyperus conglomeratus) and a boraginaceous perennial, halam {Moltkiopsis ciliata). The growth stage of grazing plants, also, is considered an important factor in their usefulness at any given time. New young growth on perennials, called hsheyish (from hshlsh, "soft, tender") is, as would be expected, said to be good grazing. When the hddh saltbush of the Rub' al-Khall {Cornulaca arabica) is in its flowering stage (its flowers are apetalous but the yellow anthers are visible in the distal stem joints) it is said by Al Murrah and Al Rashid Bedouins to be wdris or mwarras and better for camels than when without flowers. It is even better in the succeeding stage, called jddir, when the young 138 fruits are forming. After the seeds have fallen, it is called mraykhi (a name likening it to the markh bush, Leptadenia pyrotechnica, which usually appears virtually leafless and smooth), and it is then said to be of less grazing value. My consultants also volunteered a number of specific "growth-stage names" for important grazing plants that everyone knew in addition to their more common, general-purpose names. I believe these names exist (and they are specifically applied names, not just adjectives) because of their usefulness in conveying information about range condition; they will be discussed more fully in section 9.7. Rainfall in the desert tends, at least in the spring season, to be very spotty, often resulting in isolated areas of good grazing surrounded by dry vegetation that is of little use. A consultant of Al Murrah described such good grazing patches as a rug'ah (pi. rigd') if it were large and rounded, as a fadkhah (pLfadkhat) if smaller and irregular or as a khafitah (pi. khtdyit) if narrow and elongated. 6.1.3. Important Pasture Communities Different plant communities in our study area of course provide various qualities and quantities of grazing resources. Certainly one of the best is what I have called 'arfaj shrubland (Mandaville 1990), dominated by the composite shrublet Rhanterium epapposum ('atfaf) and found on well-drained sandy soils overlying limestone in the northern plains of our area. A quantitative analysis of a stand, one probably of aboveaverage productivity, is provided in section 2.3 (above). Rhanterium, 'arfaj, is considered to be one of the best kinds of khillah (non-saltbush) grazing, and it is especially valuable when accompanied by annual plants following good rains. An important saltbush grazing community is rimth saltbush shrubland, often consisting of extensive pure stands of Haloxylon salicornicum {rimth) but sometimes 139 mixed with other chenopods. Some quantitative data for a representative stand are provided in section 2.3 (above). Haloxylon provides saltbush grazing essential for maintaining the health of camel herds. The prominence of Plantago boissieri among the annuals of both the Rhanterium and Haloxylon communities is noteworthy. This Plantago species, known to the Bedouin herdsman as ribl, or yanam, is in our study area probably the single most important contributor to biomass among the annuals and is consumed in great quantities by livestock whenever annual rains are copious enough to lead to its germination and growth. A third important grazing community is thmam grass-shrubland, (Mandaville 1990) led by the perennial, semi-woody based tussock grass Panicum turgidum, thmdm, and characteristic of our central coastal lowlands. This community is well-known in Africa as well as parts of Arabia for its grazing potential. Gauthier-Pilters and Dagg (1981:48) found it among the most productive extended pastures of the western Sahara, where it exhibited cover on the order of 8 percent and a yield of some 1,400 kg and 800 kg fresh and dry weight per hectare, respectively. This was in a rainfall regime of 50-100 mm/yr, very similar to our study area. The governor of Saudi Arabia's Eastern Province for many years maintained for his personal camel herds a private grazing preserve, himd, in an extensive Panicum area called al-Habl, centered about 75 km inland from ad-Dammam. This area is considered a prime pasture area by the Bedouins because the thmdm provides excellent grazing both when green and as standing hay. It is accompanied here by the woody shrub, Calligonum comosum, 'abl, which is not only grazed but provides excellent firewood for the tent camps {Panicum is nearly useless as a fuel). The area also has good saltbush stands a few kilometers to the south, and water is available from several good wells at 140 moderate depths. All these factors combine to provide a good example of what the Bedouins consider a near-ideal grazing area. Along the central Gulf coast in Tarut Bay camels are occasionally seen to walk out into the intertidal zone and graze on gurm (the mangrove, Avicennia marina). A Bedouin of the coastal tribe of BanI Khalid told me that such grazing yisamman al-bil wal-ghanam ("fattens the camels and the sheep"). A consultant of Bani Hajir (also a camel owner in the coastal area) demurred, saying mangrove was actually not very good grazing. Many of my consultants agreed that certain plants were especially liked by camels, and some of these are identical with, or very closely related to, camel-preferred species listed by Gaulthiers-Pilters in the western Sahara. Among the dozen or so common saltbushes, dumrdn {Traganum nudatum) is often mentioned as being strongly sought after by camels. On several occasions I was told that hazza' {Deverra triradiata) was also a favorite, indicating a cameline penchant for an aromatic umbellifer. According to Al Murrah consultants, milk camels have a great fondness for kan {Heliotropium digynum) and camels in general seek out msekah {Haplophyllum tuberculatum). They are said to be able to locate the last by smell (which is strong and unpleasant to the human nose) from considerable distance. On at least one occasion I heard Bedouins describe some plants as hdrr ("hot"), saying they were not very good grazing. A specific example was the shrublet 'alga {Dipterygium glaucum ) which was said to be "hot" and not very good fodder, like jathjdth (another perennial, Pulicaria undulata). Dipterygium does in fact have a rather mustardy taste. 141 6.1.4. Toxic Plants Toxic plants are a minor problem for camel herders in eastern Arabia, as camels tend to naturally avoid those that are dangerous. Plants pointed out to me as poisonous or dangerous to livestock were: shajrat ad-ddbb ("snake bush"), 'ishrig ( a senna. Cassia obovata). This is a low, bushy legume found occasionally on heavier silt soils. 'ushar {Calotropis procera). A milkweed family perennial of near-tree stature found around the edges of towns and sometimes on inland shallow sands and wadls. An elder QahtanI consultant said this plant, although avoided by camels, is sometimes eaten by sheep or goats without ill effect. libnah, hillab (both names derived from words referring to milk, which the sap resembles {Euphorbia granulata). This is a prostrate euphorbia not uncommon on disturbed ground and on the floors of some inland wadls. Dickson (1955:42-43) reported two other euphorbias from the Kuwait area which are said to be poisonous: ghazdlah {Euphorbia retusa, for which I recorded the name 'idat al-hdyish) and Euphorbia sp. cf. hieroglyphica. At least the former occurs in our territory. jar (unidentified). Described by a QahtanI consultant as a "plant with white milk, avoided by camels. If they should eat it they would die." Said to have strongly green leaves "like a fig tree." A plant that apparently does not grow in our study area but which might be found in Qahtan territory in western Arabia where there is a greater admixture of the African flora. 142 hanwah ("crookweed," referring to the curved achene of this wild marigold, Calendula tripterocarpa). Bedouins of BanI Hajir and other tribes say this plant is injurious to camels when grazed in any quantity, leading to bloat and other disorders. nifl, shmaM {Trigonella stellata). This fragrant annual legume, while not considered poisonous, is said to sometimes cause bloat in livestock. Trigonella anguina is known by the same names and may also be implicated in this problem. Dickson (1951:418) reported a herdsman's belief that overgrazing on thilleth, the salt marsh succulent Halocnemum strobilaceum (Chenopodiaceae), could cause a lung disease in camels. The oleander {Nerium oleander) is strongly toxic to the camel as to most other mammals (Leese 1927; Gauthiers-Pilters and Dagg 1981). Within our study area it occurs only around towns and the oases and is unlikely to pose a threat to desert grazing camels. An oasis dweller gave me the name ward kadhdhdb ("false rose," literally "liar rose") for the plant. Other plants which camels are said to avoid although they are not described as strongly poisonous are: harmal {Rhazya stricta). An inland desert shrublet, a medicinal, of the same family as the oleander (Apocynaceae) and somewhat resembling it, sometimes forming pure stands. It is generally acknowledged to be somewhat toxic but not really dangerous as camels avoid it. 143 shari, handal {Citrullus colocynthis, the colocynth gourd). This creeper of silty wMl bottoms is said to be avoided by camels but to be eaten sometimes by sheep, goats and donkeys. jathjdth (Pulicaria undulata). A composite shrublet somewhat resembling the highly palatable Rhanterium epapposum. Found on inland silt basins. kirrdth, kirreth {Allium sphaerocephalum). Camels are said to avoid this strong tasting wild onion. Hnsel {Gynandriris sisyrinchium). Dickson (1955) notes that in the Kuwait area this wild iris is considered bitter and seldom grazed by livestock. barwag, berag {Asphodelus tenuifolius). Al Murrah consultants say livestock generally avoid this asphodel, common around disturbed ground such as abandoned desert campsites. sdf, also called sakhbar, idhkhir {Cymbopogon commutatus). This fragrant grass, discussed as a medicinal in section 6.4, was said by a consultant of ad-Dawasir to be generally avoided by camels. Some plants present mechanical problems to livestock. For example, the annual grass sam' (literally: "sharp grass," Stipa capensis) is considered noxious when its long, sharp awns have fully formed and dried, when they may penetrate the mouth parts of grazing animals. When the grass is young and green, and after the awns have fallen, it may be grazed safely. The succulent-leaved bush, harm {Zygophyllum qatarense, Z. mandavillei) was said to have rather indigestible stems that are liable to cause puncture or obstruction (the last called Hkdm by a consultant of Al Rashid) to the intestinal tract 144 leading to death. Not all camels will graze on this plant; those that do so are sometimes referred to as hwdrim (sing, hdrimah, gramatically an active participle derived from the plant name). A viscid annual, tirbah {Silene villosa) is often covered with adherent sand and can cause sand colic in sheep that graze on it heavily. The same name, which is derived from the word for earth or dust {tarb, trdb) is applied to another plant that tends to be covered with sand: the dwarf annual composite, Ifloga spicata. 6.2. Fuel and Fire making Next to grazing for livestock, the collection of firewood, hatab, is the most important use the Bedouins make of plants. True, in recent decades utility has begun to reign on the women's, or family, side of the tent, where cooking may now be done on low, cast iron bumers fed by bottled petroleum gas obtained in the town. On the men's, or guest side of the divider, however, only a traditional fire using hatab is still considered proper for the brewing of coffee and tea and the general entertainment of guests. Until about 1960, even some traditional houses in the towns maintained a small, wood burning coffee hearth in the majlis, or men's room, which had some means of venting smoke to the outside. It should be noted at the outset that the Western notion of "firewood," that is, a neat stack of cut and split sections of tree trunks and limbs, is unknown to the Bedouins. Tree forms being virtually absent in the natural vegetation of eastern and northern Arabia, the Bedouin depends entirely on bushes and shrubs for fuel. A Bedouin tent normally has a large, irregular pile of shrublets against its side, just to one side of the men's section, where it often serves also as a windbreak for both man and livestock. The stack is often replenished from its back, while immediate fuel needs are taken from its front. This allows a certain amount of drying to take place, reinforced by the nearby fire, of bushes that are sometimes collected rather green. The arrival of an unexpected guest usually 145 results in an immediate cry of jib hatabl, "bring firewood!", often responded to by a younger son of the family bringing additional branches to the shallow fire pit, which is kept banked or smoldering at all times. Small pieces, then larger ones, are piled on, and the old coals are fanned until the new fuel bursts into flame. When good, woody chunks of favored shrubs like 'abal or ghadd are at hand, they can be put directly on the fire after some preliminary breaking. Often, however, smaller shrublets have to be used whole, and these have to be crushed down, usually by foot, to increase their density; otherwise they will not bum completely. Different kinds of firewood are valued, as might be expected, roughly in proportion to the amount of heavy woody material that they can provide. The larger, woody shrubs are thus always chosen, if available. Thin-branched bushes are burned only if nothing else is at hand or to act as kindling for the starting of a camel dung (jallah) fire. Camel dung is not usually used if good fuel shrubs are available. Being composed of compressed bits of finely divided plant material, like the charcoal briquettes of the American barbecue, dung has some of the burning characteristics of briquettes (including the formation of coals). It is smoky and smelly when first started however, and does not produce light at night in the form of cheery flames. Providing light at night for the entertainment of guests, story telling and other social functions is another function of the majlis fire. In the 1960s my Bedouin hosts also usually had a kerosene lantern or two at hand, and also a battery flashlight (called by my friends of Al Murrah a "bajll," a term which I can interpret only as a twist on the English word, "battery"). The collection of firewood is considered women's and children's work, although men will pitch in to meet special needs. The portion of a shrub favored for firewood use is that part called the jirm (pl.yra/n), the root crown at the base of the bush that includes parts of the larger roots as well as the bases of larger branches. The term jirm, in fact, 146 seems to be used only in connection with firewood; another name is used for that part of the shrub in general purpose anatomical nomenclature. The shrub, or its base if it is dead, may simply be pulled out of the sandy ground with the hands. Either of two tools usually found at any Bedouin tent may also be used. One is a short-handled hoe, called a mishdh, used to grub out the bases of shrubs (and for other purposes, such as digging drainage channels around the tent when it rains heavily). The other, called by some groups a fdm', is a mattock-like, double-headed implement with a wooden handle less than a meter long; the iron head is a light ax, and this is opposed by a narrow-bladed hoe or chopper with blade at right angles to that of the ax. I have rarely seen the ax end used for chopping, although a woody branch may be struck simply to break it. More usually the other end is used like the hoe to dig out the woody bases of shrubs or as a hook to extend one's reach. Fuel gathering is easiest when the collector happens to be in an area where the bushes have died as a result of local drought, but recently enough that the shrub bases have not yet decayed or become riddled with termites. The bases then pull out easily and are almost entirely burnable fuel without green leaves. The availability of firewood is always a factor in the choice of camp sites, but there are times when the spotty distribution of spring annuals or special grazing needs require camping in areas without good fuel. In such cases, and especially when the family is moving by truck as is now usually the case, stops are made during travel to the new site to pull up good firewood and pile it on top of the household load. Additional loads can be picked up along the way on trips to town, or special trips for wood gathering can later be made from the camp. The favored firewood shrubs in northeastern Arabia are 'abal (called artd in the farther north) and ghadd, both good sized shrubs with bases, roots and lower branches of 147 Plate 6.2. Consultant 'All ibn Hamad of the Ghayathm section of Al Murrah makes coffee using dried camel dung for fuel. The thin-stemmed perennials at this site, background, provided littie more than fine kindling. He grinds the roasted coffee beans with a brass mortar and pestle. 148 fairly heavy wood. The first, 'abal, is the polygonaceous Calligonum comosum, which has a similar counterpart of the same Arabic name and use in the Rub' al-Khali sands, Calligonum crinitum subsp. arabicum. Calligonum is often particularly useful because it may be found scattered in plant communities otherwise dominated by perennials of high grazing value but which are poor firewood, such as the thmdm tussock grass (Panicum turgidum) and 'arfaj, (the composite, Rhanterium epapposum). In large parts of the Rub' al-Khall, Calligonum is virtually the only woody plant available at all. The large woody saltbush sometimes reaching almost tree stature, ghadd (Haloxylon persicum), is always chosen for firewood when available, but it does not have a very widespread distribution and is found only in certain deep and mobile sand environments where good grazing is often not available. It bums long with a clear flame and little smoke, and is used particularly in parts of the northern Rub' al-Khali and in the Great Nafud and adjoining sands of northern Arabia. Nearly any of the other saltbushes, except some very succulent species found around salt flats and other saline grounds, are considered fairly good firewood. Rimth {Haloxylon salicornicum) is often used when Bedouins camp in the extensive grazing lands dominated by this shrub. Some bushes are generally avoided for firewood use. An example is harm {Zygophyllum mandavillei and Z. qatarense), which has highly succulent leaves and small, weak branches and stems. It is considered virtually useless as hatab. The tussock grass thmdm {Panicum turgidum) bears little material that is solid wood and when dry burns too quickly for practical use, but its culms are used as kindling to start fires of better wood or of camel dung. The 'arfaj shrublet {Rhanterium epapposum) dominates thousands of square kilometers of good grazing land, but its stems are weak and thin. When green it produces thick clouds of smoke and when dry it bums too quickly for 149 cooking or even for persistent light. Like thmdm, it is used when dry as kindling to start fires of better hatab or of dung. Dickson (1955) speaks of the use of 'arfaj as firewood in Kuwait, both by Bedouins and in the town, and reports the denuding of the country around Kuwait town by this use. I think this was only because no better shrubs were within easy reach. Excessive use is easy to understand, for it takes great quantities of 'arfaj shrublets, which bum like tinder when dry, to maintain a useful fire. Fires are also used by the Bedouins as signals. Once while hunting hares on the northern plains on a cloudy and rainy night with friends of A1 Murrah, after continuous zigzagging in the car after our quarry, and with no stars in view, even my guide lost the precise direction of the home tent. He directed me to a raised piece of ground and built a quick big fire of rimth bushes. As I remember he did not even pull the shrubs out of the ground, but just stamped each one down to compact it and lit several in place. Our light was seen by people at the tent several miles away, and they responded by building a fire beacon for our easy return. Before the use of matches in Arabia, certain plants were also used as tinders in the starting of fires, which was generally accomplished with flint and steel. In the 1960s one of my consultants of Al Rashid, of the southern Rub' al-Khali, still had a flint and steel set (the steel being a triangular shaped implement called a zndd) that he gave me as a gift and taught me to use by catching the spark in a wad of charred cotton wool or cotton cloth. Several other tinders were commonly used in earlier times. Use of the fine, silky hair tufts on the seeds of the markh shrub {Leptadenia pyrotechnica) for this purpose has been widespread in Arabia. It was the basis for the specific epithet pyrotechnica given the plant by Forsskal, who probably saw it in use during his botanical explorations in southwestern Arabia in 1762-63. 150 A Shammari consultant told me that the cottony indumentum on leaves of the spiny thistle called kharshaf (probably Echinops blancheanus or E. mandavillei), a plant of the Great Nafud sands in northern Arabia, was also used as tinder for fire making. It no doubt corresponds to the plant called harshaf hy the Ruwalah and attributed by Musil (1927:603) to Echinops ceratophorus. The leaves, my consultant said, were pounded when still green to loosen the "cotton," which was then separated and saved for use as tinder. He added that gunpowder was often added to this material to better catch the spark and start combustion. Musil notes that the Ruwalah of northern Arabia used for tinder "powdered" material from the gray-tomentose composite, shlh {Artemisia sieberi). They also used an unidentified "mallow-like" herb called gten or gteyyin (my transliteration; Musil 1928a:128, 700). My consultants used this name (which means "little cotton, cotton-wort") for Bassia eriophora, a chenopodiaceous annual that has dense, cotton-like fleece around its flowering perianth and is probably the plant referred to. Musil (1928a:100) also describes how the smoldering tinder, after it has caught a spark, was placed in a piece of dry shlh and whirled above the head until it bursts into flame. Shih is highly aromatic, which must have added a pleasant touch to the procedure. Also, in describing a piece of Bedouin poetry, Musil (ibid.:473) mentions how fire is passed around among tents of the Ruwalah, presumably when arriving at a new camp site. When a fire is started by one woman, other families send a girl or servant over to fetch a starter for their own hearth. Each girl puts a glowing coal into a wisp, migbds, made of the dry plants shih, ghadd or artd and swings it in the air until it ignites. A RashidI consultant told me that before matches became common, the desert Arabs also used to make fire by twirling a stick between their palms in a small depression in a piece of 'abal wood {Calligonum comosun or C. crinitum subsp. arabicum). This 151 was the only reference I heard to making fire by friction. My notes unfortunately do not mention what the twirling stick was made of; it was presumably a harder wood. The collection of firewood by Bedouins no doubt appears to be environmentally destructive, involving as it does the complete uprooting and virtual eradication of individual shrubs. In my experience, however, this use seldom has great impact on plant communities. This is mainly because Bedouin grazing camp groups are usually of small size and move frequently, thus diffusing the pressure of use and minimizing the extent of shrub destruction at any one site. Bedouins are also selective in their fuel use, preferring shrubs already dead or poorly growing from natural causes, such as local drought. This is not the case, of course with summer camps, where groups of hundreds of tents would be pitched around the tribal home wells, such as the great summer camps of Mutayr gathered in the Summan at al-Lisafah and al-Lihabah. Today, many of these sites are occupied by shack settlements or even well-built houses of the same tribal groups. Woody plants would be heavily impacted around such sites. Even these, places, however, have reduced populations during much of the grazing year, and the collection of firewood by people of the villages and towns was more destructive. When I was living in Riyadh in the 1960s firewood was still being used in parts of the city for everyday cooking and heating, and the city had a permanent and active firewood market area. Here, huge truckloads of Acacia and other wood were brought in from the uplands of central and southern Najd to meet the demand. Most of such household use, fortunately, has ceased with the widespread substitution of petroleum fuels. 6.3. Wild Plants for Food Bedouins in Arabia gather and use wild plant foods primarily as seasonal dainties to enliven a diet that is otherwise rather tasteless and bland, historically consisting mainly of 152 milk products and one or two staple grains. They no doubt have also played a nutritional role by their provision of vitamins or other nutrients that might be lacking in staple foods. There is some evidence of the earlier use of a few wild plants in times of famine, but availability of such famine foods in our desert vegetation is limited by the fact that the drought conditions that lead to livestock losses through poor grazing also limit the development of wild food plants. Usable drought-resistant perennials are very few. Exceptions are plants producing seeds that can be saved "for a rainy day," or rather for a "rainless day," an example being samh (described below). A third use of wild plants is their small-scale employment as additives for the spicing or preservation of other food items. At the time of my data collection in the early 1960s knowledge of wild food plants was still widespread among the Bedouin population. And I saw children out collecting wild edibles, indicating that this knowledge was being passed on to the younger generation. In fact the number of edible species that I recorded was greater than that noted by Musil (1928a) in his ethnographic work describing the Ruwalah Bedouins of northern Arabia in the first decade of the twentieth century. There does, however, appear to have been a decline in the number of plants whose greens are eaten raw, as indicated by some references (below) in earlier literature compared to present practice. Such salad plants tend to have some characteristics in common, such as glabrous, somewhat succulent leaves and annual habit. Without doubt the most important wild food plant for the Bedouins has been (if we accept fungi into the plant kingdom) the desert truffle. Truffles are the only wild food plant that I have known to be collected for sale to the settled population. They are also the exception to the general trend toward a diminishing interest in wild plant foods as the 153 burgeoning economy of the Arabian Peninsula has made available an increasing market variety of vegetables and fruits to which today's desert dweller has easy vehicular access. The following list of edible plants fairly represents, I believe, the range of knowledge of an average Bedouin of any tribe in my greater study area, although a few items are specific to the southern or northern extremities of this area. I include uses noted in literature that are in some cases at variance with my findings. The arrangement is by plant parts, setting aside the important fungi for the end. 6.3.1. Roots, Tubers and Bulbs 'ansaldn, Dipcadi erythraeum Webb, et Berth. (Liliaceae). Dickson (1955:38) says that the bulb of this plant is juicy and sweet and that it is eaten by Bedouin children. My experience is quite different; consultants said the plant is not edible and I found the bulb extremely bitter. hambzdn, himbdzah, himbez, 'ambasls, Emex spinosa (L.) Campd. (Polygonaceae). All Bedouins know this spring annual for its sweet, carrot-like taproot. The plant has a basal rosette of petioled leaves and is sometimes tinged with red. The taproot is thickened, whitish, and carrot-shaped, and usually ranges between 2 and 15 cm long. It is dug up, washed, and eaten raw. I frequently ate it myself and found it sweet, with a pleasantly crisp texture. According to Vesey-Fitzgerald (1957: 791) the petioles of this plant are also plucked and eaten by the Bedouins. kurrdth, kirreth, basal, Allium sphaerocephalum L. (Liliaceae). The synonym basal, used by A1 Murrah, is generally applied to the cultivated onion. This is a wild onion with a tall scape up to a meter high and a large spherical umbel 3-5 cm in diameter. It is usually found on sandy ground. Consultants of Al Murrah told me the leaves are eaten 154 but not the bulb. I have tried the bulb and found it excessively strong. Musil (1928a:15) says the bulb was collected and eaten among the Ruwalah. A member of that tribe told me, however, that the bulb is not eaten but that the fresh, fragrant flowers are used with rice and are sometimes dried for use as a spice in other food. A Shammarl consultant agreed. The same inflorescence, called a zirjah (pi. ziraj) was said by others to be dried and put into samn (liquid clarified butter) for flavoring. mhdrUt. Attributed by Musil to Scorodosma arabica Vel. (Umbelliferae). That botanical name did not persist, and it is probably now classed as a Ferula, perhaps F. hlanchei Boiss. or F. ruthaensis C. Townsend. This Bedouin food plant does not occur in our core study area, and I have no record of its use, but Musil's description is too interesting to neglect. He describes his finds of the plant in the northern desert in the borderlands of present Saudi Arabia and Iraq: "The leaves of this plant are a greenish vermilion in color and look as if they were covered with a white veil; the blossoms grow in yellow clusters, the root is long, black, and as thick as one's hand. The new plant emits a peculiar odor, which also emanates from camels after they have grazed long upon it. The Bedouins drive milch camels away from it as it would also give their milk the unpleasant smell. At first the camels enjoy the mharut but soon they seek rute or Sih" (Musil 1927: 270-271). He describes the digging up of three roots: "These were of the thickness of a hand, forty to sixty centimeters long, and had a black rind. Miz'el discarded two of them, explaining that they were males and had a bitter taste; the third root, a female, we took along." Describing the eating of the root, which was baked laid near a fire: "Underneath the black rind was a white edible substance with a somewhat pungent taste and as dry as flour" (ibid.: 222-223). The attribution of gender to the roots (although the plant is not dioecious) is of interest. I did not find such a practice in our study area but noted it in Dhufar, southern Arabia, where tribesman showed me their 155 (non-dioecious) frankincense trees (Boswellia sacra), saying the "female" trees were "fatter" and produced more resin. rubahlah Scorzonera papposa DC. (Compositae). Very well known to all Bedouins, this small perennial with showy pink flowers has an edible, dark brown-skinned tuber on its root. Dickson (1955:86) likened its flavor to that of a Brazil nut. The plant is usually seen on elevated, rocky ground, and I found that digging up the tuber can be difficult. It is often at considerable depth, and the root leading to it is often wedged in rock cracks and difficult to follow without breaking. The tubers are generally dug in the spring, when their locations are well marked by the plant's pink flowers. A consultant of A1 Murrah recited for me the following short rhyming couplet about this plant: ar-rubahlah wattamrahld, "the rubahlah and [but] dates are sweeter." shahhum, Gagea reticulata (Pall.) Schult. et Schult. f. (Liliaceae). A yellow-flowered dwarf lily usually found on rocky terrain. Musil (1928a:95) lists it as a plant (presumably the bulb) consumed raw by the Ruwalah but I was told by consultants in our area that it is not eaten. I tried a bulb once and found it bitter. The economic botanist Carter (1917: 179), describing this species collected in the Kuwait hinterland, said "Men have no use for it and animals do not graze on it so that, in spite of its being so common, few Bedouins can name it." tit, Allium sindjarense Boiss. et Hausskn. ex Regel (Liliaceae). This small wild onion of silty soils is well known as an edible plant. Musil (1928a:15) describes how, among the Ruwalah, mothers send out their boys to collect the bulbs, saying "My little sons, O sonnies! go bring me at-tita I will prepare for you mutita (a dish of mashed bulbs)... ." 156 6.3.2. Edible Stalks or Stems 'abal, Calligonum comosum L'Herit. and Calligonum crinitum Boiss. subsp. arabicum (Sosk.) Sosk. (Polygonaceae). The latter species is referred to here, but the use may extend to the former. Both are virtually leafless shrubs with very fine terminal stems. One of the British explorer H. St. John Philby's traveling companions of the tribe of alManaslr, during Philby's crossing of the Rub' al-Khall in 1932, cooked green sprigs of 'abal with rice to make a dish called makikah for the company. Philby noted that it made a "tolerable substitute for fresh vegetables -- rather tasteless but in no way disagreeable." He added that another tribe of the Rub' al-Khall, Al Murrah, do not ordinarily know this use (Philby 1933:171). He added later that at the suggestion of his Mansurl guides he had "browsed freely on the white blossoms and tender green sprigs of the Abal as we marched" and that he could vouch for its claimed medicinal properties; it is to some degree constipating and acts thus to offset the purgative effect of drinking mineral-laden well water (ibid.: 195-196). Philby's guides also advised him not to eat 'abal along with meat, which they claimed was "Uable to harden to the consistency of leather" (ibid.:278). This was probably in consideration of another use of the plant, for tanning (see section 6.5). The party also made use of the twigs for brewing a tea substitute. Philby noted that "Its colour was all that could be desired but the liquid was somewhat bitter to taste and constipating in its effect — an antidote, as I was to learn, to the powerful salts of the Naifa water" (ibid.:278-279). tarthuth, zibb al-ard , Cynomorium coccineum L. (Cynomoriaceae). This striking clubshaped, crimson parasite appears as fleshy, leafless stalks topped by a dense inflorescence of closely packed dark red flowers. The stalk extends 30 cm or more underground and is the edible part. It is prepared simply by washing and peeling off the skin to expose the 157 fleshy interior. Bedouin elders of the Dhahran area told me that villagers from al-QatIf, in pre-oil days, used to go out in the neighboring desert in spring and dig up donkey loads of tarthuth to sell in local markets as a seasonal delicacy or tonic. R. E. Cheesman, describing the natural history of the oasis of al-Hasa during his travels in eastern Arabia in 1923-24, noted that on 4 February "the fat, succulent underground stems of the Tarthuth are on sale in the bazaar every day. The badawin women bring them in, and the townspeople buy them freely and eat them raw" (Cheesman 1926:199). The plant was generally described to me as edible, but my own experiments with it had mixed results. Some plants had a sweetish taste and pleasantly crisp, succulent texture. These, however, were growing randomly with other individuals of the same age that were quite bitter, astringent and for me, inedible. Musil (1928a: 95) says this plant was eaten baked by the Ruwalah. Dickson (1955:37) said it was much eaten by children in Kuwait and has a sweet taste as well as a slight purgative effect. The phallic form of this plant has led to a Bedouin repertoire of associated ribald names and stories, the quaintest of which is perhaps the one told the English explorer H. St. John Philby by one of his travel companions during his trip in 1918 down to Wadi adDawasir, in southern Najd (Philby 1922: 2:215-216). According to this campfire tale, which I paraphrase, a Bedouin chief of a tribe highly skilled in the art of tracking both livestock and people in the sands was riding with some companions when he spotted the foot-tracks of his daughter, who had gone out from the tent that morning to gather nusl grass for the camels. As the men were returning in the evening the chief spotted his daughter's tracks again, this time returning to the tent. At the sight of this second set of tracks the chief threw up his hands in consternation, saying "See how my daughter went out in the morning a virgin, but when she returned she was no longer so!"[It is still said by Bedouins today that good trackers can tell a virgin from a non-virgin by a glance at a 158 girl's tracks. This is probably an exaggeration, although the difference between the tracks of a girl and a mature woman are probably evident enough.] "Now," said the chief, "I will have to hunt down the man who dishonored her and kill him, and she herself," he added sorrowfully, "will have to die to save the honor of the tribe. Let us ride back along this trail and pick up the tracks of the perpetrator." They did so, following them back until they ended at a patch of tarthuth plants, growing in the sand, some of them pulled out. The distraught father stopped, reading the sands carefully, then smiled with relief and raised his hands to heaven in thanks. He had interpreted the earlier tracks correctly, but -- as he then declaimed ~ he had wronged his daughter, not only by assuming her guilt but by keeping her too long unwed. As the repeater of this tale, I can only second Philby's own epilogue to it: si non e vero e ben trovato. dhnun, Orohanche sp. (Orobanchaceae). Musil (1928a: 95), under the synonym zibb adh-dhlkh, lists this among other plants eaten baked by the Ruwalah in northern Arabia. There are four species of this parasitic genus in our study area, and this is probably one of them. I have never, however, heard of any of them being considered edible. Musil's name is also unknown to me from the more restricted study area, but it was collected in the Eastern Desert of Egypt by Hobbs (1989:126) for Cistanche phelypaea (- C. tubulosa), another columnar root parasite of the same family and of generally similar appearance. Musil, however, gives one of the usual variants of the name dhdniin for Cistanche. Cistanche is not eaten by the Bedouins (I can confirm that it has a bitter taste), although there are records of its consumption in the Sahara, where the Tuareg of Ahaggar dry and pound it for bread (Nicolaisen 1963:178). 159 6.3.3. Greens Eaten Raw basbds, Anisosciadium lanatum Boiss. (Umbelliferae). Dickson (1955:19) reported the young green leaves of this plant eaten by Bedouin children. I have not heard of it being considered edible. gurres, garrds, Aaronsohnia factorovskyi Warbg. et Eig. (Compositae). Musil (1928a: 700) also lists this name for Trigonella hamosa L., but I believe this might be an error; the same name is seldom given to plants from families as different as legumes and composites, and there are semantic reasons (see Chapter 10) for thinking it belongs to Aaronsohnia, or another composite resembling it. Carter's (1917:203) ascription of the name to "Matricaria sp." is probably an error of plant identification. Gurres is said to be eaten raw by the Bedouins and to be one of the several plants used as a spice or other additive in the preparation of the dry soured milk cakes called igt (Dickson 1955:11, perhaps following Carter 1917:203). hambasis, hamsis, Rumex pictus Forssk. (Polygonaceae). The leaves of this low annual dock are eaten uncooked. R. pictus is usually found in sand terrain and differs from R. vesicarius (see below, under hummeiT) by its pinnately parted leaves. hdrrah. Sisymbrium irio L. (Cruciferae). Musil (1928a:95) reports this plant as one of those eaten raw by the Ruwalah. It is a weedy species usually found only on disturbed ground around campsites. hummed, hammdd, hambdd, Rumex vesicarius L. (Polygonaceae). A glabrous, somewhat succulent-leaved annual up to about 30 cm high. The fruiting perianth of the flowers grows to become quite showy, the bright pink to reddish valves winged with red nerves. Use of the plant as a sour-tasting salad vegetable is well known to all Bedouins. 160 According to a consultant of Bani Hajir, the plant is sometimes added during the preparation of igt (shards of dried, soured milk) to increase its acidity. Carter (1917:181) reported that it is also eaten cooked, with meat. A Shammarl consultant told me the story of a raider of his tribe who was wounded in one of the battles of Ibn Rashid, the former Shammar chief. He was said to have spent six days sheltering in a waterless dahl (a natural solution cave in the limestone floor of the desert), living entirely on the wild hummed plants that grew in the vicinity. He survived but was said to have entirely lost his power of speech due to the astringency of the plants. huwwd, Launaea capitata (Spreng.) Dandy, L. nudicaulis (L.) Hook, f., L. procumbens (Roxb.) Ramayya et Rajagopal, and possibly other species of low, annual, yellowflowered composites of the section Liguliflorae (Compositae). Musil (1927: 603) attributes this name to Lagoseris bifida, which is probably identical to our Crepis asper L. His description of huwwd ("al-hawwa") as a variety of samh (1928a:15) may be an error. Huwwd as a raw salad herb is well known to all Bedouins and references to it often involve some aspect of disdain, as if it were resorted to only by the poorest folk in dire need. One of my Marri consultants, whenever he heard the name mentioned, would smile and recite a fragment of a song: man kal al-huwwd talawwd; awja' batnah wa mat "Whoever ate the huwwd writhed; his stomach ached and he died" hwerirah, Leptaleum filifolium (Willd.) DC. (Compositae). This fine-leaved dwarf annual is, according to Dickson (1955: 59-60) eaten by the Bedouins for its peppery taste. khinnez, durret an-na'dm, Hfenah, Cleome amblyocarpa Barr. et Murb. (Capparaceae). Musil lists this plant (as a synonym, C. arabica) among those eaten raw (1928a: 95). I 161 think this is at least questionable, for the plant is generally considered noxiously fetid as indicated by its names above, which mean, respectively, "stink weed", "ostrich fart", and "stench weed". km' al-ghrdb, rijlat al-ghrdb, shkhTs,jirjlr, Senecio glaucus L. subsp. coronopifolius (Maire) Alexander (Compositae). This ascending, annual herb has somewhat succulent, tender leaves eaten raw as a salad green. lihyat at-tes, lihyat ash-shebah, dhignun, dhu'lug, thu'lug (the last clearly pronounced by a Qahtani; Philby, 1922, also found that form in south central Arabia), Koelpinia linearis Pall. (Compositae). A Bani Hajir consultant told me that this fine-leaved annual is eaten raw, and both Carter (1917) and Musil (1928a) list it as edible. mas/i'(Musil \92%a\lQ2), dhuHug, dhu'lug al-jamal(MvL?,\\ 1928a:95, 1927:595), Scorzonera tortuosissima Boiss. (Compositae). Velenovsky's S. musilii, as listed by Musil, is probably conspecific with our plant. Musil lists this yellow-flowered perennial as edible, but there may be confusion here with Koelpinia linearis, which is also given the name dha'lug and rather closely resembles this Scorzonera except when in mature fruit. It is possible that mash' is really the proper name for this plant in the north; it was given me in an oral list of edibles by a Shammari knowledgeable about the northern flora. Ophioglossum polyphyllum A. Braun. (Ophioglossaceae). Dickson (Burtt and Lewis 1949: 279) reported that this dwarf annual fern of sand terrain was eaten by Bedouin children. I have collected it in our study area, but it does not appear to have a recognized vemacular name. ragam, tummer, bkhatn Erodium spp. (Geraneaceae). Musil (1928a:95) notes such use of four species under two vemacular names, as follows: tummer, Erodium bryoniifolium 162 Boiss., E. ciconium (L.) L'Her; bkhatn, Erodium cicutarium L., E. pulverulentum (Cav.) Willd. E. cicutarium was probably in fact E. deserti Eig, which rather closely resembles cicutarium-, E. pulverulentum is now considered a variety of E. laciniatum (Cav.) Willd. Carter (1917:193-194) notes that E. cicutarium (again, probably in fact E. deserti) collected in the Kuwait hinterland was eaten raw by people there. My own records show the name ragam commonly applied in much of our area to E. deserti and E. laciniatum. 1 never observed my consultants eating or collecting any of the various species of Erodium that are relatively common in the desert flora. Nor did they list them when questioned about edible plants. In the more northern Arabian desert, however, at least in earlier times, Erodium was apparently treated as a salad herb eaten raw. rghelah, Atriplex dimorphostegia Kar. et Kir. (Chenopodiaceae). Musil (1928a:95) lists this fleshy-leaved annual among plants eaten raw by the Ruwalah Bedouins of northern Arabia. It occurs in the more southerly parts of our area and does have some characteristics of annuals eaten raw (such as smooth, fleshy leaves), but I have no record of its use there as a food. siffdr, sifdr, Schimpera arabica Hochst. et Steud. (Cruciferae). I have seen Bedouin children gathering handfuls of the leaf rosettes of this yellow-flowered annual to nibble raw as a mustardy herb. umm rwes, identified by Musil as Scabiosa palaestina L. (Dipsacaceae). It is listed by him (1928a:95) among those annuals eaten raw by the Ruwalah Bedouins. I have not found any reference to such use in more recent times. 163 6.3.4. Edible Fruits and Flowers kurresh, Htr, kubbesh, kabush, 'anter, Glossonema varians (Stocks) J. D. Hooker (Asclepiadaceae). The numerous vernacular synonyms for this plant indicate its wide recognition and use, and its edible qualities are vouched for even by its botanical synonym, G. edule N. E. Br. The consumed parts of this smallish perennial herb are the young fruits and to a lesser extent the young leaves. It is used, as far as I know, only in the raw state. The fruits have specific names varying among tribes: Htn (Qahtan), kabash (Al Rashid) and jam (BanI Hajir). Even after being assured of its palatability I tried eating this plant myself with some trepidation after eyeing the potent-looking latex that oozed from its wounds. But I found the very young fruits quite tasty and harmless, with a flavor somewhat like sweet cabbage. They become inedible with maturity because of their tougher texture and comose seeds. markh, Leptadenia pyrotechnica (Forssk.) Decne. (Asclepiadaceae). This large, virtually leafless shrub of our southern coastal areas, sometimes more than 3 m high, has edible flowers and young fruits that are together called ma'dlit by Bani Hajir. A consultant of Al Rashid gave the names 'uthrab (pi. 'athdfib) for the edible flower bud and 'dliit (pi. 'awdllt) for the young fruit. msa', ghardag, Nitraria retusa (Forssk.) Aschers. (Zygophyllaceae). I have found this stiff-branched shrub of saline soils at only one place in our study area ~ a coastal site near the Saudi Arabian border with Kuwait — and I have no record of its use there as an edible plant. It also occurs in the far northern desert, where Musil (1928a:95) describes the Ruwalah's collection of its "dark-red ripened fruit" called taV , which he says are very sweet, with a bitter after-taste, and which are also boiled into a thick syrup. William 164 Palgrave, passing through the Shararat country of northern Arabia in 1862, described the msa' fruit: Its shrub attains two or three feet in height, woody and tangled, with small and pointed leaves of a lively green, and a little red star-like flower. This, in June, gives place to a berry much resembling in size, colour, and taste our own red currant, though inferior to it in flavour, while its sweetness predominates too much over its acidity. The Bedouins collect and greedily devour it, or, boiling it down with a little water, procure a sort of molasses, much esteemed by them, but by them alone (Palgrave 1865:1:30). 'osaj, 'dshaj, 'dshaz, Lycium shawii Roem. et Schult., L. depressum Stocks. (Solanaceae). The two species of this large, intricately and stiffly branched shrub look much alike; L. shawii is more common. The edible berries of the plant, well known to all Bedouins, are globose, red, and about 4-5 mm in diameter. The taste is sweetish, but the seeds are inconveniently large for the size of the edible portion. A Ban! Hajir consultant gave me the name dom for the berries. In early times they were called masa' (Hamidullah 1973:274), the name used today for Nitraria (above), which also has edible red fruits. Dickson (1955:62) records that the berries were eaten by one "Fit. Lt. Stevenson [presumably of the RAF] when stranded for five days without food or water at Um Kasr [in southern Iraq] in July 1941, and did him no harm." rdk, ardk, Salvadora persica L. (Salvadoraceae). There are only two stands of this large shrub in our study area, but it is well known among all tribes as the source of the root and stem pieces used to make toothbrushes (described in section 6.6, below). Bedouins from the farther south, who range out of the southern and eastern Rub' al-Khali into nearby area where rdk grow more plentifully, eat the fruits of this plant, said to be sweet. A consultant of Al Rashid familiar with the practice used the synonymous names mard or mushg for these fruits. 165 sidr, Ziziphus spina-christi (L.) Willd. (Rhamnaceae). This well-known tree is found in the stricter confines of our study area only in cultivation or on abandoned habitation sites. Tribes of the southern Rub' al-Khali, however, sometimes range into parts of southern Arabia where the tree grows wild. Its fruit, a short-pedicelled ovoid or globular drupe 0.8-1.5 cm in diameter, is called nabag and is edible. sa'ddn, Neurada procumbens L. (Rosaceae). I had no evidence from my consultants that this plant was edible, but I tested Dickson's (1955:67) report that the young fruits were eaten by children in the Kuwait area. I found that the fruits when very young were tender and not unpleasant to taste, if somewhat mucilaginous. They very soon become woody and inedible, however. 6.3.5. Seeds and Grains samh, the fine seeds of the annual herbs Mesembryanthemum forsskalei Hochst., M. nodiflorum L, and Aizoon canariense L. (both genera are aizoaceous), has been an important food among the Shararat, Ruwalah and Shammar in northwestern Arabia, providing what is in effect a "poor man's grain" for those unable to afford the wheat or rice available only by purchase. The English traveler Charles Doughty, in his classic style, described his encounter with samh in the late spring of 1877 outside the southwestern fringe of the Great Nafud sand desert: I saw often the samhh plant growing, but not abundantly; now a leafless green wort, a hand high, with fleshy stems and branches full of brine, like samphire. At each finger end is an eye, where the plant drying up in early summer, a grain is ripened. In the Sherarat country, where the samhh grows more plentifully, their housewives and children gather in this wild harvest. The dry stalks are steeped in water, they beat out the seed with rods; and of this small grain their hareem grind flour for the daily mess. I had eaten of this wild-bread at Maan; it was black and bitter, but afterward I thought it sweet-meat, in the further desert 166 of Arabia. The samhh porridge is good, and the taste "as camel milk": but the best is of the flour, kneaded with dates and a little samn [clarified butter], to be eaten raw: - a very pleasant and wholesome diet for travellers, who in many open passages durst not kindle fire (Doughty 1936:1:357). Another Englishman, William Palgrave, had passed through the Shararat country referred to by Doughty 15 years earlier, in 1862. Palgrave's Arabian geography has often been questioned, but his description of samh seems genuine enough and gives an indication of the importance of this plant in earlier times. He calls it "a main article of subsistence to the Bedouins of Northern Arabia" (Palgrave 1865:1:29). Throughout this part of the desert grows a small herbaceous and tufted plant, with juicy stalks and a litde ovate yellow-tinted leaf; the flowers are of a brighter yellow, with many stamens and pistils. When the blossoms fall off, there remains in place of each a four-leaved capsule about the size of an ordinary pea, and this, when ripe, opens to show a mass of minute reddish seeds, resembling grit in feel and appearance, but farinaceous in substance. The ripening season is in July, when old and young, men and women, all are out to collect the unsown and untoiled-for harvest. The capsules are gathered, the seed separated from them, and kept like a stock of flour for the ensuing year. These seeds, when wanted for use, are coarsely ground in a hand-mill, then mixed with water, and boiled into a substance which we now had before us. Its taste and quality were pretty well hit off by Salem, who described it, "not so good as wheat, and rather better than barley-meal" (Palgrave 1865:1:29-30). The name samh applies both to the seed product and the plants themselves although a more specific name for the seeds is used in some contexts. An elder consultant of Shammar confirmed that the Shararat tribe is particularly known for their use of these seeds, which are treated much like wheat grain, ground into flour and made into bread, or cooked into a sort of porridge. It was still being collected in the 1960s, and I was brought 167 a specimen of the seeds by one of my consultants who had traveled to the northwest for a home visit. According to the same Shammari elder, there are three varieties of samh, each from a different plant and each of different quality: (1) hurr (meaning "pure, true") from Mesemhryanthemumforsskalei. This is the largest and best plant, with the largest pods, and grows on the wide plain of al-Busayta' around the southern end of WadI as-Sirhan and also near al-Jawf and in Wad! Sirhan itself. (2) hamar wdgif ("standing red," the "g" of the second component usually pronounced as the fronted affricate from Mesembryanthemum nodiflorum, a smaller plant that tends to turn dark red when maturing under drying conditions, and which grows in the Jabal Shammar district of Najd in Baq'a' and near the village of al-Kahfah, and (3) daW, which grows in the same areas as does hamar wdgif. Ruwalah and Shammari consultants gave the name da'd' to a fresh specimen of Aizoon canariense, saying it provided "samh of poorer quality." This data is somewhat at variance with that of Musil (1927:464), who said the Ruwalah recognized only two kinds of samh, one called "hurr" or "hamr wdgif [transliterations revised] and the other called "da'd'." He equates the first with M. forsskalei and the second with M. nodiflorum. It is not clear whether these differences reflect different tribal usages or incomplete information on the part of Musil. It is in any case clear that M. forsskalei is the prime source of this edible seed. My record of Aizoon canariense as a third samh plant in Arabia does seem confirmed by evidence elsewhere: Osbom (1968:175) found the seeds of that plant being used in Egypt's Eastern Desert for cooked gruel under the names "hadaq", "hudak", and "samh". In Shammari (and probably other northern) usage, the seed-bearing capsules of the samh plants are called ka'bar while the seeds themselves are sblb. The collection process was described to me as follows: Arabs camp in the plain of al-Busayta' during 168 the hot season. The samh plants, growing in clumps, are beaten with sticks and iron rods to knock the capsules loose. Then the capsules are broken on the ground and the whole lot scraped into a pile and carried off to a miswdl (pi. masdwll), a trough made of (or in) clay and lined with camel hide. Water is then poured on and the seeds sink while the empty capsules and other chaff floats off. Finally the seeds are collected, dried and put through a sieve to remove stones. Musil (1927:464) notes that the samh plants "shoot out as late as March but only after the soil has been thoroughly soaked by the ath-threydwl [transliteration revised] (Pleiades, November) rain." The seeds of samh can be considered a famine food; according to Musil (1928a:16) they may be kept "so that they may serve as an article of food in a poor season." Musil (1928b:6) also described an interesting northern dish called bakir [transliteration revised], which is prepared from dates and samh seeds. The samh is roasted, ground, mixed with fresh dates and kneaded into a paste. The samh flour, he says, absorbs all the juice of the dates, and the food keeps good for a year. "Its taste is insipid but recalls that of chocolate." thmdm, Panicum turgidum Forssk. (Gramineae). Elder consultants reported that the grains of this important perennial fodder grass used to be collected and pan roasted for food during hard times. It has been used as a wild plant food in recent times in the western Sahara, and Williams and Farias (1972) cite views that such use may be considered a prehistoric survival. In fact I had speculated earlier that it was the grain of wild thmdm that was used by the people responsible for the many Neolithic habitation sites associated with prehistoric lake beds in the northern and western Rub' al-Khali (see McClure 1984 for a description of the environments of these finds). I found numerous saddle querns at these sites like those described by Nicolaisen (1963:235, 242) in use by the Tuareg of the central and southern Sahara. In the Sahara, according to Williams and 169 Farias (1972:15-16), the grains of Panicum turgidum are usually ground into flour, and this is used to make porridges. Nicolaisen (1963:175) says that the Tuareg of the Ahaggar massif collect the grain of Panicum turgidum "by beating the ears of the grass with a stick." He adds that the seeds are not suitable for bread but are used for porridge and for eating raw after pounding in a mortar. The seeds are also used by the Tuareg of the Ayr region, where they are collected by "beating with the hands so that the seeds fall into a plaited bowl", to be used as porridge (ibid.:180). Experimenting myself with this plant, I found that the grains, which grow in open panicles, can be stripped quite easily by hand. The reference to "roasting" the grains by my consultants suggest they might have been preserved by parching. The grain might thus have been held in store for famine times. I saw no evidence that thmam grains were used in the 1960s or later. 6.3.6. Gums and Other Exudates 'adris, 'udris. Convolvulus oxyphyllus Boiss. subsp. oxycladus Rech. f. (Convolvulaceae). Dickson (1955:33) reported that "a gum comes out from the stem which children suck like chewing gum." I am not acquainted with this practice, and my eight specimens of this pink-flowered, woolly-tomentose shrub do not show any sign of such an exudate. It may, however, be a seasonal phenomenon. rimth, Haloxylon salicornicum (Moq.) Bge. (Chenopodiaceae). Musil (1928a:95) says that the Ruwalah collected a sweet juice that flows out of the stems of this shrub in summer. I have seen drops of such exudate on the stems of rimth and have a vague memory of one of my MarrT friends nibbling at this. It did not, however, appear to be a significant plant food in the 1960s. 170 6.3.7. Flavorings and Food Additives Asteriscus pygmaeus (DC.) Coss. et Dur. (Compositae). Dickson (1955:68) reported that Bedouins put this dwarfish, yellow-flowered annual into sacks of rice to "keep it sweet." For this plant she gives the vernacular name "burkat," which I have not encountered. banvag, berag, Asphodelus tenuifolius Cav. (Liliaceae). This asphodel, common on disturbed ground around old campsites, was reported used by the Bedouins as an additive in making the dried sour milk cakes called igt (Carter, 1917:179; Dickson 1955:20). Exactly how the plant was so used was not described, and I have no record of the practice. b'ethirdn, Artemisia judaica L. (Compositae). According to Musil (1928b:6), the Shammar mixed dates with pieces of this aromatic plant, boiled the mixture until the juice evaporated, then dried and preserved it. ribl, yanam, Plantago boissieri Hausskn. et Bomm. (Plantaginaceae). A consultant of BanI Hajir said that this plant is sometimes used as an additive in the preparation of igt, dried cakes of sour milk. 6.3.8. Truffles and Mushrooms fag' (a plural form of the namt,fag'dn, is also sometimes used), the desert truffles Tirmania nivea (Desf. ex Fr.) Trappe, Tirmania pinoyi (Maire) Malen^on, Terfezia boudieri Chatin. Truffles are the ascocarps, or spore-bearing bodies, of an underground fungus. Those found in the desert differ from those of European gourmet cookery 171 {Tuber spp.) in being generally lighter in color, often of larger size, and of lesser flavor and odor (although they do have their own characteristic odor). The same species are found across the Saharo-Arabian region as far west as Morocco. Fag' externally look much like potatoes, although they are of generally rounder shape rather than elongated. They range in size from that of a pea to that of a grapefruit. Fag' are the Bedouin wild food par excellence. Their use has not declined and in fact has probably increased since widespread use of motor vehicles has made search and collection more efficient. Truffles are also well known and liked by the settled population of Arabia, at least those parts north of the Tropic, and it is not uncommon for families from towns to drive out for a day or weekend outing to truffle-hunt. As is generally believed throughout Arabia (and as confirmed by my own experience) truffles are found only in years favored by relatively early rains in the wasm (autumn) period and which have a continuing good distribution of rainfall leading to February and March, when the truffles develop fully and can be collected. Such years are rather uncommon, so truffle collecting generally can be done only at intervals of several years. Some Bedouins say the early rains must occur as thunderstorms, that lightning is required or that truffles are even "caused" by lightning striking the ground. Good truffle years thus coincide with those luxurious periods of spring herbage known to the Bedouins as rabV and share in all the associations of good living, free-flowing milk, general abundance and hospitality associated with that term. It is not unusual for a Bedouin finding an unusually big, early truffle to go to the nearest large town and make a gift of it to the amir, or chief government official. He can be assured of receiving a more generous return gift. Also well known to all Bedouins is the association between the truffles and certain other wild plants which act as truffle ground indicators. These indicators are all 172 species of the genus Helianthemum (Cistaceae), known to the Bedouins under several names, the most common of which is rugrUg but which also include umm as-swegah, swegahJirrM and argd. Judging from my records, any or all of these names can be used for any of the following plants, all of which are considered truffle indicators: Helianthemum ledifolium, (L.) Mill, (annual), H. salicifolium (L.) Mill, (annual), H. kahiricum Del. (perennial), and H. Uppii (L.) Dum.-Cours. (perennial). The annuals often grow only a few inches high and the perennials are dwarf shrublets; all are easy to recognize by their grayish pubescence and revolute-margined elliptical leaves. There is a definite micorrhizal symbiotic relationship between truffles and plants of this genus (Bokhary 1987:251), and the relationship appears to be obligate for the truffle but not so for Helianthemum. Thus truffles are found only where one sees Helianthemum, but Helianthemum can often be found without any associated truffles. One general area known for its truffle production is the dead-flat and nearly shrubless country known as al-Qar'ah ("the baldlands") up along the Trans-Arabian oil pipeline in the northern part of the Eastern Province of Saudi Arabia. I collected specimens of three of the four Helianthemum species from the gritty soil there where truffles are found. Consultants say also that truffles with rugrug are often found on basins in country dominated by 'arfaj, the composite shrublet Rhanterium epapposum. Truffles have been found to be associated with sandy soil (but in my experience not pure sand; a silt component is usually present) that may be gypsiferous or saline. The soil tends to be alkaline, with pH of 9.5-9.8 (Bokhary 1987:252-253). Truffles appear on a given site over a period of (at least) years, and Bedouins who know these locations tend to keep them secret within the family. Bedouins in our study area recognize four folk specifics of fag'; 173 az-zbedi whitish in color and the largest al-khlas brown ("red") al-jbey brownish ("red") said often to contain sand al-hben small, pea-size; eaten by birds The first two kinds are considered the best eating. One consultant on one occasion said the zbedi was the best, on another that the khalds was preferred. The name zbedi comes from zibd, "butter," referring to its cream-white color, the color of fresh butter. Khlas means "choice, pure," a name applied also to a premium variety of dates grown in the oases of eastern Saudi Arabia. Nearly all Bedouins can recite four internally rhymed lines giving the names of these truffle folk specifics, and the piece may have a mnemonic function. In our area it generally takes the following form: az-zbedi lil-wledi al-jbeyah lil-bneyah al-khldsl hagg rdsi al-hben lit-tuwen The zbedi for the little boy The jbeyah for the little girl The khldsl for myself (lit. "for my head") The hben for the little bird Musil (1928a: 15) said that the Ruwalah of northern Arabia recognized three kinds of fag' (revised to my transliteration): al-kama, az-zbedi, and al-khldsi, sorting them with the rhymes: al-kmeyah l-umm al-bneyah, az-zbedil-umm wledi, wal-khldsi l-rdsi ("alkmeyah for the mother of the little girl; az-zbedi for the mother of my little boy, and alkhldsTfor myself"). The first Ruwayll name, al-kama, corresponds to the term usually used for truffles in classical Arabic, al-kama' {al-kmeyah of the Ruwayll rhyme is in the form of the diminutive singular). It appears to correspond to the variety called al-jbey (or al-jbe' as pronounced by one Marri consultant) among the more southern tribes. 174 A consultant of the Shammar tribe gave me as specifics: az-zbedi (which he said was white-colored) al-jibd (of "medium red" color), al-ghldsi (sir, reddish, heavy and dense and said to grow in heavy silts), al-hobar (small and eaten by birds) and al-blukh. The last kind was said to be found only in the Syrian desert, including parts of al-Hamad region of Saudi Arabia's far north. Its color was said to be ashhab, or grayish. The relationship between the folk specific names for truffles and the scientific species that have been identified is clear in part. The zbedi corresponds to Tirmania nivea and possibly to Tirmania pinoyi as well. The latter is scientifically described as being very similar to T. nivea except in the microscopic characters of spore shape and size (Alsheikh and Trappe 1983:88). The folk specific called khlds or khldslcorresponds to Terfezia houdieri, and the specimens studied by Awameh and Alsheikh (1980) were given that name. Dickson (1955:103) also had khlds specimens identified as Terfezia sp. at Kew. On the other hand, it is not clear whether the folk specifics al-jbey and al-hben are also scientific species or just size or form variants of the three species mentioned above. Alsheikh and Trappe (1983:88) refer to the apparent involvement of birds in the spore dispersal of "the small desert truffle, Phaeangium lefebvrai Pat.", but it is not sure from their context whether or not this corresponds to our hben folk specific said to be small and eaten by birds. Truffles often figure in the oral literature of the Bedouins. Something may be described as abyadfaggdl ("as white as a truffle"). Or a maiden's breast may (as in a Bedouin poem recorded by Musil (1928a:322-323) be likened in verse to a zbedi (truffle) "growing in an overflowing vale." I was given the following riddle by a Hajirl consultant. It begins with the regular introductory expression of the Bedouin riddle genre, hdjlk (literally "your wit", loosely "What is it that..."): 175 hajik ma banyat al-bet wamazyan banihin shardbat al-md ibleyah hndjir What are they that build a house, and pretty is their building, And that are drinkers of water although they have no throats? Answer: al-fag', truffles The "building of a house" refers to the way truffles, as they grow and mature, crack the soil that lies over them (Plate 6.3) and sometimes push it up into a tent-like hump. It is only by these cracks and little mounds in the earth that truffles can be found. The best collector is the one who has the best eye for these ground surface disturbances, which range from the obvious to the most subtle. The "drinking of water" describes the truffles' growth by absorbing soil moisture from the earlier rains. Truffles are prepared for eating by simply boiling in a pot by themselves, roasting them in the ashes of a fire, adding them to a larger dish such as a stew or rice, or by slicing and frying in samn (clarified butter) or other oil. I found the frying-in-butter approach by far the best to my Western taste, resulting in a flavor much like fried mushrooms. Once when served boiled faga' by a Bedouin family I had to force myself to finish them to maintain politeness. I was told by several consultants that they can also be dried in the sun, after which they are called shfib and will keep "for years" and taste "just like fresh" when later rehydrated. More recently a tribesman of Banl Hajir who lived in town and had a freezer said that they may be kept frozen, and I have kept them successfully that way myself. Use of motor vehicles by both Bedouins and settled people in Arabia has without doubt put increasing collection pressure on desert truffles. I do not, however, have any data indicating whether there might be a conservation problem with respect to this widely 176 Plate 6.3. A desert truffle cracking the ground, right of center. Such signs may be obvious, as in this case, or very subtle. Sometimes the earth may be pushed up into a hump. Plate 6.4. A truffle excavated, in place. This biscuit-shaped example would be considered to be of small to medium size. 177 Plate 6.5. Hunting truffles. Keen-eyed consultant 'Ah ibn Sa'id of the Bam Hajir tribe, right, points out locations to be dug by his sons. Plate 6.6. Desert truffles for sale in an open market at Hafar al-Batin, northeastern Saudi Arabia (see Map 2.2). Such scenes are found very rarely, only in years when rains are early, plentiful and well-timed. 178 exploited wild resource. Reportedly work has been underway in some quarters in Saudi Arabia to devise techniques for the artificial culture of desert truffles on a commercial scale. Such a program in Kuwait was reported by Alsheikh and Trappe (1983:89), who note that both spores and cultured mycelium have been used successfully there as mycorrhizal inoculum on species of Helianthemum. iftarrah,futur, hobar. Capped mushrooms (unidentified). Musil (1928a:15) says that mushrooms called hobar (the same name given me by a Shammari for the smallest kind of truffle) were collected and eaten by the Ruwalah. I was given the name iftarrah for mushrooms by an elder of Ban! Hajir, a form related linguistically to the name "ftur" recorded for mushrooms in Kuwait by Dickson (1955:103). I did not find evidence of consumption of mushrooms in our more southern study area; in fact capped mushrooms are rarely seen in those parts. 'arjun, Podaxis pistillaris. This white, club-shaped (non-capped) mushroom or toadstool is by far the most common emergent fungus seen in the desert and may be found in extremely arid habitats, having grown during brief rains then remaining standing dried for many months. I found it even in the middle of the Rub' al-Khall. Dickson (1955:104) reported that Bedouin children in Kuwait collect them, bake them in hot ashes, then eat them peeled. I was told by one consultant in our study area that they were not eaten. In any case they obviously must be collected when quite young, as they become pithy or woody with maturity and release unappetizing black, powdery spores. The English explorer Wilfred Thesiger, traveling the sand country between Abu Dhabi and al-Buraymi (in the present United Arab Emirates, eastern Arabia) in the spring of 1948 noted that he ate "toadstools" roasted by his guide and described them as "creamy and delicious" (Thesiger 1959:249). These were almost certainly 'arjun, Podaxis, as 179 Thesiger elsewhere (1950-51:164) refers to "edible toadstools (Podaxon)" in the same geographical area. 6.4. Medicinal Uses of Plants My consultants pointed out a number of local desert plants said to have medicinal uses, but my impression was that they actually made little use of them, even during the period of my data collection in the early 1960s when modem medical services were still largely unavailable to the rural population. The Bedouins seemed rather to use the same herbal remedies that villagers did. These consisted largely of the traditional materia medica long utilized in the Persian Gulf region, comprising many plant drugs imported from neighboring lands such as Iran and India. I remember one occasion when 1 was invited by a MarrI acquaintance to view the medicines that his wife used. Her chest contained only habbah soda (lit. "black seed," seeds of Nigella sativa L.), murr (myrrh, oleo-resin of Commiphora myrrha Nees, and haltlt (asafetida, the pungent resin of Ferula assafoetida L.), all commonly found in village herbalist shops and imported, respectively, from the Mediterranean region, Somaliland or southern Arabia, and Iran, where they have long been produced as medicinals. The list of reputed local desert plant remedies is nevertheless of interest, and I present it below (section 6.4.1) with notes on uses. Some of these medicinals appear in village herb shops, but I have not heard of Bedouins in the study area collecting plants for sale. I suspect, rather, that the town herb specialists collect their material themselves or acquire them from other dealers or relatives. Many shopkeepers in eastern Arabia have family tribal connections; there are quite a few Dawasir settled in ad-Dammam and al-Khubar, and I noted that several items in herbalist shops were said to have been brought in from Wadi ad-Dawasir, the heartland of that tribe. 180 Wild plants of narcotic or hallucinogenic reputation seem to be very few in our area. A Shammari Bedouin told me, however, of a plant called harj, "a low shrublet with leaves like tobacco," said to grow in the area of Sakakah in northern Arabia and that reportedly affected people's minds. He said that "a man who ate some leaves about 15 years ago [i.e. around 1951] became incoherent and talked like a crazy man. A woman who ate some ran around like a locust, riding an imaginary donkey and shouting that soand-so had had sex with her." One might suspect a Solanaceous plant such as Withania somnifera or a species of Datura, Solanum or Hyoscyamus, but I have so far not been able to identify it. The Arabic name, harj, is derived from a root meaning "confusion, disorder." Hobbs (1989:40) reports the collection of Hyoscyamus boveanus (locally called sekardn, "drunk weed") as an intoxicant by the Ma'zah Bedouins of northeastern Egypt, but I can find no record of that species in our study area. I have never heard such qualities attributed to our Hyoscyamus pusillus, but other species of the genus are found in other parts of Arabia. The Shammari account recalls the story told by William Palgrave, who claimed to have encountered a hallucinogenic plant during his travel in the fall of 1862 in the central Arabian region of al-Qasim. Its seeds, he says, "when pounded and administered in a small dose, produce effects much like those ascribed to Sir Humphrey Davy's laughing gas; the patient dances, sings, and performs a thousand extravagances, till after an hour of great excitement to himself and amusement to the bystanders, he falls asleep, and on awakening has lost all memory of what he did or said while under the influence of the drug" (Palgrave 1865:1:254-255). His description of the plant suggests a legume but does not make full botanical sense, and Palgrave's veracity in such details has often been questioned. The British explorer St. John Philby tried wthout success to verify the story when he visited the same area in 1918 (Philby 1928:281). 181 6.4.1. List of Medicinal Plants The following list comprises folk generics said to have medicinal uses. Arrangement is by what appears to be their primary use although some reportedly have multiple applications: Arthritic Complaints harmal, Rhazya striata Decne. (Apocynaceae). The leaves of this shrubby perennial, according to some elder consultants, are smoked in a tobacco pipe and inhaled as a remedy for arthritis. Others said that a tea made from the leaves is "good for the liver" and that it is also applied to boils and wounds. According to Ghazanfar (1994:26-27), Rhazya "has been one of the chief medicinal plants in Arabia." She notes that it has been used in southwestern Pakistan to treat skin eruptions and boils, and as a febrifuge, and that it is used in Oman to treat chest pains (by smoke inhalation) and externally for skin rash and as eye drops. According to Miller and Morris (1988:34) an infusion from the leaves of Rhazya was drunk in southern Oman as a febrifuge and to relieve stomach pains. Mossa, Al-Yahya and Al-Meshal (1987:212) cite reports of the isolation of more than 50 indole alkaloids from this plant and of anti-microbial activity in extracts. The Arabic name, harmal, is also applied, mainly in other parts of the Arab world, to the zygophyllaceous plant Peganum harmala L., also an important medicinal but rarely seen growing in our area. shlh, Artemisia sieberi Besser (Compositae, in literature as A. herba-alba Asso). This ascending, strongly lemony-sweet aromatic shrublet is found on silty floors of rocky country in our northern plains and wadis. Bedouins report its use as a medicinal for rather vague indications by inhalation of its smoke or by drinking a water infusion. 182 sakhbar, idhkhir, khsdb, hamrd, Cymbopogon commutatus (Steud.) Stapf. (Gramineae). This perennial grass of rocky wddl channels is easily recognizable by the distinct, sweet lemony odor of its crushed foliage. It is a close relative of the several other species of Cymbopogon exploited in tropical countries as a source of aromatic oil (lemon grass oil) and perfume essences, including C.flexuosus Stapf., C. nardus (L.) Rendle, and C. schoenanthus Spreng. (Uphof 1968:167-168). It may be used in Arabia primarily for its aromatic qualities, but I found it for sale in an herbalist's shop in ad-Dammam where it was said to be used medicinally by inhalation of its smoke. It is placed provisionally in this category on the basis of its use by smoke inhalation, a route that tends to be used for rheumatism remedies or for lung disease. I have no record of its specific indications. Cold Remedies tagtag, a kind of mushroom (not identified). Musil (1927:254) described mushrooms that "grow under the sand" (but are not truffles) which are not edible but which were used by the Ruwalah Bedouins of northern Arabia as a remedy for colds. They were also dried and smoked in a pipe as a treatment for rheumatism. Emetics 'i4at al-hayish, Euphorbia retusa Forssk. (Euphorbiaceae). According to an elder consultant of the Qahtan tribe, the milky sap of this plant is mixed with water and drunk as an emetic. 183 Eye Conditions jalwah, Atractylis flava Desf. (Compositae). According to a Qahtani tribesman, the stem of this plant is peeled and the inner portion applied direcdy to the eye to cure eye ailments. He said it creates a burning sensation in the eye and makes it red "but is very good for it." faga', Tirmania spp. Alsheikh and Trappe (1983:89) reported that desert truffles,/aga'', of the genus Tirmania (known to the Bedouins as the zbMi folk specific) were used by Bedouins in Kuwait, in some unspecified way, to treat eye diseases. Female Conditions kaftah, kaff maryam, birkdn, barukdn, jme'fatmah, kaff al-'adhrd, kafn, gfe'ah, gnefidhah, Anastaticua hierochuntica L. (Cruciferae). This annual is well-known throughout Arabia by Bedouins and townspeople for its use as an easer of childbirth given in the form of a tea or used as a charm. The plant is inconspicuous when green, extending its radial stems horizontally on the ground. When it dies and dries, its somewhat woody stems curl inwards forming a characteristic ball usually 4-7 cm in diameter that is likened to the clutched fingers of the Virgin Mary (recognized in Islam as well as in Christianity) in pain at childbed, a symbolism that obviously plays a role in its reputed medicinal effects. Several of its vemacular names mean " Mary's hand" or "the Virgin's hand." The plant is widely distributed in our study area and is often collected and sold in herbalists' shops for use in towns. 'abal, artd, Calligonum comosum L'Her. (Polygonaceae). I found Bedouin women in the Thursday market at al-Hufuf selling fine twigs of this common duneland shrub for use. 184 mixed with milk they said, as a tonic "for women." It was sold both in the form of twigs and as already pounded to a fine powder, ready for use. I also found the twigs for sale in an herbalist's shop in Dammam. This plant may also have anti-diarrheal applications (see section 6.3.2). Fevers ja'dah, Teucrium polium L. (Labiatae). This sweetly aromatic perennial of rocky terrain is known to all Bedouins for its use (at least in former times) as a remedy for fevers, including malaria. A Qahtani Bedouin from central Arabia told me that the plant is used by putting it into the hollow shank bone of a sheep and smoking it like tobacco. According to a Ruwalah tribesman, it is made into a tea. Dickson (1955:89-92) cites reports of its former use in Europe and India. Uphof (1968:517) says that a liquid extract of the plant was used in India for the treatment of fungoid diseases and abcesses. Ghazanfar (1994:126, 128) notes that eight diterpenoids have been isolated from the plant, that the percentage of essential oils varies from 0.05 to 0.09 percent and that a sapogenin has also been identified. gesum, Achillea fragrantissima (Forssk.) Sch. Bip. (Compositae). This extremely fragrant-foliaged perennial of silt bottoms in the northern part of our study area is said to be used, probably in the form of a tea, for fevers. I found it also in town herbalist shops sold for that purpose. 185 Kidney Ailments 'agiil, Alhagi maurorum Medik. (Leguminosae). Seldom found in the desert but sometimes seen on disturbed ground around the margins of cultivated areas, this shrublet is said by some to have roots used in making a tea for treating kidney or liver ailments. Laxatives shan, handal, Citrullus colocynthis (L.) Schrad. (Cucurbitaceae). This plant is well known among Bedouins and villagers for its laxative qualities. A few seeds are said to be an effective dose. According to one consultant who asked me to give him a modem laxative, shan is effective (yimashshd -l-batn, literally "it makes the belly walk") but can cause painful cramping. shajarat ad-ddbb, Hshrig, Cassia italica (Mill.) F. W. Andr. (Leguminosae). An elder of Qahtan said that this plant is sometimes used as a strong purgative, "stronger than shan [Citrullus colocynthis, above]." He added that livestock avoid the plant as they do not like its taste. Other consultants considered it dangerously poisonous to grazing camels. gretah, Plantago ovata Forssk. (Plantaginaceae). According to Carter (1917:201) the seeds have been used by the Bedouins as a laxative. 'ushar, Calotropis procera R. Br. (Asclepiadaceae). This erect, glaucous shrub, woody below, sometimes assumes treelike forms up to 5 m high. The foliage bleeds copious milky latex at the slightest wound. It is often considered poisonous, but available evidence from experiments on small mammals suggest that the toxicity of the raw latex may be somewhat exaggerated (Verdcourt and Trump 1969). Bark extracts, however, are 186 reportedly used in some tropical countries in the preparation of arrow poisons. Various toxic alkaloids have been isolated from the plant, and a powerful cardiac poison, gigantin, has been extracted from a related species, P. gigantea, of India (UNESCO 1960). Masso, Al-Yahya and Al-Meshari (1987:214) state that our plant contains a bitter principle, calotropin, which is a cardiac poison of the digitalis type. They note that the latex is purgative and caustic and is used topically in some cases as a counter-irritant. Bedouin tradition in eastern Arabia does hold it to be poisonous, and livestock are said to avoid it. There is good evidence for this in the plant's persistence on ruderal sites around villages and towns where household goats and sheep would otherwise be expected to browse it to destruction. As I have reported earlier (Mandaville 1990:237): "Small doses of the latex are sometimes used medicinally by Bedouins, although its specific indications are usually rather vague. An elder of the Bani Hajir tribe told the author that a safe but effective dose can be obtained by scooping out the seeds and pulp from a halved ripe follicle and drinking a full measure of sheep, goat or camel milk from the resulting hollow, cuplike, still-green skin. Enough of the active principle is said to be absorbed from the fruit wall to be effective, and not enough of the latex will be consumed to pose any danger." The object in such use was probably a purgative effect. Miller and Morris (1988:42) report use of the latex in southern Arabia to treat skin ailments. Ghazanfar (1994:31) reports its use in Oman to reheve pain by the application of heated leaves with oil. Skin Afflictions and Wounds Hfenah, Cleome amblyocarpa Barr. et. Murb. (Capparaceae). Musil (1927:48) reports use of this plant as a water infusion among the Ruwalah of northern Arabia for application to wounds to prevent inflammation. 187 basbas, Anisosciadium lanatum Boiss. (Umbelliferae). Used for skin sores and boils, probably as a water extract. Snakebite and Scorpion Stings ramrdm, Heliotropium ramosissimum (Lehm.) DC., H. bacciferum Forssk. (Boraginaceae). My consultants confirmed reports that ramrdm, comprising these two very similar species of heliotrope, both low, somewhat shrubby perennials with rough foliage, has long been used for the treatment of snakebite in Arabia. Dickson (1951:467) reported from Kuwait the desert folklore that the waral (the monitor lizard, Varanus) rolls in the plant's foliage and eats its leaves as an antidote to snake venom. Human snakebite victims were given tea from the leaves of ramrdm while a leaf poultice was tied to the wound. By far the most common species of venomous snake in eastern Arabia is the sand viper. Cerastes cerastes, and adult victims usually recover from bites without treatment. Dickson (1951:160) also reports use of this plant as an infusion or paste to treat mouth sores. A closely related heliotrope of Dhufar, in southern Arabia {H. fartakense), also called ramrdm , is reported used there not only for snakebite but to treat skin sores, as an antipruritic, and for colic (Miller and Morris 1988:74). One of my consultants from northern Arabia attributed lizard-immunizing power like those of ramrdm to a rather different plant, Fagonia bruguieri DC. (Zygophyllaceae). This suggests the possibility of a similar use by that plant. msekah, zgegah, frethah, zifrah, Haplophyllum tuberculatum (Forssk.) A. Juss. (Rutaceae). This strongly and unpleasantly odiferous perennial was used, according to Dickson (1955:48-49) as a remedy for scorpion stings. The harvested plant is put into a pocket or bag to dry, then pounded up, mixed with a little hot water, and bound onto the 188 site of the sting. Ghazanfar (1994:188) reports its use in Oman as a water extract to treat painful joints and in a compound suppository given to mothers post partum to strengthen the back muscles. She also notes its use as a sedative. Miller and Morris (1988:248) report its use in southern Arabia to treat epilepsy and hysteria as well as gout. Stomach Ailments bdbunaj, Matrcaria aurea (Loefl.) Sch.-Bip. (Compositae). This fragrant armual, a close relative of European chamomile (Matricaria chamomilla L.), is found on inland silt basins of our north-central area. It is known to both Bedouins and villagers, who use its flowers to make a tea for digestive ailments and as a general tonic. Tonics tarthuth, Cynomorium coccineum L. (Cynomoriaceae). Bedouin elders of the Dhahran area said that villagers of al-Qatif Oasis used to collect donkey loads of this plant to bring in for sale to be eaten as a spring tonic (see above, section 6.3). The crimson pigment of the epidermis was also used as a dyestuff. Toothache kurrdth, kirreth, Allium sphaerocephalum L. (Liliaceae). According to a consultant of Bam Hajir the zibrij, or spherical inflorescence, of this coarse wild onion is used to treat toothache by placing it on a heated knife blade and inhaling the smoke into the mouth. 189 6.4.2. Veterinary Medicinals As might be expected in a pastoral society, plant remedies are sometimes used to treat hvestock ailments. The following folk generics were reported useful in traditional veterinary medicine: Mange Remedies for Camels makar (Al Murrah), la'la'ah (A1 Rashid, non-Najdl Arabic), rgeyigah (Shammar), Polycarpaea repens (Forssk.) Aschers. et Schweinf. (Caryophyllaceae). This smallleaved prostrate perennial of sand terrain has been used to treat sarcoptic mange of camels, which is the most frequent and troublesome ailment suffered by that animal. Before lindane and other modem arachnicides became available in Arabia, camels with mange were treated with lime, arsenic and sulfur in a lengthy procedure described for me by an elder of Bani Hajir as follows: First day: mix nurah (quicklime) with samn (liquid clarified butter) and rub all over the camel's body to remove hair. Second day: leave lime mixture on the animal. Third day: scrape off the hair with the lime and rub down the skin with a mixture of samn, kibnt (sulfur) and zirnikh (yellow arsenic, arsenic trisulfide, the sulfur and arsenic purchased in village markets).^ Next, feed the camel a mixture of pounded sulfur and water (or samn) and pour some of the mixture down the animal's upheld nose. Fourth day: Leave the mixture on to work. Repeat the above procedures once or twice, leaving a day or two between treatments. After 10-14 days wash down the camel with saltwater or sea water and rub in samn. Makar was used mixed with arsenic in this procedure or simply mixed with arsenic and applied. According to Al Murrah consultants, makar can also be used alone, either after burning in the form of ash or as ^ Hooper (1937:190) describes arsenic trisulfide, or orpiment, as sold in Middle East bazaars and obtained from the Hayana Mountains of Iran. 190 crushed leaves. Dickson's (1955:61) report that the leguminous annual Lotus garcinii DC. was called "makkar" and used to treat camel mange may have been based on a plant identification error or a different northem usage. 'alandd, Ephedra alata Decne. (Ephedraceae). A consultant of A1 Murrah said this shrub was used to treat sarcoptic mange of camels in the same way that tarfd (Tamarix spp.) is used (see below): by burning to ashes which are rubbed into the animal's skin. tarfd, Tamarix arahica Bge., T. aucheriana (Decne.) Baum, T. macrocarpa (Ehrenb.) Bge., T. mannifera (Ehrenb.) Bge., T. ramosissima Ledeb. (Tamaricaceae). Tamarisk was used to treat sarcoptic mange of camels by burning the wood "all night," then rubbing the ashes into the diseased skin of the animals. According to an elder Qahtanl, cruciferous herbs that are hot to the taste (examples given were siffdr, Schimpera arabica Hochst. et Steud. and khzdmah, Horwoodia dicksoniae Turrill), when grazed by camels, bring what he called jarab al-kirsh, "mange of the rumen," to the surface of the skin where it can be treated more easily. Camels were said to graze on such plants mainly at night. I do not have any evidence that camels were purposely induced to eat these plants. Lung Diseases murr, Commiphora myrrha Nees. (Burseraceae). This oleo-gum resin, myrrh, is not native to our study area but is a commonly used import from the Somali coast of Africa or from southern Arabia. According to a consultant of Banl Hajir, a serious lung disease of camels called nihdz is treated by giving the animal water containing powered myrrh. At the same time, the camel is made to inhale smoke from buming camel dung. 191 Eye Inflammations thmdm, Panicum turgidum Forssk. (Gramineae). A consultant of Banl Hajir described how the roots of this shrubby perennial grass, an important grazing plant, are used as a remedy for inflammation of the eye in sheep and goats. The roots are well chewed by the herdsman and the mixture of plant juice and saliva is spat into the animal's eye, which is held open with the fingers. Galls and Wounds 'ushar, Calotropis procera R. Br. (Asclepiadaceae). A QahtanI elder said that the somewhat caustic milky sap of this plant was used to treat camel galls and wounds. Nervous Conditions shih, Artemisia sieberi Besser (syn. A. herba-alba Asso). (Compositae). Musil (1928a:383, 408) reported its use by the Ruwalah Bedouins in northern Arabia as a smoke inhalant to cure glanders in horses and to treat "bewitched" animals. 6.4.3. Medicinal Plants Sold by Herbalists It was my experience that the Bedouins of eastern Arabia, following the practice of the setded folk in the same region, sometimes purchased remedies from herbalist shops in the towns. I do not, however, have any record of which of these (apart from the examples mentioned in the first paragraph of section 6.4) the Bedouins actually use. I gathered a collection of such medicinals in herbalists' shops in al-Qatif and ad-Dammam and present 192 a list below of the plant products that I was able to identify. In the main, these were similar to a list of useful plants and drugs collected in Iran and Iraq and identified and described by Hooper (1937). They are known to the shopkeepers and labeled (if at all) only by their Arabic names. Plants sold in shops that are native desert plants in our area, or closely adjoining regions, are marked with an asterisk. The proprietors of herbalist shops sometimes seemed to be purposely vague or secretive about the uses made of the herbs they handled, and some of my specimens lack notes on local indications. I use classical Arabic transliterations for the names which were given me in the herb shops. 'afs, Quercus sp. (Fagaceae). Oak galls. Probably used as an astringent or in tanning. *arta. Calligonum comosum L'Her. (Polygonaceae). Dried twigs. Said to be used for women's ailments. bahilaj, Terminalia bellerica Roxb. (Combretaceae). Dried fruit, belleric myrobalans. This staple of traditional medicine in Southwest Asia is used as an astringent and a digestive (Hooper 1937:177). *basbas, Anisosciadium lanatum Boiss. (Umbelliferae). Dried upper stems and fruits. Used, probably as a water extract, for skin sores and boils. dam al-akhawayn Dracaena cinnabari Balf. (Agavaceae). Lumps of very dark red resin generally referred to in the West (as in Arabic) as "dragon's blood." The drug is imported from the island of Socotra, off southwestern Arabia, and used as an astringent and stiptic (Hooper 1937:114). dayram, tentatively identified as bark from the walnut, Juglans regia L. (Juglandaceae). Strips of tree bark, dull reddish brown in color, generally 2-3 cm wide and 8-12 cm long. 193 sometimes folded double. Also sold in local spice markets and said to be used by women to cleanse the mouth and redden the lips. Possibly brought in from India. Ghazanfar (1994:120) says that in Oman walnut bark is "soaked in water and rubbed on the teeth and gums for cleaning; it gives a reddish tinge to the gums which is found attractive." She says that the bark is called bambar in Saudi Arabia, but in our area I found that name applied only to the oasis tree, Cordia myxa L., the fruits of which are said by villagers of al-Qatif to be a vermifuge. fllfil mabarad, Piper retrofactum Vahl., syn. Piper longum L. (Piperaceae). Long pepper. Dried spikes of unripe fruits. According to Schopen (1983:55) this spice imported from India is used in Yemen as a tonic, stimulant and aphrodisiac. It is called there dar filfil. ghisi, Myrtus communis L. (Myrtaceae). Myrtle. Sold both as whole dried leaves and as a fine powder (from the leaves). Used, among other things, as baby powder. Some similar-appearing powder of the same name probably comes from Ziziphus spina-christi (L.) Willd. habb harmal, Peganum harmala L. (Zygophyllaceae). Seeds. One of the better known traditional drugs in Southwestern Asia, where it is used to treat colic, kidney stones and as a vermifuge. The active alkaloids include harmine, harmaline, harmalol, and peganine. The seeds also have antibacterial activities (Ghazanfar 1994:218). habbah sawda', samra' ("black seed"), Nigella sativa L. (Ranunculaceae). Seeds. This remedy is as well known in Arabia as aspirin is in the West and is used by both Bedouins and villagers for a wide variety of ailments ranging from nasal congestion to constipation and (mixed with other remedies) for childbirth recovery. 194 halilaj, hulayhilah, Terminalia chebula Retz. (Combretaceae). Dried fruits (black myrobalans). Found in all traditional drug shops in the Middle East, black myrobalans are used as a purge and to relieve stomach pains (Hooper 1937:177). It is used in Oman for treating constipation, flatulence and acid stomach (Ghazanfar 1994:87). haltit, Ferula assa-foetida L. (Umbelliferae). Asafetida. Lumps of the oleo-gum resin, of very strong, somewhat unpleasant alliaceous odor. One of the important traditional drugs exported from Iran and neighboring regions; used to treat flatulence and, at least formerly, hysterical conditions (Trease 1961:441-442). hard. Curcuma domestica Val. or C. longa Trim. (Zingiberaceae). Turmeric root pieces. Said used, after pounding to powder, for children's ailments. harmal, Peganum harmala L. (Zygophyllaceae). Dried leaves, said to be used by smoking in a pipe. Ghazanfar (1994:218) reports that the leaves are used in Yemen to treat arthritic pain by rubbing on joints and that an antihelmintic tea is made from them. hayl habashi ("Abyssinian cardamom"), Amomum subulatum Roxb. (Zingiberaceae). Hill cardamoms. Dried fruits. Said to have been imported from (or through) Iran and India. They are used both as a spice and as a carminative and stimulant (Hooper 1937:84). hulbah, Trigonella foenum-graecum L. (Leguminosae). Fenugreek seeds. Grown locally in oasis gardens. This well known remedy is used in Oman to treat bronchitis and coughs and for post partum treatments of mothers. The seeds contain a steroidal saponin, diosgenin, as well as the alkaloid trigonelline (Ghazanfar 1994:117). 195 'irq al-hayl, Elettaria cardamomum Maton. (Zingiberaceae). The cardomom plant. Root pieces. Mrq al-iayy, Helicteres isora L. (Sterculiaceae). Dried fruits of characteristic twisted form from India or Sri Lanka. Said taken with meat. Hooper (1937:124-125) says Helicteres is used for dysentery and flatulence. Mrq as-salib, 'irq salibi, Paeonia ojficinalis Retz. (Paeoniaceae). Brown, spindle-shaped root tubers, somewhat porous and lighter within. Used in Yemen under the name 'ud as-salib (Schopen 1983:124-125). According to Ghazanfar (1994:161), the drug has been used for psychological and nervous illnesses. Uphof (1968:381) notes its use for hysteria and epilepsy. 'irq as-sus, Glycyrrhiza glabra L. (Leguminosae). Licorice root. Long used in Asia for cough and chest complaints, also to relieve indigestion from eating fruit (Hooper 1937:122). *Mshriq, Cassia italica (Mill.) F. W. Andr. (Leguminosae). Dried leaflets and fine stems. Used as a strong purge. izafar al-jann ("finger nails of the jinn"), Astragalus hamosus L. (Leguminosae). The dried, curved fruits. Probably from Iran. Said to be used by inhaling the smoke. *ja'dah, Teucrium polium L. (Labiatae). Dried leaves. Used as an infusion for fever. jawa, Styrax benzoin Dryander (Styracaceae). Crude benzoin, sold in the markets as large lumps of fragrant dark resin with whitish inclusions. Probably used mainly as an incense but noted in the literature for having medicinal properties as an expectorant, antiseptic and as an inhalant for lung diseases. 196 jawz, Myristica fragrans Houtt. (Myristicaceae). Dried whole fruits of nutmeg. According to Trease (1937:261), nutmeg has been used as a carminative. jawz fufal, Areca catechu L. (Palmae). Areca (betel) nuts. The nuts contain an alkaloid, arecoline, which is active medically. Powdered nuts are used as a vermifuge for dogs (Trease 1961:166). kabdah, Entada gigas (L.) Fawc. et Rendle (Leguminosae). Seeds (which are remarkable and unmistakable in both size and form). An import from India. Hooper (1937:117) cites reports that these seeds have been exported from India to Iran for medicinal uses, one of which was externally for back pain. *kaff maryam, Anastatica hierochuntica L. (Cruciferae). Small dried whole plants of characteristic spheroidal shape. Used to make an infusion drunk to ease childbirth. kuzbarah, Coriandrum sativum L. (Umbelliferae). Coriander seeds. Hooper (1937:106) reports its use to relieve headache and (as smoke) for toothache. *lawz bahrl ("sea almonds"), Avicennia marina (Forssk.) Vierh. (Verbenaceae). Dried capsules. Identified by comparison with my specimens of Avicennia collected in Tarut Bay. Sold in an herbalist's shop in ad-Dammam and said to be used, pounded up in milk, to "strengthen the male faculties." lisan at-tayr ("bird's tongue"), Holarrhena antidysenterica Wall. (Apocynaceae). A product of India. luban, Boswellia sacra Flueck. (Burseraceae). Frankincense. Lumps and drops of oleogum resin. Used primarily as incense but also has medicinal uses. Imported from Dhufar, southern Oman or from the Somali coast of East Africa. 197 mahlab, Prunus mahaleb L. (Rosaceae). Dried kernels. mastika, Pistacia lentiscus L. (Anacardiaceae). Small rounded pieces of gray-colored gum resin, mastic. murr, Commiphora myrrha (Nees) Engl. (Burseraceae). Myrrh. Dark-colored pieces of oleo-gum resin. A medicinal widely used, among other things, for colds, fevers, hemorrhoids and toothache. Brought in from southwestern Arabia or East Africa. qajarat. Hibiscus sabdariffa L. (Malvaceae). Dried red flower parts. This material is also sold in spice markets and is used in hot water to brew an acid-tasting reddish tea. Its presence in herbalists' shops suggests that it is also considered medicinal in some respect, but I have no information on such use. *qaysum, Achillaea fragrantissima (Forssk.) Sch. Bip. (Compositae). Dammam. Dried upper stems and flowers. Said to be used for fevers. qurf, Punica granatum L. (Punicaceae). Dried pieces of pomegranate rind. Said to be used for dyeing in eastern Saudi Arabia. Ghazanfar (1994:179) records its use in Oman for skin rashes and in Yemen to stop bleeding. Hooper (1937:160) says the rind is used as an astringent and prescribed for dysentery. qust, Saussurea lappa C. B. Clarke (Compositae). Root pieces. According to Hooper (1937:170) this staple of Middle Eastern traditional medicine was exported from Kashmir, India. rashad, seeds of Lepidium sativum L. (Cruciferae). Hooper (1937:136) notes their use in the Middle East as a tonic, aphrodisiac and diuretic. 198 sabr, Aloe perryi Baker (Liliaceae). Small, nearly black pieces of resin-like dried juice. According to Trease (1961:177) Aloe perryi is found on the island of Socotra off southwestern Arabia, and in East Africa. It is widely known as a purgative. *saf, idhkhir, Cymbopogon commutatus (Steud.) Stapf. (or possibly C. schoenanthus Spreng.). Gramineae. Said to have been brought in from the area of WadI ad-Dawasir, in central Saudi Arabia. Used as a smoke inhalant. samagh, gum of Acacia Senegal (L.) Willd. (Leguminosae). Gum Arabic. Sana makki, 'ishriq, Cassia acutifolia Del. (Leguminosae). Leaves, used as a laxative. shadhab, Ruta chalepensis L. (Rutaceae). Broken stems and leaf pieces. Said to have been brought in from 'Asir, southwestern Saudi Arabia. Used to treat mental diseases and for those "possessed by devils or jinn." *shay'ah, probably Vernonia cinerascens Sch.-Bip. (Compositae). Dried stems, leaves and flowers. Said to have been obtained from the area of WMi ad-Dawasir, central Arabia. Ghazanfar (1994:50) notes that V. cinerea (L.) Less, is used in Oman to treat scorpion bites, fevers and as an antihelmintic. *shlh, Artemisia sieberi Besser (Compositae). Ghazanfar (1994:40) writing of this plant's use in northern Oman, says that it is used as an antihelmintic and that its essential oils are reportedly toxic to Ascaris. samm as-samak ("fish poison"), Anamirta paniculata Coleb. (Menispermaceae). Dried fruits. Used by the coastal people for catching fish in shallow waters of the Persian Gulf. Broken pieces are put into small bread balls and thrown into the water. Fish that take the bait are partly paralyzed and can be collected from the water surface. I have tried it with 199 success. According to Hooper (1937:85) it is also used in the Orient for poisoning dogs and making skin ointments. *turthuth, Cynomorium coccineum L. (Cynomoriaceae). Sometimes eaten as a tonic or used in dyeing to obtain a crimson color. Said to be used medicinally for women's complaints. 'unnab, Zizyphus jujuba Mill. (Rhamnaceae). The jujube. Dried fruits. Said given with sugar in the morning to treat chest complaints. *ushnan, Seidlitzia rosmarinus Ehrenb. ex Bge. (Chenopodiaceae). Dried leaves and stem pieces. Crushed up in water and used as a soap substitute for washing. washaq, Dorema ammoniacum Don (Leguminosae). Rounded lumps of reddish-brown gum resin said used on wounds, sores. My specimens form the characteristic milky emulsion in water described by Hooper (1937:113), who says the plant is native to desert regions in Afghanistan and Iran and that it is used as a plaster for wounds as well as a stimulant and expectorant. Pods of Cassia fistula L. (Leguminosae) were purchased in an herbalist shop, but I have no record of the vernacular name. According to Uphof (1968:111) it is used primarily as a laxative. 200 Unidentified Medicinals The following specimens, obtained from shops in al-QatIf or ad-Dammam, have not yet been identified: irm, leaves of a labiate plant, perhaps Lavandula (lavender) said to come from the Hijaz (the western, mountainous region of Saudi Arabia) and to be used mixed with qaysum, Achillea frangrantissima (Forssk.) Sch.-Bip., for treating fevers. far'ah, broken pieces of a yellow, clearish resin with a smooth, glassy fracture. Somewhat soluble in alcohol but not in water. Resembles pine resin but the odor and taste of a freshly fractured piece seem too mild for that. jift, thin, dark brown pieces of apparently tree bark mixed with broken pieces of almondshaped seeds. Possibly an oak bark, Quercus sp., and probably used for tanning or as an astringent. mumthalah, dark brown hard nuts, somewhat of walnut shape, mostly 2-3 cm in diameter, each containing a pair of "meats" obtainable by cracking the shell. Said to be used as an emetic. It is not Strychnos nux-vomica L. qarab, broken sections of what appear to be leguminous pods, very thin and flat and strongly constricted between the seeds. Possibly the pods of Acacia nilotica Del. 6.5. Tanning and Dyestuffs During my data collection I did not come across much detailed information about plant uses for tanning and dyeing. This was probably a result of my lack of female consultants as well as the fact that commercial chemical agents had largely supplanted traditional plant 201 materials for these purposes, even by the 1960s. There appears to be a dearth of such information for the greater part of the Arabian Peninsula. Several of my consultants said that 'abal or (in the north) arta, Calligonum comosum L'Her., but for tribes of the Rub' al-Khali Calligonum crinitum Boiss. subsp. arahicum (Sosk.) Sosk. (Polygonaceae), was used in tanning without describing the method of use. I personally had found that chewing on twigs of this shrub gave a strongly astringent taste, as of tannins. Musil (1928a:70) provides some insight into its probable use when describing the tanning of camel hides by women of the Ruwalah early in the twentieth century. He says they took a half hide of camel, then treated it first by rubbing in salt and wheat dough. After curing five days rolled in the shade, the hide is unrolled again and the hair and any remaining flesh are scraped off. They then "lay it in a tanning mixture of artd [Calligon comosum] or najib roots." There is no doubt about the identity of the first material, artd. Musil says it was collected by the women themselves, while the second was purchased. The najib may have been an Acacia product, possibly bark (despite Musil's reference to "roots"). The basic meaning of najab is "bark," and Hobbs (1989:52) found the name najub used fox Acacia bark among Bedouins in eastern Egypt who a few generations earlier had migrated from Arabia. Acacia etbaica Schweinf. is a possible source species, as that is called garad today and classical Arabic sources refer to qaraz as an important tanning tree. Probably not found in the usual migration range of the Ruwalah, it would have been purchased in town markets. Finally, Musil continues, the leather is finished for use as large water bags by rubbing with camel bone marrow or camel fat, widak. The English explorer H. St. J. Philby, during his crossing of the Rub' al-Khall in 1932, found man-made, circular depressions in gypsum rock, three feet in diameter and four inches deep, which he says his guides described as the dye pits used by Bedouin 202 women for leather goods, the "dye" coming "from the juicy shoots of the Abal bush [Calligonum crinitum subsp. arabicum], pounded on sheets of leather laid over the pit, until they yield their tannin" (Philby 1933:227). It seems much more likely that the use here was for tanning rather than dyeing, although I had a consultant's report of 'abal used also for dyeing (see below). An elder A1 Murrah consultant told me that harmal, Rhazya striata Decne. (Apocynaceae), presumably the leaves, was used to tan hides. This shrub, considered noxious to livestock, also has medicinal uses (section 6.4). Another plant used for treating hides was, according to an elder of Bani Hajir, 'ddhir, Artemisia monosperma Del. (Compositae). The leaves of this somewhat aromatic, densely-leaved perennial of deep sand terrain were said to be pounded up and put on skins to cure them. It is not entirely clear whether this use was for the basic tanning operation, or for some subsequent special curing step. Musil (1927:229) reported that Iwezah, Prunus arabicus Oliv. (Rosaceae), was used by the Ruwalah for the tanning of hides. I have collected specimens of this wild almond shrub in northern Arabia on the banks of WadI 'Ar'ar, in the Iraq border region of Saudi Arabia. Its distribution does not extend into our study area proper. My consultants told me that the twining, lactiferous shrub ghalgah, Pergularia tomentosa L. (Asclepiadaceae), was used in earlier times for the removal of hair from hides preparatory to tanning. They did not have a clear idea of how it was used but attributed the depilatory activity to the plant's milky sap. Nicolaisen (1963:275) describes how the same plant is used in North Africa by the Tuareg for dehairing hides for tanning: a bundle of the plants is dipped in hot water and rubbed over the inner side of the hide, which is spread out over rock or other firm support. Within a day the hair loosens and can be plucked out with the fingers. 203 With respect to dyestuffs, I found good evidence of fairly recent use of the root parasite tarthuth, Cynomorium coccineum L. (Cynomoriaceae), for the dyeing of cloth. A Bedouin elder said that the crimson pigment (on the epidermis) of this plant stains fast and was used by Bedouin women of the Manasir tribe (southeastern Arabia, including parts of the Rub' al-Khall) to dye clothing the dark red color called daml, "bloodcolored." Dickson (1955:104) reported that a yellow dye was made by Bedouins (or townsfolk) in Kuwait from 'arjun, the toadstool Podaxis pistillaris, which has an upper part in the form of a vertical club rather than a cap. This snow-white fungus is found virtually everywhere in Arabia. This use fits Doughty's account of finding, during his north Arabian travels of 1876-78,"... certain tall white toadstools; some of our fellowship gathered them, and these, being boiled with alum in the urine of camels that had fed of the bush el-humth, yield they told me the gay scarlet dye of the Beduin woolwives" (Doughty 1936:1:402). The color described fits the dye from Cynomorium, described above (which also grows in northern Arabia), but his eye witnessing of "tall white toadstools" can hardly be doubted. The use of "el-humth", our hamd, here is of special interest. The name applies not to any individual species of plant, but rather to that group of chenopodiaceous perennials known to play a special role in the nutrition of the camel through their content of salt and other minerals (sections 6.1.1 and 9.3). The excretion of such minerals in the camel urine presumably could play a mordant (or pHraising) role in the dyeing process. Some other plant sources of coloring matter: tannum, Chrozophora oblongifolia (Del.) A. Juss. ex Spreng. (Euphorbiaceae). This plant is traditionally associated with the making of writing ink in Arabia, and I was told 204 by a resident of Riyadh, in central Arabia, that it was used for this purpose. He said that the capsules were "cooked" in its preparation. Villagers in Najd told me similar stories. I have no evidence that it is used this way (or for any other staining purpose) by Bedouins in our study area, although the plant occurs there and many of them knew that the plant contained a dark stain of some kind. I found that the juice from capsules of this plant, apparently upon oxidation, frequently leaves strong blue-black or reddish stains on herbarium dryers. Another species of Chrozophora, C. tinctoria (L.) Raf. , which is the tournsole dye plant of southern Europe and the Mediterranean, also occurs in a few desert parts of our study area. Some authorities consider C. oblongifolia to be conspecific with that rather variable, better known plant. 'abal, artd, Calligonum comosum and C. crinitum subsp. arabicum (Polygonaceae), was said to be used, not only for tanning (as described above), but to produce a red dye used for clothing. The twigs and leaves (the latter are very fugaceous) are said to have been used. Abu Hanlfah ad-Dlnawari, an excellent classical Arabic source of the late ninth century A.D., says however, that the dye was prepared from the rind or epidermis {qushur) of the roots of this plant (Lewin 1974:173). I have seen exposed roots of 'abal that are dark red in color. guruf, the dried rinds of the pomegranate, Punica granulatum L. (Punicaceae), sold in village markets, are used to obtain a yellow color. jift, a plant substance (unidentified but said to be imported from Iran) is purchased in village markets and used to obtain a red color. 'arfaj, Rhanterium epapposum Oliv. (Compositae). The bright yellow flowers of this common grazing shrub are said to have been used in some way for yellow coloring. 205 athl, Tamarix aphylla L. (Tamaricaceae). Philby (1922:2:181) during his visit to WadI ad-Dawasir, southern Najd, in 1918, described the athl trees there, " ... in full bloom with the Kirma or pinkish clusters of tiny berries, which enjoy a great reputation as a dye and are said to be found only in the south, the Ithils of Upper Arabia being entirely barren." Subsequently, in the Qasim region of northern Najd, he described athl trees, "well grown and tipped with the russet flowering which I had noticed in Wadi Dawasir. But here apparently the flower does not mature sufficiently to be used for the making of dyes, though, according to Tami, further north at Hail some use is made of it" (Philby 1928:185-186). It is not entirely clear whether it is the flowers of this plant (which are not a very strong pink) or the capsules (which become rather strongly red in some species of Tamarix) that were used for dyeing. 6.6. Soaps, Cosmetics and Dental Hygiene Bedouins in our study area do not make (and apparently did not historically make) true soap, that is, fats saponified through the use of lye obtained from plant ashes, although Philby (1933:14) refers to the ashes of shndn {Seidlitzia, see below) being used for making soap. They do, however, wash with fresh or dried, untreated material from at least two alkali-rich, succulent shrubs of the family Chenopodiaceae. The main active substance is probably sodium carbonate (soda ash, washing soda), which has historically been extracted in several parts of the world from salt marsh chenopods such as Suaeda spp. (Mabberley 1987:562; Dymock, Warden and Hooper 1890:3:141-142). The two plants listed below are of this type. shnan, Seidlitzia rosmarinus Ehrenb. ex Bge. (Chenopodiaceae). Among the Shararat it is called duwwied, "worm-bush," probably in allusion to its terete, succulent leaves. All 206 my consultants knew the use of this saltbush as a kind of "soap" for washing, although I saw no evidence that it was being used in the 1960s. This rounded shrublet, which grows to about 80 cm high, is usually found on hummocks on saline ground near sbdkh, or salt flats. The leaves are stripped, dried, then pounded up for use. Musil (1928a: 134) indicates that it was the only washing aid used by the Ruwalah of northern Arabia early in the twentieth century. I have not tried shndn as soap, but Dickson (1955:86) says that the dried leaves, pounded up, "produce quite a nice lather." 'ujram, hurd, ghaslah, Anabasis lachnantha Aellen et Rech. f. (Chenopodiaceae). This saltbush with jointed, virtually leafless stems is used just like shndn in northern Arabia as "soap" for washing clothes, according to Shammarl and Hutaymi consultants. In our more southern study area the bush is called 'ujram. The Shammar use the name ghaslah, from the verb ghasal, "to wash." The Shararat call it hurd, which means "lye, alkali." harm, Zygophyllum qatarense Hadidi, Zygophyllum mandavilllei Hadidi, of a different family (Zygophyllaceae) but also of saline habitats, was also reportedly used as soap. But it was said to be inferior to shindn for that purpose and to damage clothing (Philby 1933:14). sidr, Ziziphus spina-christi (L.) Willd. (Rhamnaceae). This tree, which grows up to 12 m high and is found in both spinous and unarmed forms, is usually seen only as a cultivated plant of the oases. It does grow wild in southern parts of Arabia, and I found it in the desert once in our study area, possibly associated with an abandoned well nearby. The use of the leaves for washing is well known throughout Arabia, and leaf powder is still sold in the spice and medicinal sections of traditional markets in our study area. The leaves are collected, dried, and pounded up to a fine powder. This material is usually used as a hair wash; traditionally it was also used to wash the dead. I have experimented 207 myself with the powder as a shampoo, which is said to soften the hair and strengthen the roots. My experience with this product, which I found very effective even in hard water, was as follows: Finely powdered leaves should be chosen in the market; flat leaf bits are more difficult to rinse out of the hair and provide less lather. A half cup of leaf powder well covered with warm water will begin to produce thin suds within a few minutes with little stirring. This mixture has a vegetable odor, but none is left in the hair. Two liberal applications, well rubbed in and rinsed between, leaves the hair soft and lustrous. It is superior to chemical shampoos in leaving the hair straight and more manageable (Mandaville 1990:207). hinnd, Lawsonia inermis L. (Lythraceae). The henna shrub or small tree grows to about 2-7 m high with opposite, elliptical-oblanceolate leaves. It does not grow wild in our study area but is frequently cultivated in the oases (where I have also seen it spontaneous along roadsides) and as a decorative shrub in towns. The powdered dried leaves are widely used in the Middle East as a dyestuff giving a characteristic orange-brown color. It is used cosmetically by women of both the desert and towns for making decorative patterns on the body, usually the extremities. Dickson, whose wife Violet had a close association with Bedouin and town women in Kuwait, reported (1951:158-159) that Bedouin women used henna only to decorate their hands, fingernails and toenails, while the settled folk used it more widely. The powdered henna is mixed with water to make a paste, then applied carefully in the desired pattern. It is then allowed to dry until it falls off. This is repeated several times to obtain a dark enough color. I was told that mixing into the paste an aqueous infusion of crushed dried limes would strengthen the coloring action and that recent practice was to add a small amount of motor gasoline to the paste to intensify the color. There is a general belief that henna also toughens the hands and feet against abrasion, and elderly men (including one of my consultants of the Qahtan tribe) 208 sometimes use it to dye their white beards reddish brown. It is also used by people of the oases to decorate their white donkeys with geometric patterns. nifal. Trigonella stellata Forssk. (Leguminosae). This small, prostrate, sweet-smelling annual is, according to Dickson (1955:93) dried, pounded up, and used by women of the Shammar tribe as a hair dressing after washing. kahal, khil, kahld, Arnebia decumbens (Vent.) Coss. et Krai., A. linearifolia DC., A. tinctoria Forrsk., A. hispidissima (Lehm.) DC., Echium horridum Batt. (Boraginaceae). Plants in this group are all characterized by a crimson pigment present on the surface of their taproots. This coloration can be easily rubbed off, and Bedouin women sometimes rub the fresh root on their face as a sort of rouge. Dickson reports the same application in Kuwait from Arnebia decumbens (1955:19). rdk, ardk, Salvadora persica L. (Salvadoraceae). The roots and twigs of this large woody shrub, which grows 1-3.5 m high, are made into toothbrushes (msdwTk, sing. miswdk) used throughout Arabia by both Bedouins and people of the towns. The rdk shrub grows today at only two places within our study area, one of which is near the small port (and ancient ruins) of al-'Uqayr opposite Bahrain Island on the Persian Gulf. The other lies farther to the north and inland at a place called ar-Rakah, southwest of the settlement of 'Awazim Bedouins known as Thaj (also an archeological site). It probably also grew, historically, at the village called ar-Rakah between the coastal towns of adDammam and al-Khubar. I have visited the two rdk sites in our study area on several occasions and always found evidence of recent digging and collection of the plant for toothbrushes. The miswdk toothbrush is also sold in all towns, often by sidewalk vendors, and much of this market material probably comes from western or southwestern Arabia, where the shrub is found much more commonly than in the northeast. 209 The miswdk is collected, stored and sold in partially unfinished form as washed and dried lengths of yellowish-white roots or twigs about 15-20 cm long and 1-1.5 cm in diameter. They are prepared for use by cutting back the epidermis and cortex from one end for about 2 cm. This exposes the fibrous stele, which after soaking and preparatory rubbing forms the "bristles" at the end of the stick. The brisdes at the distal end of the stick thus extend and are parallel to, the "handle's" long axis, rather than at right angles to it as with a Western toothbrush. As the fibers become worn with use they are cut off and a new section prepared, and this procedure is continued until the handle becomes inconveniently short. In use, the miswdk has a somewhat medicinal and astringent flavor which is said to act as a dentifrice and general mouth cleaner. Normally, no additional dentifrice is used with it. A commercial toothpaste containing Salvadora extract has been marketed in Saudi Arabia under the trade name "Fluoroswak." Salvadora is not the only shrub or tree used in Arabia as a source of toothbrushes. I purchased some msdwik in the Eastern Province city of ad-Dammam made from basham, the balsam tree. Commiphora gileadensis (L.) Engl. (Burseraceae) of western Arabia. According to Groom (1981:126), and despite its name, it is probably not the Biblical "Balm of Gilead." My specimens are twigs 15-19 cm long and about 0.8 cm in diameter, with the thin, reddish-brown bark still on. The basham sticks have a somewhat bitter, resinous flavor and are said to give the breath "a good smell." They were said to have come from the western highland town of at-Ta'if and were sold at the same price as the rdk sticks (Saudi riyals 2 for smaller ones, Saudi riyals 4 for the larger ones, corresponding to about US$ 0.60 and $1.20 respectively ~ as a foreigner I may have been overcharged). 210 6 . 1 . Gunpowder I had heard many reports from Bedouins of the use of 'ushar, the giant milkweed Calotropis procera (Ait.) Ait. f. (Asclepiadaceae), for the preparation in earlier days of black gunpowder, bdriid. Nobody, however, seemed to have had firsthand experience with the process, and some, particularly younger, consultants had some obviously fanciful ideas about it. A Bedouin of BanI Khalid, for example, told me that the large, round fruits of 'ushar were squeezed to produce their milk-white sap and that the latex was then mixed with gunpowder and dried to make it "stronger" and to make "the bullets shoot straighter." Others thought that gunpowder could somehow be made from the plant without any other ingredients. I finally met some older and more experienced men who had actually made gunpowder or had the information from their parents. They confirmed that it was actually only the charcoal from 'ushar that was used in gunpowder making. The plant, a tall, glaucous tree-like perennial with leaves like opened leaves of cabbage, can be found growing in many parts of Arabia, although it is not encountered very often. I found it both in remote desert locations and as a ruderal around towns, including the oil company community at Dhahran and on vacant lots in the Red Sea port of Jiddah. Crude muzzle-loading guns were widely used in Arabia. I remember seeing old men carrying them for bird hunting in the 1940s and 1950s in eastern Saudi Arabia. Even at this time the powder they used was probably imported and purchased. Many gun supplies, including powder and pre-loaded shot shells for more modem shotguns, were brought in from England during that period. A few old timers also still used old factorymade European rifles requiring black powder cartridges, such as the British single shot Martini carbines, which used huge cartridges and .45 caliber bullets. Used cases for these were sometimes reloaded by the Bedouins themselves using black powder. 211 Black gunpowder everywhere was (and still is) normally made from three ingredients: saltpeter (potassium nitrate), sulfur, and charcoal. In Arabia, it was the charcoal from 'ushar that was favored above all others for such use. This was probably because the wood of this tree-like milkweed is of a cork-like low density, fine textured and porous, and thus bums completely to a pure carbon and is easy to crush up into the required powdered form used in the mixture. A consultant from Oman said that the other ingredients of gunpowder, sulfur and saltpeter, "came from the ground." An elder Qahtanl who had made gunpowder himself told me that the wood of 'ushar was cut up into pencil-size pieces, then burned. The resulting charcoal is mixed with saltpeter (which he called maldh, a name related to that for common salt, milh) and khaffdn, a form of yellow sulfur (the more usual name for sulfur in general is kibnt). Asked what proportions were used of each component, he said that as he could remember a larger amount of saltpeter was used (which conforms with usual practice in powder manufacture). Sulfur, being used medicinally, particularly for the treatment of camels afflicted with sarcoptic mange, jarab, is sold in all village markets. The saltpeter was imported or, in earlier times, made by the Bedouins themselves. The English traveler Charles Doughty gave an interesting account of how this was done at the time of his visit to northem Arabia in 1872-73: The Bedouins knew that "salts" (nitrates) were found in the excrement of livestock (either dung or urine, or both), so they extracted it from the earth at places where sheep and camels were concentrated and sheltered, such as in rock shelters, around watering places, and around old buildings. They would test such deposits by taste (presumably the ground tasted salty there), dig out the earth and boil it with water in kettles. Then, Doughty says, they "let the lye of the second seething stand all night, having cast in it a few straws: ~ upon these yellow nitre crystals will be found clustered 212 in the morning. With such (impure) nitre, they mingle a proportion of sulphur, which is purchased in the haj market, or at Medina. Charcoal they prepare themselves of certain lighter woods, and kneading all together with water, they make a cake of gunpowder, and when it is dry, they cut it with the knife crosswise into gross grains; such powder is foul and weak, and they load with heavy charges" (Doughty 1936:1:410). Doughty (1936:2:165) also once directly observed the making of gunpowder by the Bedouins, on which occasion his subject used charcoal not from 'ushar (a usage Doughty mentions) but from wood of the castor oil tree {Ricinus communis L.), which grows in Arabian oases. I was given the name khirwa' for that plant by a Hajirl Bedouin of the east. 6. 8. Crafts and Construction Bedouins in our study area did not make baskets or mats from plant material but purchased and used those made by the oasis folk and sold in village or town markets. Most of the handicrafts of the Bedouins focus rather on the use of animal hair and wool in weavings and braided goods, and on leather. The usual material of purchased baskets and mats is leaves of the date palm {Phoenix dactylifera L.) or stems of the rush called nimas or wasal {Juncus rigidus Desf.), commonly found in oasis wetlands. Bedouins often keep some lif, or date palm fiber on hand for making small cords or rope or for other uses, such as the small wad always stuffed in the spout of the brass coffee pot to act as a filter that keeps grounds out of the cups. The fiber is purchased in village markets or simply taken from some of the date palm clumps that grow wild in coastal districts. Some tribal groups, such as sections of A1 Murrah at Yabrin, also own date groves that are visited periodically or in which they have even settled. Palm fiber occurs in sheets, almost like woven cloth, around the trunk of the palm, behind the leaf stalk bases. Small 213 Plate 6.7. A consultant of Bam Hajir demonstrates how he hobbles his camel using small rope of unidentified material. Four turns are taken around each leg to distribute pressure and provide sufficient strength. The camel's broad, cushion-like feet are an aid in traversing soft sand terrain. 214 cordage is made of lif hy rolling on the thigh. Some other plant materials may also be used. Ferdinand (1993:94) has a photograph of an elderly Bedouin man in Qatar making light rope of an unidentified plant fiber that appears to be other than lif. Dickson (1955:98-99) reported use by the Shammar tribe of culms from the common desert sedge called 'andab (or in the north, mmse'), Cyperus conglomeratus Rottb., for making ropes. "It was first soaked in water," she said, "then beaten out between boards, and twisted up." I did not hear of such use in our study area, and the heavier rope that I saw in use by Bedouins, such as for tent guys, was purchased, imported, commercial rope of natural or synthetic material. The poles for tents were also purchased items from the towns, being either rounded natural pole shapes or planed and smoothed commercial lumber. Wood is used in the construction of essential Bedouin hardware such as the frames or trees of riding and pack saddles but these, also, are normally purchased in the towns, all of which usually have a special hardware market area dealing in Bedouin supplies. The camel stick, which is almost a required dress article among elder Bedouins, is made of a kind of cane and is said to be imported from Mdia (Ferdinand 1993:238). The majority of the ones I have seen appeared not to be made of local oasis reeds, 'agrabdn (Phragmites australis (Cav.) Trin. ex Steud. or Arundo donax L.). This was apparently true even in earlier times; Musil (1928a: 127) says the rattan camel sticks of the Ruwalah were purchased from peddlers, although one type was made by the Bedouins themselves from selected saplings such as of almond, presumably obtained during visits to settled areas or from the small, wild desert almond of the north, Iwezah (Prunus arabicus). There is, however, one kind of camel stick, called the mish'db, that may apparently be made from wild desert shrubs. Dickson (1951:652) says that this type was cut from wood of the sidr shrub of the Summan (Ziziphus nummularia). The form of 215 this stick, which has a hook-like end piece at angles to the main shaft but intrinsic with it, can be made easily only from the junction of a main and side branch of a woody shrub or tree. Some wild plant materials have uses (at least historically) as stuffing material, such as for saddle pads and tent cushions. Such is the case with the amaranthaceous shrub rd or tuwwem, Aerva javanica (Burm. f.) Spreng., which has thick fleece in its dense flowering spikes. It was used to provide stuffing for saddle pads, according to a Hajirl consultant. Shammari and Rashidi Bedouins said that the cottony fleece of gtenah (also of other names such as ra', tirf), Bassia eriophora (Schrad.) Aschers. (Chenopodiaceae), was once used similarly. 6. 9. Incense Bedouins in our study area, like people of the towns, use incense on more formal social occasions, usually after a meal that is considered a special occasion, or sometimes just after tea and coffee for guests. The incenses used are plant materials not native to the study area but are nevertheless of some interest. Incense is always used in a special bumer called a midkhdn, or mibkhdr (both grammatically nouns of instrument meaning, respectively "smoker" and "censer") usually tall and square in shape and made of decorated wood. The incense is not actually burned as a flame, as doing so would not produce the desired aromatic effect. It is rather laid on glowing charcoal taken from the coffee fire so that it vaporizes with a whitish "smoke" but does not burst into flame. The mibkhdr is brought out at the end of the meal after the guests, having eaten with the fingers of the right hand in traditional Arabian style, have washed up. Its appearance is a social signal that says, loosely, "This affair is finished now. Thank you for coming. Take this perfume with you (and thus let anyone you meet know that you have been our 216 honored guests)." The censor is passed around the circle of guests, each fanning its contents a bit and holding it briefly under their chins or beards and within the folds of their cloaks to capture perfume. The incense materials used in this little ceremony are usually one, but sometimes two of the following: 'iid, Aquilaria malaccensis Lam., A. agallocha Roxb. (Thymelaeaceae), sometimes called in English aloes wood, although it has nothing to do with the medicinal liliaceous genus. Aloe. The name basically means simply "stick [of wood]" but it is also the specific name for this costly plant product, which is sold as small, irregular pieces, lumps or splinters of wood, the most active parts of which are of darker color. It is imported from what is now eastern Bangladesh and from Southeast Asia, where it has been collected since ancient times. It is a pathological product of the Aquilaria tree, and its high price is a consequence of its rarity and the labor intensive process of collecting. Large trees have to be literally hacked to pieces by hand to discover the bands and spots of resinous material hidden in or near the heartwood (Dymock, Warden and Hooper 1890:3:217224). When 'ud is placed on glowing charcoal, it emits a whitish smoke of sweet, pleasant odor, and it is considered to be the best incense material of the several kinds used in Arabia. In the 1970s I purchased a half tola (6 g) of Cambodian 'ud for 50 Saudi riyals (about 14 US dollars). It was considered high quality material, but even more expensive grades are available. Its use is considered a more opulent show of hospitality than that of frankincense. lubdn, Boswellia sacra Flueck. (Burseraceae). This is frankincense, which is the drops or lumps of resin collected from the trunk and limbs of (or ground beneath) the Boswellia tree of Dhufar, southern Arabia and the northern Somali coast of East Africa. It is used, like 'ud, vaporized on glowing charcoal in the midkhdn. 217 Another kind of incense, called bakhiir, is sometimes also used. This is a commercially compounded product, usually from India or East Asia, consisting of finely divided material that is probably largely of plant origin and sold as pieces of dried paste. It is somewhat similar in appearance and odor to the active ingredients in Chinese joss sticks. It also is used by vaporization on glowing charcoal. I have not observed Bedouins using the crude benzoin resin sold in the markets and called jdwd (named for its Javanese origin). 6.10. Insect Repellents ja'dah, Teucrium polium L. (Labiatae). Another use for this fragrant medicinal plant — dating back to the days when inter-tribal raiding and warfare prevailed in Arabia -- was for the preservation of the leather parts of body armor. Commonly used Bedouin armor, at least in northern and central Arabia, included helmets eind chain mail that often had leather and cloth backing or straps, and it was the custom to store such implements in leather bags with dried ja'dah to prevent insect damage or other deterioration of the leather parts. It thus appears to have some insect-repellent properties. Musil (1928a:5354) recounts, from Ruwalah sources in northern Arabia, the story of how some Bedouin defenders hiding in ambush were given away by the sweet ja'dah odor of their recently donned armor. Some of their enemy approaching from downwind caught the scent, realized its significance, and were able to escape. Those who disregarded the aromatic waming were massacred. I have a large jar of dried ja'dah flower tops that I collected some 25 years ago, and bits of these crushed between finger tips still give off the sweet characteristic odor of the plant. 218 6.11. Children's Games Some desert plants are associated with play activities of children. One curious example is the cruciferous perennial Farsetia aegyptia Turra called haltd ("scratchweed') by A1 Murrah and hamdh ("hotweed") among the Qahtan. Haltd is a many-branched shrublet, 15-50 cm high, grayish with an indumentum of appressed hairs and narrowly linear leaves. Children use it to play "itching powder" jokes on one another. If a dried bush is rubbed briskly between one's hands they pick up near-microscopic hairs that can then be transferred to someone's face (or other tender-skinned part of the body) where they cause an intense itching, burning sensation. A hand lens shows fine downy hairs of a pinkwhite color that are no doubt responsible for the effect. Bedouin children are told by their parents about many edible wild plants, which leads to much "nibble experimentation" with parts of spring annuals, such as the roots of hambizan and the leaves of siffar. Such "tasting games" are probably responsible for the many reports by Dickson (1955) of plants "eaten by children." These activities no doubt serve an educational role and help pass down information about edible plants to the younger generation. Some annuals are used in play in other ways, such as the collection by young girls of the pigmented roots of Arnebia spp. to rouge their faces (see section 6.6) in "dress-up" games. Another example is the collection of the ring-like fruits of the armual vetch, Astragalus annularis Forssk., which is called abU khawdfim ("father of signet rings") by Al Murrah and asdbV al-'arus ("bride's fingers") by some other groups. The last name alludes to the reddish flecks found on the tapered pods, which thus resemble the fingers of a bride whose hands are decorated with geometric designs of henna. The pods of this plant are strongly compressed dorso-ventrally and are usually curved strongly into a nearly complete ring-shape. They are picked and worn by children as play finger rings. 219 7. THE ORIGIN AND PURPOSE OF PLANT LIFE My Bedouin consultants expressed a clear belief that plants were formed in all their kinds as an act of creation by God and were intended for the benefit of man. Both of these ideas clearly reflect the tenets of orthodox Islam, expressed in the Qur'an in such verses as "It is He who created for you all that is on earth" (2:29); (and after a description of the creation of domestic animals for the use of man) "It is He who sends down from the skies for you water to drink and from which [grow] shrubs and trees to which you send your livestock to graze" (16:10); and "It is He who sends down for you from the skies water whereby we bring forth vegetation of all kinds ... " (6:99).^ Consultants interestingly also expressed the idea that every kind of plant has a created name although "we don't know them all as some were forgotten or known only to the ancients (al-awwalln, 'those who came first')." This idea also has precedent in the Qur'an, which describes how God gave to Adam the names of all things: "And He taught Adam the names [of things], all of them ..." (2:31). The language of these created names is presumed to be Arabic, the language in which the Qur'an was revealed. Names for plants (as for other things) thus take on a revelational aspect that contrasts rather pointedly with Judaeo-Christian tradition, where God gives to Adam the opportunity to himself name the animals and birds of the earth (Genesis 2:19-20). This may account in part (as described in Chapter 13) for the long persistence of Arabic plant names with litde change ' It is of interest with respect to arid lands cognitive ecology that Qur'anic descriptions of the generation of plant life are virtually always expressed not as direct acts of God but through the effects of rain sent down by Him. Even animals are described as having been created from water (24:45). 220 and, with respect to the written language, the insistence of the early philologists on keeping them "correct." Asking once on a whim whether plants might change form or "kind" over time, I was answered strongly, with a tone of surprised amusement, in the negative. This response, while not unexpected, might be considered to lend support to the view that "kinds of living things" seem to be universally assumed to have an innate, unchanging "essence" (Atran 1990:58; see also remarks on this concept in section 1.2).^ ' I thank Prof. Cecil Brown for pointing out this possible aspect of "fixed" names. 221 8. PLANT ANATOMICAL TERMS The Bedouin vocabulary of plant anatomy is simple and generally confined to gross morphology. The roots of any plant are Hriig (sing. Hrg), a term used also for the veins or nerves of animals. The root crown, or ground-level base of a shrub from which spring both roots and branches is given several synonymous names, varying by tribe or geographical region. The most generally used term is jidh' {nmi. jdha'ah; Y>^.jdhu'), although one consultant of Al Murrah said that this name was really only properly used for the date palm and that the preferred general term for this part of desert shrubs was gd'ah (pis. gd'dt or gW^). A Qahtanl used the term gd'dah. Jdhii' are the parts of a shrub generally preferred and collected for firewood, in which case they are often dead or with few branches and are then called jriim (sing. jirm). When speaking of true trees with boles, as with some Acacia species (such forms are in fact very rare in our study area), the trunk is called a sdg (pi sigdn) or (among northern tribes) an 'add (pi. Hdiid). A main branch of a shrub, that is, one of the few lower ones springing from the root crown that do not normally bear leaves, is afand (pl.fnud). Upon the fniid are attached the more terminal branches referred to as ghsiin (sing, ghisn). As an elder Qahtanl explained, "al-ghsun tatla'fil-fnud" ("the ghsiin come out on ihe, fniid"). The same consultant offered as a synonym of fand, 'asd (pi. Hsiy), a word that means simply "stick (of wood)" in the majority of Arabic dialects. The term seems to imply a degree of stiffness that is not found in the more terminal branches, the ghsiin. Leaves are, in collective form, warag (sing, waragah, pi. drag). The term implies a flat form; the word is used in general Arabic for both plant leaves and the pages or "leaves" of a book, and 222 my impression is that it is not used by the Bedouins for structures that botanically are leaves but which have been modified to terete or other thickened shapes, as in many chenopodiaceous shrubs. All that part of a shrub that is above ground is sometimes referred to collectively as a shushah (pi. shawash). The same term is used among some southern tribes for a form of haircut given young boys, where the hair is shaved close except for a long, thick central tuft growing upward from the top of the head. Flowers are generally called nuwwdr (the same form in plural and singular), from a linguistic root denoting "shining, glowing", and from which are also derived the terms for "light" {nur) and fire {ndr). A consultant of BanI Hajir regularly used the term zibrij for some intricate inflorescences, specifically the globose umbel of the wild onion. Allium sphaerocephalum, and the dense racemes of Tamarix spp. Zibrij, with the literal meaning of "ornament, a kind of jewelry" is reported by lexicographers to be a Persian loan word. The fruits of a plant (in the botanical sense) are called thamar, but the term is used only when the ovary is visibly enlarged and fairly conspicuous. For annual plants the terminology is restricted to Hriig (roots), warag (leaves), nuwwdr (flowers), sometimes thamar (fruits) and possibly ghmn (for a branched stem). When discussing the status of vegetation Bedouins sometimes use the terms waragah ("leaf) and nuwwdr ("flowers") respectively as informal synonyms for plants putting out new growth, particularly annuals, and for Hshb, annual plant growth in general. "Fih waragah Hndakom? FTh nuwwdr?" ("Any new growth where you are? Any annuals?"). Some anatomical terms are family, genus, or even species specific. The dense spicate or paniculate inflorescence of grasses is a sanbalah (pi. sandbiJ). Among the Shammar (and perhaps others), the papery winged fruits of many perennial chenopods are jriis (sing.) jirs. The word jriis means "bells," not the form usually thought of as 223 bell-shaped in the West but the spherical ones of slit brass or with multiple teeth descending from an apex, of the types used around the necks of livestock or made for decorative use in India. Tribes of Najd, where there are many Acacia trees, call the inflorescence of that genus (it is usually spherical or spicate) baram or ballah (pis. blul, balldt) while its fruit pods are hibl (sing, hiblah) or hanbal (sing, hanbalah). The flowers and fruits of some individual species sometimes have names, restricted only to that plant, when they have uses such as for food. Several examples are given above in section 6.3. A special name may be used even in the absence of use (or presently known use) when a structure is particularly conspicuous, as in the case of the bright red or yellow, densely fringed hanging fruit of 'abal (Calligonum spp.), called by A1 Murrah natharah (sing, and pi.). Brown (1984a:60-62) discusses the relationship between words for "tree" and "wood" (the material) in many languages, and refers to work demonstrating that in some two-thirds of the world's languages, the same term is used for both. In such cases of polysemy, he argues for "wood" as usually the more basic term, which becomes extended to mean "tree." The material, "wood," in Bedouin (and town) Arabic is khashab, a term implying some aspects of "lumber," a product found in towns and either of local cultivated origin or (more usually) imported from other countries. The term khashab might be applied by a Bedouin to the material of which his camel saddle frame is made by village craftsmen, even if he knows it comes from an east Arabian tree such as the sidr (Ziziphus spina-christi). Khashab is not generally thought of as a desert product, and the word is not linguistically related in any way to the Bedouin term for shrubs and trees, shajar or, apparently, to any other plant-related item in their lexicon. This is perhaps not surprising, considering the little use that Bedouins make of desert plant materials in crafts and construction. 224 9. CLASSIFICATION AND NOMENCLATURE My general approach here with respect to both classification and nomenclature is to follow Brent Berlin's (1992) framework and terminology, which has now become something of a standard. My findings will be treated largely with respect to how they conform to or vary from his "general principles" (ibid.:20-35). Remarks on nomenclature are provided with the discussion of each classification category, proceeding from the most inclusive rank to the least. 9.1. Plants as a Kingdom It is a generally accepted theoretical view that the single taxon occupying the rank of kingdom (formerly called the "unique beginner," Berlin, Breedlove and Raven 1973:215) is usually unlabeled (Berlin 1992:27). It is thus a fact, however counter-intuitive, that the majority of natural languages studied to date (or at least their everyday, non-scientific versions) have no name for "plants" or "animals" in general. It is my impression that this is also the case with Bedouin Arabic, although the situation calls for some discussion. There is a term for "plants" (all kinds of plants in the plant kingdom sense) in both modem written Arabic and in some examples of early Classical Arabic. This is nabdt, derived from the root n b t, which carries the general semantic field of "sprouting, growing out." The verb form, nabata, can be applied not only to plants but to situations such as the sprouting of human hair. It thus provides a natural base for expressing the idea of "things that grow out of the ground," although nabdt is basically a verbal noun rather than a substantive. 225 There is no question as to the plant kingdom-wide application of this term in modem written Arabic. Botany is "Him an-nabdt", "the science of plants," obviously all kinds of plants. I would argue, however, that the semantic field of nabdt in Qur'anic and some other early classical usage is rather different. In several cases it seems to be used primarily as a verbal noun in the sense of "plant growth" rather than as a substantive, e.g. "ka-mathali ghaythin a'jaba al-kuffdra nabdtuhu" ("Like rain, of which the [plant] growth pleases the tillers ..." Qur'an 57:20), and ".. ka-mdin anzalndhu min as-samdH fa-akhtalata bihi nabdtu-l-ardi..." ("Like water that we send down from the sky and with which then mingles the [plant] growth of the earth," 10:24). The term is used as a verb and intensive verbal noun even with reference to the creation of man in 71:17 (my literal translation): "w-alldhu anbatakum min al-ardi nabdtan" ("And God caused you to sprout forth from the earth"). The close association in the majority of these references of plant growth with rain suggests that they indicate primarily annual plants (or crops) rather than shrubs or trees. It is thus perhaps not surprising that the well-known early philologist alAsma'i (d. 831 A.D.) titled his botanical monograph "kitdb an-nabdt w-ash-shajar" {"The Book of Plants and Trees"), as if the term "nabdt" were itself not sufficient to convey the inclusion of woody perennials. It is true that Abu Hanifah ad-Dlnawarl (d. ca. 895 A.D.), probably the greatest early writer on plants, called his work simply "kitdb annabdt" ("The Book of Plants"), but Abu Hanifah could almost already be considered a specialist using the term in a quasi-scientific sense. The renowned historician of Tunis, Ibn Khaldun (d. 1406 A.D.), provides clear examples of both classical Arabic usages of the term "nabdt" in the second chapter of his Muqaddimah {Prolegomena), comparing Bedouin and sedentary cultures. First, in a practical description of the pasture needs of the camel: 226 ... Wanna masariha at-tululi wa nabataha wa shajaraha la yastaghnl bihd al-ibalu ... because the pastures of the hills, and its plants and its shrubs, do not satisfy camels (Ibn Khaldtin n.d.:121; my translations) Then, a few pages later in a more abstract reflection on created things: ... fal-mukawwandtu min al-ma'dini wan-nabdti wa jamVi al-hayawdndti al-insdni wa ghayrihi kd'inatun fdsidatun ... and created things: minerals, plants and all the animals including humans and others are existing and decaying (ibid.:136) I would thus claim that the semantic field of nabdt in non-specialist, classical Arabic often parallels that of the word "plant" in everyday (non-scientific) English. Wierzbicka (1985:154-156; 1996:364) argues persuasively that "plant" in English folk classification, as opposed to scientific classification, does not denote "any plant" (in the biological sense) but rather a green, leafy plant smaller than a person and is thus something like a life form.' I used the term nabdt occasionally in discussions about plants with non-literate Bedouins, and they obviously understood it. I never heard them volunteer it or use it among themselves, however, and it appears not to be a part of their active vocabulary. One obvious basis for their understanding of the term is simply its existence as a verbal noun of the verb nabata, which I presume does exist in their speech. They could also 'Brown (1977:334; 1984:65) had earlier recognized the use of "plant" in this sense in modem, everyday English He points out (personal communication) that this appears to be true for some less educated speakers of the language but that for many speakers the term is polysemous, denoting both the Kingdom and the more restricted class. 227 have heard it in quotations of the Qur'an by rehgious leaders or in such recitations that emanate night and day from the radio broadcasting systems of Saudi Arabia and neighboring states, or even from radio programs about popular science. The word "nabdt" is found at least occasionally in recent Bedouin poetry. Kurpershoek's wonderful compilation of Najdi Bedouin verse provides three examples, two of which were in poems composed by 'Abd Allah ibn Muhammad ibn Huzayyim of the Rijban section of ad-Dawasir, better known as 'Abd Allah ad-Dindan. Ad-Dindan (who is illiterate) gives a half-line in a description of camels (Kurpershoek 1994:118; my modified transcription and literal translation): w-kabbab hasdyirha nibat al-mardbri And plants of the spring pastures make their sides bulge Again, in another poem, describing a rainstorm (Kurpershoek 1999:222): 'asa illi difag selih w-wablih ybdrik fih nibdtih min al-jiddah khazdnf w-anwdH Would that He who pours out his flood and torrent bless it [all] Its new-sprung plants as embellishments, of many kinds The contexts of these lines suggest that the plants involved are new annuals arising from recent rain rather than plants in general, and in both cases nabdt could as well be translated as "growth" or "sprouting" of spring pastures or "new growth", i.e. as verbal nouns. The last line could also involve an element of Qur'anic imitation (even if unconscious), as the association of the term "nabdt" with the rather unusual word zukhruf occurs in Qur'an 10:24, where from plant growth {nabdt) the earth "has taken its 228 adornment (zukhruf) and is beautified" as a result of God-sent rain.i It also seems likely that the poet, whose meter required a stressed syllable at this point in the line, chose the term nibdt, with its long d rather than the more common Bedouin term for annual plants, 'ishb, for prosodic reasons. The other poet using nabdt is Falih bin Hamud ibn 'Ubayd of al-MakharIm section of ad-Dawasir, better know as Ibn Batla'. Ibn Batla' has been blind since boyhood (Kurpershoek 1999:9) and can be presumed non-literate. His poem, a description of a Bedouin migration following heavy rains, includes the double line (ibid.:144), with revised transcription and my own more literal translation: tanassaw mardti' dirtin nabt/ha zdfdt nibdtin zakhdnfih tlshik nuwdwlrih They headed straight for the rich pastures of a land growing flowers Plants whose adornments and blossoms will give you life The first half-line contains the form nabt, clearly a verbal noun meaning "growth, sprouting up." Again, the preceding context of heavy rains implies that nibdt refers to new annual plants. Kurpershoek in fact translates the word nibdt here as "annuals," conceivably after discussing the meaning with the poet himself. Also again, we have the Qur'anic combination of nabdt with the term zukhruf, this time the plural being in its nontransposed classical form. To sum up: The kingdom "plants" is most probably unlabeled in Bedouin Arabic although my consultants understood (in some sense) the word nabdt, which is sometimes used in written Arabic for the plant kingdom. Some Bedouins use nabdt in poetry, ^ As pointed out by Kurpershoek, the word khazanf in this poem is a variant of classical zakharlf (the plural of zukhruf). 229 possibly having picked up the term from its several occurrences in the Qur'an or from other poetic usage. In the Qur'an and in some other early written contexts, however, nahdt appears to connote primarily herbaceous, annual plants rather than all plants in the kingdom sense. 9.2 Life Forms My consultants partitioned their plant world into two strongly contrasting categories that together were inclusive, directly or transitively, of nearly all generics. Exceptions are seven unaffiliated plants of high cultural salience or of atypical morphology, which will be discussed in section 9.4 with other generics. These two life form classes are shajar (perennial plants) and Hshb (annual plants). I gloss these as "perennials" and "annuals" rather than "woody" vs. "herbaceous" because consultants describing for me the difference between these two classes did so in terms of seasonal duration, not of stem texture or size. A shajarah (using the singular form) was a shajarah because "md yihtarag fil-ged", that is, "it doesn't bum up in the summer time". A shajarah is dayimah ("lasting, continuous"). One consultant added a morphological criterion: "It has a big root," referring to the taproot and probably the otherwise extensive root system that is characteristic of many perennial plants. An 'ishbah, on the other hand, "bums up", referring to the browning and death (and virtually complete disappearance) of the annuals when the ground dries out after their winter and spring growth. Some workers (Brown 1984a:10) exclude the perennial/annual contrast as a basis for a universal folk life form because it is a "special purpose" distinction based on a single criterial attribute. This argument may be valid in many environments where life cycle contrasts cut across life forms of greater salience. However, Brown (1984a;101) also points out that the encoding of botanical objects through binary opposition will be greatly enhanced if a discontinuity 230 in nature is also pertinent, and that this is especially true if the discontinuity is underlain by feature clustering. All of these factors, in fact, are present in the shajarl'ishb opposition. In the hyper-arid environment of our study area there is a real and highly perceptible discontinuity wherein virtually all plants are either "drought withstanders", that is, they have evolved morphological or physiological mechanisms enabling them to survive the extremes of summer dryness, or "drought evaders," surrendering their vegetative body completely in exchange for survival as drought-resistant seeds during the rainless summer. The life cycle contrast is underlain by larger size and woodiness on the side of "perennials" and by smaller size and herbaceousness with the annuals. These correlations, although certainly not perfect (as will be seen below) do lend added strength to the binary opposition of shajar vs. Hshb. With respect to the category shajar, we find that it applies to forms differing as greatly as 10-meter-high boled trees and individual tufts of perennial grass. I remember the incredulous look I was given by one consultant when I asked whether a tuft of Stipagrostis grass was an Hshbah or a shajarah (it obviously was there and alive in midsummer!). But differentiation of this broad category is possible through a second life form level. This involves use of the term shima' or (among the northern tribes) its synonym gish'. All shima' are considered to be shajar, but they are constrained in size, being not more than about man-high and usually in the range of about 50-100 cm. They can be woody shrublets or shrubby perennial grasses. They contrast directly with a third group, also called shajar but in a more restricted usage of that term (which I here label as shajar^. Shajar2 correspond with what in English are normally called trees or large shrubs. This polysemous use of shajar became apparent when I was asking consultants about what kinds of shajar were not shima' (bushes). They explained by referring to 231 what they called ash-shajar al-'iddm ("the grand, big shajar") and naming examples of that class (shajar2y. salam {Acacia ehrentergiana) talk (Acacia gerarrdi, A. raddiana), sidr (Ziziphus nummularia, Z. spina-christi), and 'osaj (Lycium shawii). In shajar2 the quality of "woodiness" as well as size (height higher than a man) are implicit. Shajar^ refers to only some ten generics, but I cannot conceive of calling it anything but a life form or sub-life form. The rather small number of referents in our study area is basically an ecological accident. At least three of my main consultants' tribes have a strong tradition of having migrated from western Arabia, where tree forms (principally Acacia spp.) are frequent even in highly arid zones. Acacia diversity there, in a scientific sense, is also much greater than in our study area. It is thus not surprising that their speech has maintained ethnobotanical categories useful for dealing with tree forms. There is further evidence of this in the intermediate category, idah, to be described in section 9.3. Our situation with respect to hfe forms is shown in Venn diagram. Fig. 9.1. shajar^ (perennials) shima' (bushes) shajar^ (trees, large shrubs) ishb (annuals) all plants (unlabeled kingdom) Fig. 9.1. Plant Life Forms 232 I consider shajar2, the "grand" shajar, to be the prototype of shajar^ with its extended sense of "all perennials". Shajar2 are not only the "woodiest of the woody." Because the great majority of them are phreatophytes, they are also the "most perennial of the perennials," being nearly independent of seasonal rainfall and the most resistant to summer drought. Berlin (1992) applies the concept of prototypicality primarily to specific/generic relationships but concludes (ibid.:152) that intermediates can be generated by extension of the semantic ranges of generics. Brown, who has concentrated much attention on the analysis and development of life form categories, gives examples of life forms or even kingdoms arising through extension of less-inclusive classes, e.g. the extension of the American everyday sense of "plant" as a group of small, herbaceous taxa to the sense of "all plants," the plant kingdom (Brown 1984a:65). Randall does not hesitate to carry prototypicality to the life form level (although he eschews use of the term "life form" for "highly inclusive category"). His basic concept of highly inclusive categories is in fact one in which "attributes are combined to create prototypic (focal, exemplary) categories with ranges (extensions) lacking one or more prototypic attributes ... " (Randall 1987:143). Our "tree or big shrub" {shajar-2) thus extends to the broader shajar^ sense, which maintains the attributes of perennation and perhaps some degree of woodiness but lacks the attribute of great size.i The Bedouin concept of 'ishb for the annuals is, by contrast, straightforward. It comprises all (and only) plants that appear as annuals. I say "appear" here because 'ishb includes a few generics that do not grow from seed every year but grow up after rains from a perennating bulb or corm, as in some liliaceous species. Inasmuch as these ^My acceptance of Randall's analysis for shajar is not, I should add, to imply my agreement with all of his ideas with regard to highly inclusive categories. I do not, for example, accept his view regarding the basic functional (utilitarian) aspect of life forms in a universal sense (although such examples may in fact appear in some systems). 233 disappear from view completely, losing all above-ground parts during the drying and windy summer period, they maintain no continuing identity and are, in a perceptual sense, also "annuals." Annual grasses are also simply 'ishb. There is no labeled Bedouin category for grasses as such. The term hashish, often glossed "grass" in dictionaries of written Arabic or in dialects of settled folk, was used by my consultants in the sense of plant material, often but by no means exclusively true grasses, cut by hand for feeding to livestock as supplementary fodder. It is thus more or less equal to the English term, "hay" (of a wild sort).i The "having been cut" aspect of the term is paramount, and the lexeme is in fact a deverbal from hashsh with the basic meaning of "to cut standing plants." I would mention with respect to this lack of a "grass" term (although I would not claim it to be the only explanation) that for the Bedouins true grasses are not the primary grazing resource that they are in many other pastoral societies and environments. Our study area does not include "grasslands" even of arid type, and the grasses of the area grow as isolated tufts without forming sod. Stands of the grass Panicum turgidum are an important pasture type, but these, even to the Western eye, appear to be "bushes", just as they are classed by the Bedouins, not "grass". Bedouin ethnobotanical classification also has no term for "vines," which exist in the study area as virtually a single generic, the creeping gourd, Citrullus colocynthis. The Bedouin concept of Hshb (annual plants) is highly significant culturally as shown, among other ways, in their highly developed oral poetic literature. The term is strongly symbolic of the material ideas of rabV, that brief and often elusive period of milk ' Non-Bedouin village cultivators of the al-Hasa and al-Qatif Oases do appear to recognize hashish as a suprageneric category but with the meaning "weed", or any plant, graminaceous or not, that is undesired in cultivation and that would therefore be "cut" out with the mahashsh, the curved, serrated knife they use for such work. The name hashish is of course applied also to Cannabis sativa (a non-grass) in parts of the Middle East, whence it entered English as "hashish" (Cannabis, marijuana). 234 and plenty resulting from good rains, when the herds feast on green spring herbage. It is also associated with the prized quality called kher, connoting the Bedouin ideal of natural bounty, hospitality and generosity with the lavishing of one's riches upon guests. Annual plants as individuals, however, appear to be less salient than individual perennials. This is demonstrated, for example, in the smaller proportion of scientific species labeled among the annuals (53 percent) compared to the perennials (76 percent). Issues of ecological salience, the size factor, and cultural salience as described by Hunn (1999) are certainly at work here. As Hunn (ibid.:48) points out, annual plants are temporally restricted and less likely to obtain the cultural recognition afforded perennials of otherwise equal salience. Our annuals are also, of course, decidedly smaller, as individuals, than our perennials. The explanation for this apparent contradiction between cultural significance and lesser perceptual salience, I suggest, lies in the way Bedouins look out on the plant world. They view this domain above all with the eyes of the herdsman, not the flower-picker or herb-gatherer. The desert camel keeper sees annual plants primarily en masse because it is their mass that is significant to its grazing value. The species composition of a patch of ephemeral greenery (apart perhaps from the rare presence of a toxic plant) is essentially neutral and of little interest. All of its generic components have about the same nutritional value for livestock, or at least this seems to be presumed by Bedouins to be the case. It is the lush mass of the annuals, not any generic component, that allows camels to go entirely without drinking throughout a good spring season. Even in a purely perceptual sense, for 'ishb the Bedouin pastoralist's eyes seem to be those of someone on camelback or in a pickup truck, not of one stooping to examine flowers or leaves. Decisions on moving livestock and the family camp may be made on the presence or density of Hshb in a given place but not, as far as I have seen, on its composition. 235 This attitude toward the smaller plant life forms used seasonally may be characteristic of herders generally. After writing the above paragraph, and while scanning through Myrdene Anderson's study of Saami reindeer herders in the Norwegian Arctic, I found the following, strikingly parallel statement of Saami attitudes toward the lowgrowing lichens that are all-important for reindeer grazing during the winter: Lichens, even the economically important species, generally grow in mixed ground cover with other lichen and non-lichen species, hi this context it is impertinent to single out particular segregates, and to remove specimens for closer identification only takes them from substrate and context. Any such handling and close inspection of any small object is unusual; even the herder is not apt to have noticed lichens at closer range than standing or sitting distance. The choice of forage plant is the reindeer's business; the herder makes sure that there is other than bare rock beneath the snow and takes care of the coarser-grained strategy of management, including considerations of predators and poachers. Herders assert that reindeer eat everything, or that they assume this to be the case (Anderson 1978:524-525). For perennial plants, on the other hand, species composition is often a deciding factor in grazing decisions of the Arabian Bedouins. Some perennials "have more green" than others and some are known to provide specific essential nutrients, such as the salt minerals found in the shrub chenopods. It is for all these reasons, I think, that Bedouins are far more likely, probably by a factor of a hundred, to use the inclusive term Hshb in everyday conversation rather than any of the generic names for annuals. It is also why I question, in my discussion of generics below, whether with respect to the annuals generics may not be (as is generally assumed elsewhere) the most salient category of Bedouin plant classification. This is perhaps a place to mention, also, that Bedouins in our study area generally seemed quite insensitive to the intrinsic beauty of plants. This might of course be 236 characteristic of many other societies that Uve outdoors and make their hvings directly from nature. 1 Plants figure in oral poetry but seem to be used mainly as sources or symbols of "good grazing", "plenty" and satisfied camels rather than as objects of beauty by themselves. A plant generic may be mentioned in poetry, but often seemingly just as a handy simile for describing the beauty of something else, as in likening the whiteness of a beloved's teeth to the ray petals of gahwlyan {Anthemis spp.), in the way English speakers might say "lily-white." Bedouin life form names are all simple primary lexemes, and they all take the pattern of the Arabic nomen generis, the special noun form used for virtually all names of wild plants, and of wild animals found normally in groups (discussed in more detail in section 9.5, below). In my view, for reasons also discussed below, they are essentially unanalyzable. With respect to Brown's (1977, 1984) evolutionary hypothesis for the development of universal life forms (see section 1.2), I believe that my data fit his constraints on life form combinations and (after ignoring the anomalous annual/perennial contrast) place Bedouin Arabic in stage 4 of his scheme with the three life forms "tree", "grerb" and "bush". Brown states pointedly (1984b:589) that his hypothesis does not deny the possible presence of life forms other than his basic five for plants, and the Bedouin placement of annual grasses in "grerb" and perennial grasses in "bush" does not, in my view, violate his basic life form concepts. Furthermore, the historical data presented in Chapter 13, describing the Bedouin Arabic plant classification as recorded in literary accounts written a millennium ago, lend support to the actual evolutionary steps postulated by Brown. Those early records included all the Bedouin life forms presently 'This does not appear to be the case in the more mesic mountain environment of southwestern Arabia. Tribesmen there (who are sometimes villagers) may on some occasions be seen wearing twisted wreaths of flowers or leaves on their heads. The aromatic qualities of the plants used seem to be at least as important as the visual effect. 237 recognized with the conspicuous exception of shima' and gish', or any other term, for "bush." It is "bush" that is the theoretical follower of "tree" and "grerb," and in our case it actually does appear to have been added later than the other two. Brown's other language cases of stage 4 with "tree, grerb and bush" number six (1984a:174-175). It would be satisfying to find that these were all representatives of desert environments similar to that of the Arabian Peninsula, although such ecological agreement is not by any means a requirement in Brown's system. Three of them are in fact languages spoken in the wider Sahel area of northwestern Africa that experience significant aridity at least seasonally. The other three (Ghana, South Laos and Puerto Rico) appear not to be ecological matches. Finally with respect to life forms, I will describe a tantalizing glimpse I got of a possible second, alternative Bedouin plant classification at this level among tribes of northern Arabia including, at least, Shammar. This places a third major life form category, called at-tawdW, between shajar (perennials) and Hshb (annuals). In this classification, which is based on stem texture as well as plant duration, shajar are conceived as all woody bushes, large shrubs and trees; at-tawdW as non-woody perennials; and Hshb (as elsewhere) the annuals. Generics offered as good examples of at-tawdlV were: hamdt (Moltkiopsis ciliata), makar (Polycarpaea repens) kan {Heliotropium digynum), rukhkhdmah {Convolvulus cephalopodus), ramrdm {Heliotropium bacciferum),janbah {Fagonia spp.), thmdm (Panicum turgidum) and nasi {Stipagrostis plumosa). The last two indicate that perennial grasses are included. All of these generics are perennial plants with stems not, or hardly, woody. The few consultants I had available to describe this system (the main one was a single Shammar!) did not dispute the basic classification that I portray in this study. They considered theirs, rather, a kind of refinement. Their middle category, at-tawdW, is definitely less salient, 238 even in their own usage, than the other two life-forms. This is reflected in the grammatical form of the term, which is a "broken plural" rather than the usual plant/animal collective. The lexeme is derived from the root 11associated with the idea (among others) of "growing out, up" and seems to refer to the fact that this class has "grown up" (in the physical, not maturation sense) and become larger than the annuals. Consultants asked for the singular gave tdlu', but the plural was clearly the form normally used. Consultants from our core study area and from central Arabia, such as Bam Hajir, Al Murrah and Qahtan, said they did not recognize any such a category. For them tawalV meant simply "^ishb that has grown up and gone to seed" or was applied only to "the young shoots that grow out of the base of date palms" (Al Murrah). In any case, even for the north, I would hold this life form interpretation in a strictly provisional basket until data is obtained over a broader base. 9.3. Intermediate Categories Bedouins group part of their shajar (perennial plants) — and the great majority of these are shima' (bushes) ~ into two labeled intermediate categories which contrast directly with each other. The first and clearly more salient of these two is hamd, with a referential range that in our study area coincides almost perfectly with the scientific plant family, Chenopodiaceae. These are what I refer to as the saltbushes, including some 28 folk generics, several of which lead important monospecific shrub communities, while others are important constituents of mixed stands. These are all genera highly adapted to the arid environment, and they are characterized not only by the inconspicuous, apetalous flowers and often papery winged fruits of the family but by highly modified, often succulent or reduced, leaf structures. The group is slightly cross-cutting with respect to life form in 239 that four annual scientific species of Chenopodiaceae, folk generics classed as Hshb, are also included. Close correspondence to a scientific family, or part of one, is of course one of Berlin's general characteristics of intermediate taxa, which he describes as "small numbers of folk generics that show marked perceptual similarities with one another " (Berlin 1992:24). Our intermediates are an exception to his generalization that such taxa are usually unlabeled. Our chenopods do share many perceptual characters, some of which are mentioned above. I must say I thought it rather amazing, however, that an annual Atriplex, with its herbaceous habit and flat "normal" leaf form so different from those of its highly modified relatives, should be placed by Bedouins unerringly into the same category. The Bedouin perception of the unity of hamd, however, is in no way a celebration of a Western taxonomic family. It serves, rather, to recognize an all-important aspect of the physiology of the camel: its unusual need for salt, probably of more than one kind, to maintain health and the production upon which its herders are dependent (section 6.1). Tuming camels out to forage on the plants called hamd is the herdsman's way of ensuring that the need for these essential mineral nutrients is satisfied. Camels also require for optimum health periodic grazing on non-hamd shrublets, collectively called khillah, although this requirement does not have quite the obligate nature as that for saltbushes. It is perhaps of interest to note that whatever the cultural significance of the hamd/khillah contrast, it is occasioned by the plant ecological fact that the two kinds of shrubs, probably because of different needs in soil chemistry, do not generally coexist in the same habitat. If they did, camels could take their pick at any time, would not have to be moved from one type to the other, and (we might speculate) the intermediate labels might not then exist. 240 At this point I hear remonstrations that by treating hamd as an intermediate taxon I am confusing two different universes, two different classifications; one called "plants" and the other called "grazing types." I would argue with the following points, however, to the contrary. 1. Hamd is said to be a kind of "bush" rather than of some more inclusive "pasture type", and to be composed of individually named generics rather than of other kinds of more specific pasture types, (although I grant that a pasture type might be described by the kinds of plants found in it.) 2. My consultants have a clearly different and often used term, 'afjah, meaning "grazing land consisting of hamd bushes." 3. The name, hamd takes the form of the Arabic nomen generis, which is used to label plants as well as wild animals, birds and insects normally found in groups, and ethnobiological life forms. 4. Consultants' use of the counting plural hamaddt in phrases like "as-sab' alhamadat" (described below) indicate that it is composed of individual generics and that each of these can be referred to as a singular "hamdah", although the collective form of the label is generally used. Apart from these considerations, a strict adherent of the "general purpose" school of folk classification would no doubt object that I am dealing here with a "special purpose" or utilitarian grouping of generics and that it should therefore be excluded or dealt with separately. I will affirm the utilitarian basis for the hamd/khillah contrast yet feel strongly that it should be described as an integral part of our classification. Without belaboring the long-standing arguments of the "general purpose, or intellectual" school vs. the "utilitarian" (see section 1.2 for background), I will simply say that I am a 241 comfortable functionalist in agreeing with Hunn's view (1982:844) that we "should be guided by the premise that cultural knowledge is adaptive ..." and that "students of folk biological classification must systematically investigate the practical significance of folk biological knowledge." And while I would not adopt all of the more relativist positions of Ellen (1993), his warning remarks about the downgrading of non-morphological characters in classifications (ibid.:110) are very much apropos. To do so here, whatever logical conveniences it might provide, would do violence to what I perceive as an integrated Bedouin view of the plant world. It soon became clear through discussions with my consultants that not all hamd plants were perceived to have been created equal with respect to grazing value. There was a pecking order, and certain generics tended to be placed always near the top although the order varied somewhat from one account to another. Some of this variation was ecologically based: the generic ruth for example, was considered the very best hamd grazing among tribesmen in the far north of our study area, but this plant's distribution did not extend at all to our middle or southern parts. There, dumrdn seemed to be the favorite, or always near the top. This selective aspect was also apparent in an often heard expression that seemed to cut across all tribal lines: references to as-sab' al-hamaddt, "the seven hamd plants." ^ No one could explain where this expression came from, or why there were "seven," saying only that "everyone knows about the seven" and "the seven are the most important ones." The expression does not occur in religious literature or tradition as far as I could determine (although the number seven figures prominently in the Qur'dn, with its "seven heavens", "seven gates of hell", "seven hard years", etc.), nor ' Linguist Bruce Ingham interestingly records the phrase in one of his transcribed samples of Najdi Arabic. He glosses it, without comment, as "the seven hamudat" (Ingham 1997:58-59). His informant, of the Mutayr tribe, was describing vegetation in Wadi ar-Risha", an important wddl in central Arabia that drains the uplands between 'Afif and ad-DawadimI and runs north-northwest down to the edge of Nafud ash-Shuqayyiqah. Its middle reaches pass through 24° 45'N, 44° 02'E. 242 does it seem to be a quote from folk literature, poetic or otherwise. Consultants asked to list all the kinds of hamd (even sometimes when asked for just the "seven") invariably came up with some 10-15. Rimth almost always headed the list, probably because it is the most familiar, widespread and commonly encountered hamd generic. It is usually followed by the two or three generics considered to be best for camels. The lists vary by geographical area, primarily because some hamd generics are not found in all regions or are more prevalent in others. Table 9.1 is my construction of three "sevens", based on the list frequency patterns of consultants from tribes frequenting, primarily, the areas indicated: Table 9.1 "The Seven Hamd Plants" Northern Arabia rimth rimth rimth ruth dumrdn 'ujram 'arad ghadd shindn Central East Arabia dumrdn 'arad shindn ghadd suwwdd harm The Rub' al-Khali hddh ghadd 'ardd harm dumrdn shindn The category hamd also has within it a labeled "junk group," comprising a series of highly succulent chenopods, obligate halophytes found only in salt marsh habitats along the coast or along the inner margins of inland salt flats. These are not considered good grazing for camels because they are thought less nutritious and because thenconsumption leads to excessive scouring. Consultants of Barn Hajir and Bani Khalid, whose ranges include littoral habitats, grouped these into the category tahdmlj, which is normally used in its plural form but has the singular tuhmdj. The name appears to be 243 related to a generic synonym, tahmd, given by Ruwalah and Shammar consultants for the succulent saltbush Suaeda vermiculata (although I consistently heard tahdmij with h rather than h). The form tahdmij was used, in the sense followed by Banl Hajir and Bani Khalid, also by a consultant of the Hutaym tribe of far northwestern Arabia. A1 Murrah consultants said they did not use it in that way. A Shararl, also of the northwest, preferred the name ghardag (a name used nearer our primary study area for a specific shrub of saline habitat) for the same group. Salt marsh plants in general, including ghardag and several non-hamd generics, he called hor. Generics listed as examples of tahdmij included; hatallas (Bienertia cycloptera), khirrez {Halopeplis perfoliatd), shu' {Arthrocnemum macrostachyum), thilleth (Halcocnemum strobilaceum) and suwwdd {Suaeda vermiculata). The generic suwwdd also appears in some lists of "good" hamd plants. I rank the taxon tahdmij as a "sub-intermediate" group. It is decidedly less salient than hamd, a fact perhaps reflected in its taking the form of the Arabic "broken plural" rather than of the collective noun used for the majority of plant generics and more inclusive categories. As already pointed out, the category hamd maps closely on the scientific plant family Chenopodiaceae. The fit, however, is not perfect. The most conspicuous exceptions are the zygophyllaceous generics harm {Zygophyllum qatarense, Z. mandavillei) and garmal {Zygophyllum simplex), the first sometimes even figuring in lists of "the seven hamd plants." The acceptance of harm and garmal as kinds of hamd is easily understandable on grounds of morphology and habitat. Harm is often found in saline terrain, like other hamd generics, and it is the only widespread and common nonchenopod shrub with highly succulent foliage. In terms of succulence, in fact, it is even more hamd-\ike than many chenopods. It has petalous flowers, but they are very inconspicuous. Its sap has a salty taste, and it is probably a mineral-supplier for livestock 244 like its saltbush companions. Garmal, a smaller, low-growing Zygophyllum, is not frequently seen in our core study area, but it shares the same morphological and probably physiological features. The only other family exceptions among the hamd perennials are gurm, the coastal mangrove Avicennia maritima (Verbenaceae) and gataf, two small species of Limonium (Plumbaginaceae), also of coastal salt marsh habitat. Both of these are known only to tribes ranging to the coast; they are treated as hamd on the basis of their saline habitat, perhaps also for some grazing characteristics, but are seldom volunteered as examples of that class. A consultant of Bam Hajir referred to them as hamd al-bahr, "hamd of the sea." The category hamd (as mentioned above and as indicated in Fig. 9.2, below) is to a slight degree cross-cutting into the life form 'ishb, the annual plants. Of this small group of annuals, rghelah (Atriplex dimorphostegia) and gtenah (two species of Bassia), are both chenopods. The second has a synonym, hmed or hmedah, which is simply the diminutive of hamd, thus "little hamd. The only annual hamd exception with respect to family is milleh, a small aizoaceous annual (Aizoon hispanicum), a papillose succulent herb often of saline habitat. Its generic name is from milh, "salt", and it is its "salty" nature that doubtless leads to its consideration as a kind of hamd. With respect to nomenclature, hamd is a simple lexeme with some degree of semantic transparency. It is closely related to the root hmd, denoting the idea of "soumess" (a sour tasting thing is said to be hdmi<f). That root figures in the names of at least one, non-hamd, annual: hummed or hammad for Rumex vesicarius, a dock which does have a very acidic taste. The hamd group of perennials do not have a sour taste in the traditional acidic sense. To me their taste is salty-bitter. I recall a consultant saying that hamd bushes taste hdmid, however, and that taste term may include saltiness in its extended range. 245 The category which contrasts directly with hamd is khillah. This is basically a residual slot to which are assigned bushes that are not hamd. Khillah is said to be halwah, "sweet", as opposed to hamd, which is hamid or mdlih, "salty." The hamd/khillah contrast (like the annual/perennial dichotomy of life forms) expresses another bipolar Bedouin view of plant types, in this case along a dimension of salinity important to decisions in camel grazing. Consultants repeatedly and independently made statements along the following lines: "Hamd are the following bushes: (giving a detailed list, by generic name, of many of the hamd plants). "All the rest are khillah." Yet when they were questioned more closely it became apparent that significant numbers of nonhamd shajar could not be grouped with the khillah. True trees and the largest shrubs ishajar2) cannot be khillah, nor are any perennials (of any size) that are not palatable to livestock, such as 'ushar {Calotropis procera) or harmal {Rhazya stricta). hi our study area 'arfaj (the composite shrublet Rhanterium epapposum) is always given as the prime example of khillah. Also prominent among khillah examples is thmdm, the perennial grass Panicum turgidum that grows in shrublet form. Both of these plants lead important and widespread non-saltbush plant communities important for grazing. The essential nature of khillah is somewhat problematic: unlike the case with hamd, which clearly labels a group of bush-form generics, khillah sometimes takes on the aspects of a name for a pasture type rather than a group of specific plants. Consultants will say "plant X is (or is not) a kind of khillah." But they will also sometimes say "khillah is land with no hamd growing in it" (my emphasis). The direct contrast of hamd (as an intermediate rank plant category) with khillah (considered as a pasture type) is to some extent illogical but nevertheless seems to exist. With respect to nomenclatural features, khillah is rather opaque semantically, although I would note the surprising fact that the general Arabic word for "vinegar" 246 (which seems closer to hamd in its sense of "sourness") is khall, derived from the same root as khillah. Arabic has a number of adjectives that can have directly opposite meanings. The term khillah, having the -ah termination in both the plural and singular, appears not to be a collective noun of the type used generally for plant names, as is hamd. Consultants supplied the plural khilal (which I never heard used spontaneously), but collectives can have such plural forms. The only other labeled Bedouin suprageneric category that I would formally call an intermediate is Hddh (for which consultants gave a counting plural 'adi, sic), which comprises those members of the shajar2 (large shrubs and trees) that have conspicuous spines. This group has a focus on the genus Acacia, all our members of which are strongly spinous, but it also extends to the rhamnaceous shrub sidr {Ziziphus nummularia). A consultant of Al Murrah recognized this category but used also a term with similar content, tirf. He defined this as "all thorny big shajar that livestock eat." All his examples were Acacias, and further study might reveal that tirf is in fact another valid intermediate focused on the genus Acacia. I was once given the name tirf hy 'Awazim tribesmen for Prosopis koelziana, which morphologically closely resembles an Acacia. I tend to consider Hddh a sort of relict category that was probably much more important to the ancestors of several of our tribes that have migrated from western Arabia, where Acacias are a very important component of the vegetation. It is a seldom used and not very salient term in our virtually treeless study area. There were a few other labeled Bedouin generic clusters that I do not consider well enough defined to be called intermediates but that gave evidence of more-inclusive concepts. One of these was called hawdrr al-Hshb, literally "the hot [ones of the] annuals." This category did not appear spontaneously in speech but arose after I had read of a class called ahrdr al-baql in early classical Arabic botanical literature. I asked 247 consultants if they had ever heard of anything called "the ahrdr" and they replied no but volunteered hawdrr al-'ishb {hawdrr being of the same linguistic root but of different meaning). It appears from the examples they offered of such plants that the term "hot" was being used in two different senses. It applied to cruciferous plants that had a literally "hot" (or mustardy, peppery) taste, examples given including khmmah {Horwoodia dicksoniae), shgarah (Matthiola spp.) and siffdr (Schimpera arabica). The term "hot" was also applied to some plants, such as the thistle, mrdr, in a more metaphorical sense, much like the "hot"/"cold" characterization of food in some societies. Different date varieties are so-classed among settled Arabs of the oases. In the case of mrdr, the idea of "hot" seemed to be associated with its bitter tainting of the milk of camels that feed on it. Other composites placed among the hawdrr by a Marri consultant included a lactiferous Launaea, 'adid, the wild marigold hanwd (considered toxic to livestock) and nigd {Anvillea). I also found some evidence for another, more interesting, suprageneric cluster involving several generics that I describe formally as non-affiliated. While discussing with a consultant of the BanI Hajir tribe whether certain anomalous generics could be considered to be kinds of Hshb, I found him referring to a group including truffles and all of our other fungi and root parasites as al-fitnydt, literally "those that break (or split) [the earth]". He explained that this group grew in an unusual way: they all appeared suddenly - sometimes seemingly overnight ~ by cracking their way through the earth after a good rain without going through a slower growth stage in the manner of other plants. This discussion, unfortunately, took place when I was no longer in reach of other consultants, and I have no other evidence of use of the term or of a complex with similar components. I did, however, find a remarkably parallel statement in The Book of Plants by the ninth century A.D. botanist and lexicographer Abu Hanifah ad-Dmawarl (see Chapter 13). 248 Abu Hanlfah quotes a well-known lexical consultant of Bedouin background as saying that truffles, and the 'ardjln (edible club mushrooms) and the dhanin (the root parasites Cistanche and Orobanche), the tardthlth (the root parasite Cynomorium), along with several kinds of apparent fungi, were all called fuqu' because "the earth cracks open from them and they are without root, green herbage, or fruits" (Lewin 1974:74). The term fuqW is a plural form of the name/a^' (Bedouin/agO applied today to the desert truffles. It derives from the root fq \ with a basic sense of "to crack, burst open", and is thus a close synonym for "al-fitnydt". If I had more evidence for such a conceptual grouping at the present time I would be tempted to call it a life form, either covert (Waddy 1988:1:88; Berlin 1992:175-176) or given more evidence for broader use of a name, at least "incipient." As things stand I will refer to it simply as an "unaffiliated cluster," maintain the term in quotes, and diagram it with a dotted circle as in Fig. 9.2. 249 Hddh (spiny trees, spiny large shrubs) nakhl (the date pakn) (unaffil.) shajar^ (true trees, large shrubs) / /»%«'•, (P<=>-<Minials) shima' (bushes) fag' (desert truffles) ishb (annuals) 'arjun (club mushroom) iftarrah (capped mushrooms) tarthuth (Cynomorium) khillah (grazed non-saltbushes) dhanun (Cistanche) dhnun (Orobanche) hamd (saltbushes) [all plants] (unlabeled kingdom) "al-fitnyat" "those that split the earth" (unaffil. complex) Fig. 9.2. Bedouin life forms, intermediates, and unaffiliated generics. Unaffiliated generics are described in section 9.4. 9.4. Folk Generics and Subgenerics It is now widely accepted that the folk generic represents the most salient category of ethnobiological classification, both psychologically and in linguistic expression. My experience is that this is true of part of the Bedouin Arabic data set, comprising those generics included in the primary life form category of shajar (perennial plants), but that it is to some extent questionable with respect to the annuals. This appeared to be the case 250 whether my consultants were speaking in general purpose terms or with respect to a special kind of plant use, such as livestock grazing (if such a distinction for them is really possible at all). This situation was discussed at more length in section 9.2. Generics number about 209, excluding synonyms. They, with their subgenerics, label 258 (65 percent) of 400 scientific species occurring in the core study area.i Given the restricted species diversity of the hyper-arid habitat, with a high proportion of monotypic genera, it is not surprising that a large number (172 out of 209, or 82 percent) of the generics correspond to scientific species. The remainder, 37, or 18 percent, correspond to more than one species. A few (2 of 209, or 1 percent) correspond to more than one genera of a family. This last group comprises hurbuth (northern syn. gafa) which includes at least 4 genera of annual legumes, all sharing papilionaceous flowers, compound leaves, and a fruit form more or less corresponding to a common "bean pod," and smemd, which applies to several genera of small annual grasses. All but seven generics are immediately included in more inclusive categories, the seven unaffiliated ones being nakhl (the date palm),/a^' (desert truffles), 'arjun (the club-shaped mushroom Podaxis), iftarrah (capped mushrooms) and three referring to flowering root parasites. There is some evidence, as described in our preceding section dealing with intermediate taxa, that all but nakhl may figure in a conceptual complex, itself unaffiliated to our formal life forms, but for which data is still sparse. Whatever the case, all of these seven generics exhibit Berlin's (1992:23-24) two generalized characteristics of non-affiliates: economic importance or unusual morphology. The date palm and desert truffles (the latter as a highly-valued wild delicacy) are two of the more 'xhe scientific flora of our study area is defined as all uncultivated species in Mandaville (1990) with the exception of those found exclusively outside the normal Bedouin habitat. Such exclusions include many weeds of cultivation and ruderals or opportunists found only in villages and towns. The Bedouin floral universe also includes some fungi not covered in the above work, which deals only with vascular plants. 1 have also added one genus {Ferula) that does not occur in the geographical coverage of Mandaville (1990), our primary study area, but that is important culturally to some northern tribes. 251 important food plants in Bedouin life. Truffles are also unique in being non-green, growing underground and not being eaten by livestock. Podaxis and the capped mushrooms are not important as food plants, but they, like truffles, exhibit unusual, nongreen morphology, as do the flowering root parasites. Bedouin Arabic generics are overwhelmingly monotypic, the only exceptions being three taxa of special cultural salience: nakhl (the date palm), fag' (desert truffles), and samh (Mesembryanthemum spp, and an Aizoon with edible seeds) plus one marginal case {hurbuth). Bedouins recognize and label at least five folk specifics for dates (I say "dates" rather than "date palms" because, as noted in the generic list (Chapter 10), this recognition is based on fruit forms) and four to five specifics for truffles. Samh includes three specifics, one of which is a type-specific. I found no evidence among my consultants for the existence of any folk varietals. The unique morphology of the group fag', desert truffles, along with its unaffiliated status, raises the familiar question as to whether it should be classed as a generic with included specifics or a life form including several generics. Truffles do exhibit a unique life form, but I feel they are better treated as a generic in view of the small number of labeled taxa they include as well as my subjective impression of the Bedouin use of the term, which seemed to be in contrast with other plant names at the generic, not the life form, level. The only other generic (if it is a generic) exhibiting any tendency toward polytypy is hurbuth, referring to some eight biological species of annual legumes. Given that these range over four scientific genera, a tendency toward splitting is perhaps not surprising: hurbuth might be ripe for differentiation. I recorded, for one of its members {Astragalus annularis), the name abii khawdfim. This refers, as does the scientific epithet, to the unusual ring-like form of the flattened fruits of this little vetch. It would 252 thus be described by my consultants as "the kind of hurbuth that has flat, ring-shaped pods." The other scientific species included in hurbuth have no folk labels, each being referred to simply as hurbuth. The situation here is essentially that with Hunn's Tzeltal butterflies, where a generic corresponding to adult Macrolepidoptera including perhaps "several thousand" scientific species has only five labeled subgenerics, leaving a huge residual number of them specifically unnamed (Hunn 1977:280-281). Berlin (1992:114117) has counseled persuasively against portraying the members of such a residuum in a way that implies they are conceptually grouped on the basis of some affinity or relationship that may well not exist. In our case, for example, one might logically be tempted to contrast the labeled plant abu khawdfim (having flat, ringed pods) with a hypothetical residual category conceived as "those hurbuth^ that do not have flat, ringed pods." They are more likely, however, to be viewed individually, even if unlabeled, on the basis of the special characteristics of each. There is perhaps some evidence for this in the existence, among more northern tribes in Kuwait, of a name for another kind of hurbuth, Hippocrepis bicontortaA This is umm al-gren (Dickson 1955:50), "mother of the little horn," referring to a fruit form anomalous in a different way . I thus follow Berlin's lead (1992:117) in diagramming our situation as in Fig. 9.3: ' I do not take the tempting step here of making umm al-gren a folk specific along with abu khawatim within a generic hurbuth, mainly because Dickson's informants apparently use a different term igafa) for hurbuth, and it is not known whether it is inclusive of umm al-gren. 253 abu khawatim hurbuth o = scientific species Fig. 9.3. Composition of the generic, hurbuth. One scientific species is named; the others constitute an unlabeled residuum. The rank assignment of hurbuth is problematic. It might be considered a generic including one labeled specific {abu khawatim) and an unlabeled residual group in the manner of Hunn's butterflies, although those had more than one labeled subcategory, or it could be treated as a labeled suprageneric complex having one labeled generic {abu khawatim) and again, an unlabeled residuum. It could also be considered a labeled intermediate; it in fact has one often accepted characteristic of an intermediate: clear correspondence with part of a biological family (Berlin 1992:143). Brown's (1987) proposal for a new rank called the "folk subgenus" (the subgeneric being monomially labeled and immediately included in a generic) does not, I feel, solve the problem, although I would agree that that proposed term gives a good feel for the apparent salience of aba khawatim. I place hurbuth among our generics, mainly on the basis of how I see the label used in contrast with other names of that rank. 254 Turning now to the nomenclature of generics and subgenerics (for which I include in data counts all recorded synonyms), Bedouin Arabic generics exhibit a very high proportion of simple primary lexemes. Only 12 generic names are complex, and these fall into three groups: 1. Productives. These are names having as one constituent the name of the superordinate category to which the generic belongs. Our three examples all consist of the life form name followed by the name of an animal or bird, the two linked in the Arabic grammatical relationship technically called the "construct form." Example: shajaratanna'am, lit. "bush of the ostrich", glossed "ostrich bush," for the leguminous shrublet Psoralea plicata. Consultants said that ostriches, before they were hunted to extinction in the Arabian Peninsula by the 1930s, liked to eat this shrublet. Names of this category may be, at least indirectly, utilitarian. Marking a favorite food plant of the ostrich would be of rather obvious utility to its hunters. Another example is the Leguminous shrublet Cassia obovata, called shajarat ad-ddbb, "snake bush," which has nothing "snaky" about it in appearance or as a habitat. It is, however, one of the few plants poisonous to livestock just as snakes in general are considered by the Bedouins to be poisonous to man, and I would suggest that the name could thus have a mnemonic and warning function. Overall, judging from the examples provided by Musil (1928a), names of this category appear to be more frequent among tribes of northern Arabia than with groups of our study area heartland. 2. Non-productives with abu or umm. These three cases are forms consisting of a noun or verbal noun preceded by abu ("father [of]") or umm ("mother [of]"). Such constructions, particularly the abu form, are commonly used in Arabic (and not only in Bedouin speech) to express the idea of a thing possessing the characteristics of something 255 else, much in the fashion of the EngUsh suffix "-Uke." An example is the name for the rough-surfaced annual Galium certatopodum, abu nashr, meaning literally "father of sawing," which I gloss "saw- like wort" or simply "saw-wort." The reference is to the minute scabrous projections on the epidermis of the plant, which catch one's fingers in the manner of a fine saw blade. ^ 3. Other non-productive noun phrases. These are descriptive of the plant concerned with respect to physical characteristics or to ecological relations. All of our six cases, like the productive lexemes of (1) above, involve the name of an animal or bird. Example: misht adh-dhtb, "wolfs comb," for the spinous perennial legume. Astragalus sieberi. The plant's spines do resemble the teeth of a comb, but consultants had no explanation for the association with the wolf although one might speculate about the "savage" qualities of wolves' teeth and plant spines. Another example, lihyat at-tes, "goat's beard," for the annual composite Koelpinia linearis, is obviously descriptive of the plant's fascicled and finely linear leaves. Bedouin folk specific names (Table 9.2) all take the appearance of primary lexemes. Completely labeled binomial secondary names are, in my data, totally absent. This is of course unusual, considering the prevailing use of secondary lexemes for the specific rank in other folk biological systems (Berlin 1992:29). The Bedouin specific name sets do, however, fall in Berlin's (ibid.:29-30) two categories of names in which ' These constructions are quite distinct from the tendency of informants in many societies to indicate conceptual relations between different ethnobiological taxa, often at the level of generics, through the use of terms expressing human family relationships (Berlin 1992:145). In ethnobotany such expressions take the form of "plant X is the brother (or father, mother, sister) of plant(s) Y." I have one example of such a usage in Bedouin Arabic: the reference by an elder of Bani Hajir to the perennial grass themum (Pennisetum divisum) as the ukht ("sister") of thmam (Panicum turgidum), another grass of shrubby habit. I will not resist mentioning yet another Arabic general speech metaphor form using a parental term with rather different semantic effect. This is umm ("mother [of]") + pi. noun, which denotes a particularly large or important example of the thing concerned. Thus umm al-ma'drik, "the mother of [all] batttles," which was of course Iraqi President Saddam Hussein's prediction for the hostilities of the (first) Gulf War. 256 such exceptions have been found to occur in other systems. These are: (1) genericspecific polysemy involving a prototypical relationship, and (2) cases where the plants concerned are of major cultural importance. The generic samh fits both of these classes. It includes two species of Mesembryanthem and one species of Aizoon, all of which produce edible seeds. These plants are, or at least historically have been, one of the two most important Bedouin wild food sources in northern Arabia. Table 9.2 Bedouin Polytypic Folk Generics Generic: nakhl ("date palm) fas' (truffles) samh (edible seeds') specific: specific: specific: specific: specific: khlas hsheyishl halwah khnezl rzez khlas zbedi jbey hberi blukh samh (hurr) hamar wdgif da'd' Bedouin specifics are in appearance primary lexemes. The presence of the adjectival suffix -I, as well as the name elements khlas ("pure, genuine") and hurr ("noble, genuine"), indicate that some of them are functioning as abbreviated secondaries. The generic, samh, is polysemous with the largest and most important of its three specifics, Mesembryanthemum forsskalei, which is the clear prototype. Of the two other specifics, one is labeled with a simple primary lexeme, da'd" (Aizoon canariense), the other with a complex lexeme, hamar wdgif {Mesembryanthemum nodiflorum). As is commonly the case in other systems (Berlin 1992:29), an adjective with the meaning of "real, genuine" is added to the prototype in situations where it is compared directly with its sister specifics. With samh, this adjective is hurr, which means "noble" or "genuine" (as well as "free"). Thus, discussing contrasts at the specific level, a Bedouin will use the 257 term samh hurr or, more commonly, simply al-hurr ("the pure, real one") to single out M. forsskahlei, the prototype. Our other two generics that include specifics labeled by lexemes of primary appearance, nakhl and fag', do not involve polysemy, but they clearly can be classed as highly salient culturally. Additionally, many of their specifics — 6 of 10, and this proportion would be much greater if the large number of other specifics of nakhl were added in — share a significant feature: they are clearly adjectivals of forms not seen in any other of our names at any rank. Thus four of them carry the suffix -i, indicating the nisbah or Arabic relative adjective, which can carry a meaning similar to the English suffix "-like" or "a member of." One specific in each of the two consists of the adjective khlds, meaning "pure, unmixed, genuine" and corresponds to the epithet "genuine" often attached to prototypical folk specifics. The khlas date is in fact considered by many to be the best date cultivar in eastern Saudi Arabia. With respect to truffles, my experience is that the large, whitish zbedi may be the most highly regarded, yet in the mnemonic verse about truffles (section 6.3.8) it is the "khldsf that the finder keeps for himself! In any case the use of such forms suggests that although these specifics are primary lexemes in appearance, they are in fact conceptually secondaries, with the generic terms of the binomials assumed. Thus, when a Bedouin uses the term zbedi, he and his listeners have in mind [al-fag'] az-zbedi ("the fag' that is white like butter"; when he says khlas, he has in mind [al-fag'] al-khlds ("the true, best kind of fag'). I would suggest therefore that such forms are in fact abbreviated secondary lexemes. The abbreviation of secondary names has been recognized elsewhere (Conklin 1962:122; Berlin 1992: 29). Headland (1983:114-115), presents a similar interpretation as one of the hypotheses offered to explain the dearth of secondary names for folk specifics among the Agta, a huntergatherer group in the Philippines. There, he suggests, because of the ability of Agta 258 adjectives to serve as nouns, originally binomial names became truncated to the bare epithet, which then served as the formal name of the specifics. In our Bedouin Arabic lexicon, the adjectival forms in such abbreviations tend to be unique either in grammatical form or semantic content and thus act as "tip-offs" to their basically secondary nature. 9.5. Mainly Linguistic 9.5.1. Form Patterns in Plant Names Bedouin plant names of generic and subgeneric rank may take a number of common Arabic noun forms. Overall, however, they display some unusual characteristics. First, as noted in Chapter 4, those which are simple primary lexemes are generally treated grammatically as the Arabic nomen generis (using the Latin jargon of the nineteenth century European grammarians), a kind of collective used in Arabic for the names of wild animals, including birds and insects, which are normally found in groups of large numbers, herds or flocks. They are also used for the names of plants, which when they take the form of simple primary lexemes seem to be totally accepted as "social" or "group" forms of wildlife, and for some other classes of natural objects, including stones and metals. These collectives are fundamentally different from plurals in that they represent not a number of individuals but rather an abstract notion of their referent as a "kind," all members of which share a common essence. The form denoting single individuals of these "kinds" technically is not referred to by the classical (or modem Western) Arabic grammarians as a "singular" but by the special term of "unitative." (For convenience, inasmuch as both "singulars" and "unitatives" refer to specific, single individuals, in other parts of this study I use the term "singular" to refer to individuals of both the common plural and of the collective.) 259 The collective is not marked morphologically and may take various Arabic noun patterns. The unitative, however, is regularly marked by the feminine singular suffix -ah added to the collective term. Thus hamdm, "dove, pigeon" as a "kind" of bird, and hamdmah, a single, individual dove; from our lexicon: 'arfaj, a kind of shmblet (Rhanterium epapposum), and 'arfajah, an individual shrublet of that kind. The investigator's test for the presence of the collective is thus to ask the consultant for "the name for just one" of the generic concerned. Virtually the only simple primary names that do not follow the common collective/unitative pattern are some that take the unitative suffix -ah in both the singular and the plural, such as 'uwenah, rubahlah, and hanwah. Plant names in the form of complex lexemes do not belong to this class, hi the name misht adh-dhlb, "comb of the wolf", "wolfs comb" {Astragalus seiberi), "comb" is not a collective noun and, in any case, we are not talking about combs here, hi such a case, the singular form of the name is the same as the name of the general "kind." Virtually all Arabic ethnobotanical categories above the generic rank also are collective nouns. When they occur in productive complex lexemes they take the form of the unitative, not the collective, presumably because a single sort of, say, the life form, is being singled out as a special kind with a special label. Thus, in our lexicon, we find shajarat ad-ddbb, not /shajar ad-ddbb! for "snakebush." In such a case, the singular and plural of the plant name are again the same. This is hardly a problem in most situations, but if one wanted to make clear that one is talking about more than one individual snakebush, rather than snakebush as a kind, one could make use of one of the non-collective plurals that exist for the word, "bush/tree," such as ashjdr or shajardt. Diminutives occur at a much higher frequency in plant names than in common speech overall except perhaps with respect to place names and personal names. The diminutive is generally marked in Najdl Arabic by the appearance of the vowel -e- in the 260 second syllable of a word (or in the first syllable when a consonant cluster is wordinitial). ^ In Arabic in general, the diminutive may also indicate, as in Spanish and other languages, something regarded with affection. It may also act, counter-intuitively, as an "augmentative," indicating a characteristic that is particularly strongly marked or habitual. In the last regard Fleisch suggested (1961:393) that it would better be regarded as a form that indicates a departure from the mean, or the usual, in either direction. Overall, "diminutive" forms in our plant names appear to have the primary function not of indicating small physical size but rather of attributing the characteristics of a root noun to its referent and probably, to some extent, of marking it as a plant name. Diminutives are more frequent among the names for annual plants than for perennials. It does not occur at all among perennials that are highly salient perceptually by virtue of size or form or among those that are important grazing species. Apart from the common diminutive, Fleisch (ibid.:390-392) lists several other noun forms in classical Arabic that he classes as "affectives." One of these, CaluCCdC occurs several times in our lexicon. It has the effect of intensifying the meaning of the root and giving a superlative effect, as in our siffdr for Schimpera arabica (the Bedouin -i- replacing the -u- of the pattern), based on the root sfr connoting "yellow," "yellowness," and referring to the very strong yellow signature of the flowers of this cruciferous annual. A closely related form, CuCCayC, is so frequent among our names that I have been tempted to dub it, in Latin fashion, a "nomen plantarum." Examples among our generics are shuwwel, tummer, gurres, guttenah, and hummed. Littman (1926:31-41) described this pattern as occurring in personal names recorded in preIslamic Arabic dialects such as Nabatean and Palmyrene. He described it also as a ^ In classical and modern written Arabic, the basic pattern is CuCayC (where "C" respresents a consonant). In our Bedouin dialect the short "u" of the first syllable may be absent completely, forming a word-initial two-consonant cluster, or replaced by a very short In some environments the classical -u- may be "preserved." The written diphthong -ay- is represented by the Bedouin pure vowel, -e-. 261 favored form for the name of plants, giving some 85 examples (largely from regions well outside our study area but including several of our generics). A fair number of generics exhibit the suffix -an attached to root forms. In Classical and general Arabic this often occurs in adjectives denoting a human condition or habitude, with semantic content indicated by the root. Thus kasldn, "lazy" (from kasal, "sloth", laziness"), 'atshdn, "thirsty" (from 'atash, "thirst"). For some nouns in everyday speech it simply marks a plural. In Bedouin plant names it attributes the characteristics of a root verb or noun to the referent somewhat in the manner of the English suffix "-like". Thus: sha'rdn (for the chenopod Anabasis setifera), referring to the terminal bristles on the modified leaves that resemble sha'r, "hair"; dhanabdn {Reseda spp.), referring to the characteristic spiciform raceme of these plants which resemble a dhanab, "tail". I found the suffix -dn occurring in several interesting cases of a sort of what Berlin (1992:31) calls generic name extension. Here, it is combined with the form of the diminutive to liken one kind of plant to another while maintaining a difference. Thus for the composite perennial generally called jathjdth (Pulicaria undulata), an Al Murrah consultant gave the synonym 're/ijdn, which is the name of another, quite similar (and more useful) shrublet, 'arfaj, made diminutive with the suffix -dn added. Similarly, Mutayr consultants called the weedy (and rather useless) Artemisia scoparia 'wedhirdn, a plant which resembles the more widespread and useful species called 'ddhir {Artemisia monosperma). The use of this "likening form" seems to convey the idea that "this plant looks very much like plant X, but it is different and should not be confused with it." I should add that I am not entirely convinced that these are not nonce forms. The format is certainly convenient for such use. The semantic interpretation would apply whether or not it is a "good" name. 262 Another plant name form that catches the ear and eye is the use of modified syallabic redupUcation with the second syllable carrying an infixed long vowel, usually -d-. Examples: ramrdm, basbds, ragrug, iathjdth, gadgdd. These are apparently formed by reduplication from biliteral roots (which are overall rare in Arabic'), although the semantic relationships with the respective roots are in many cases vague. Nouns with quadriliteral roots (those with four root consonants) are rather rare in Arabic. Moscati (1969:84) has noted that in the Semitic languages overall, animal names figure prominently in such forms, and I had long wondered about the high frequency, in Bedouin, as well as classical Arabic, of quadriliteral animal names like tha'lab ("fox"), 'agrab ("scorpion"), gunfudh ("hedgehog"), drimbdn ("ratel"), and jarbu' ("jerboa"). Our data shows that quadriliterals occur in plant names with equally uncharacteristic frequency. Just a few of our examples: khidrdf (Salsola volkensii), 'ujram {Anabasis lachnantha), 'andab (Cyperus conglomeratus), 'ishrig (Cassia italica), and b'ethirdn {Artemisia judaica)?- At least one of our names, hartallas {Bienertia cycloptera) seems even to involve a quinqueliteral. My impression is that all of these names have a peculiarly archaic look. The origin of some four-consonant forms have been explained in terms of simple phonetic processes, such as the dissimilation of geminates, with one of the pair becoming n, or fluctuations of liquids such as sirhdn ("wolf") becoming sirhdl (Fleisch 1961:502). I saw such phonetic shifts in a few cases of intertribal variation in name forms. Al Murrah consultants, as an example, gave the variant gunguldn for a name widely accepted (and semantically confirmed) as gulguldn. Some quadriliterals may have an origin in early Semitic prefixes. Fleisch (ibid.:503) gives Nyberg's example ' When they occur, they tend to be in very basic nouns, such as those denoting family relationships and parts of the human body. This has led some to theorize that in the Semitic languages all basic roots were originally biliteral rather than triliteral. do not include here names quadriliteral in form but probably derived by syllabic reduplication, that is, forms such as ramrdm and ragrug, noted above. 263 of an old demonstrative s (Sa in Akkadian) becoming prefixed to a triliteral with the semantic effect of Arabic dhu ("that with, that which has"). Thus Arabic sa'tar ("thyme") from ^ + 'itr ("perfume"), meaning "that which has perfume." The high frequency of the phoneme *• ('ayn) in Arabic plant and animal quadriliteral names has led me to speculate about a possible relict, proto-Semitic "name of living thing" determinant. Fleisch, however, considers a shift from hamzah to 'ayn as a phonetic process, and this could account for some of the 'aym we see in plant and animal names, particularly those in word-initial positions. Some common Arabic noun and adjective forms are conspicuously absent from our plant names. Forms with prefixed m- denoting participials, both active and passive, very common in everyday speech and in written Arabic, are absent in our lexicon. The only possible exception is maharut for Ferula spp. in northern Arabia, which in form is close to a standard past participle of Classical pattern mCCuC. I would suggest that it is just as likely that the terminal -ut is a relict of some early Semitic feminine -t suffix, hi general spoken and written Arabic the m- prefix also marks two other important noun types: the "noun of instrument" and the "noun of place." An example of the first is minshdr ("an instrument for sawing", "a saw") from verb nashar ("to saw wood"); of the second, majlis ("place of sitting", "sitting room") from jalas ("to sit"). I think that the absence of the noun of instrument, which seems ready-made for naming a plant by its use, is significant in two ways. First, it underscores the perceptual over the utilitarian as the primary "coining motive" for our plant names; secondly (along with the lack of the other m- constructions), it confirms the basically substantive rather than verb-derived nature of these names, as discussed in the following section. 264 9.5.2. The Question of Semantic Transparency One might well question, given my comments in Chapter 4 about the theoretical derivation of Arabic nouns from triliteral roots with established semantic content, why I provide English glosses for only about 116 (39 percent) of our some 297 plant generics including synonyms. This might be accounted for in a few cases where, for names of non-obvious content, I failed to inquire about meaning. In the great majority of cases, however, I did ask consultants about the meanings of names. I was struck, early on and rather naively I now think, by the frequency of cases where Bedouins did not know the meanings of generics. Consultants, for example, when asked about the meaning of the name 'arfaj (the well-known composite shrublet), would at first not understand what I intended. After I explained, usually by analogy using a well-known plant name that was obviously transparent, they gave responses like the following: "Well, it doesn't mean anything. It just means 'arfaj, you know, that bush." In other words, it had no more meaning for them than the names "oak" or "pine" have for me. If I persisted in my request, consultants would sometimes obviously start thinking hard to come up with some kind of meaning and would throw out some explanation like "Well, maybe it has to do with X," or "it might mean Y." Sometimes such explanations were based on some semantic content of the linguistic root concerned; they could apparently feel see some kind of root connections. But their answers were obviously nonce responses and varied from consultant to consultant. The relationship between Arabic plant names and linguistic roots, I now think, was admirably summed up in a statement by one of the great Semitic linguists, Gotthelf Bergstrasser. He says, speaking of proto-Semitic (the hypothetical ancestor of all Semitic languages, of which Arabic is accepted as the closest descendant): 265 The opposition between noun and verb differs notably from that in most Other languages. On one side stands a relatively small number of what are strictly substantives proper, not further analyzable, originally not obeying the rule of a consonantal root, which name things (kinship terms, animals, body parts, tools, etc.); on the other side is the large group of nominalverbal roots, which designate attributes, states, or actions. The gulf between the two kinds of root is bridged only at a later stage through the formation of denominal verb stems on the one hand and deverbal names of things (e.g., nouns of instrument, *miptdh 'key' from pth 'open')." (Bergstrasser 1983 [1928]:10). In other words, many plant names may well have appeared first as unanalyzable substantives and were then attributed to a verbal root only at a much later stage through the manipulations of the early Arab lexicographers and grammarians. This could lead to a situation, which I have long suspected, in which dictionary-declared meanings of linguistic roots associated with plant names are derived from the attributes of the plants themselves, as opposed to plant names developing in response to "basic" verbal root semantics. It is thus quite possible, to give one example, that dictionary meanings associated with root r mth of the nature of being "disorderly" or "mixed" stems from the physical characteristics of our rimth bush {Haloxylon salicornicum), which is finely branched and tangled, rather than vice versa. An even more telling example is Lane's entry for the root sh j r in his monumental Arabic Lexicon, which begins (using my transliteration): "shajar'^^ is an inf. n. of shajara, and signifies The being or becoming, intricate, complicated, perplexed ... hence the word shajar^^, ['trees,' and 'shrubs,'] because of the intermixing, or confusion, of the branches ... (Lane 1872:4:1506)! For the above reasons, dictionary speculations (all too easy because words are arranged in the order of their root consonants) about the "meanings" of Arabic plant names can be misleading if not entirely circular and should generally be avoided. Also, 266 for many dictionary roots, multiple meanings are offered, none of which apparently have anything to do with the plant that is theoretically "derived" from them. For these reasons, in the list of generic names that follows this section, I have resisted the temptation to supply speculative interpretations for many names that appear to be opaque semantically. hi some cases, I have found dictionary roots or words that are obviously or very probably closely related to otherwise unexplained plant names in some interesting way, and have noted that relationship in hedged terms. That is not to imply, however, that I believe that a name is derived/rom a given root or even that Bedouin consultants would necessarily offer the same explanations. 9.5.3. Attributes in Analyzable Plant Names All of the above is not to say that Bedouin Arabic plant names cannot carry clear meaning. Many of them, particularly the complex lexemes, obviously do, and I have not hesitated to offer glosses for them. This leads to questions of what kinds of meanings are generally associated with our glossable plant labels. First, it is obvious that the overwhelming majority of them can be classed as physical descriptives concerned with perceptual characteristics of their referents. The means of description, however, are wideranging, from simple color or texture attributes to references to inanimate objects and animals. There is only one name that is patently and directly utilitarian: dabghah, "tanweed," for Erodium glaucophyllum. I have no data indicating a use of this plant for tanning at the present time, but there is evidence for earlier use of Erodium for that purpose (see entry kirsh in Chapter 10). A few names can, I believe, be classed as indirectly utilitarian in that they act as what I would call "herdsman's markers," indicating dangerous or noxious species with regard to grazing livestock. In this category are two names referring to "earth, sand" which apply to plants that can cause sand colic when 267 ingested by livestock (although this could also be interpreted as being perceptual, referring to the adherent sand always seen on their viscous surfaces). Another is the plant (mentioned above) that is poisonous to livestock and called "snakebush". One plant is called mrdr ("bitterbush") only because its consumption by camels causes bitterness in the camel's milk. Another is labeled kirsh ("paunch, rumen") not because it resembles that ruminant organ in any way but because it can cause bloat in livestock. Some names involving animals or birds, such as shajarat an-na'dm"o?,tnc\i bush," (mentioned above) might be said to have some utilitarian value in marking promising habitats for hunters. The following descriptive categories cover the great majority of our names (their added numbers exceed the total of glossed names given above because of overlaps into more than one group): Shape of overall plant or main stems (16 generics): These names range from simple adjectives such as "thick", "slender" or "fine" through form analogies like "net-like" (for the parasite Cuscuta) to the use of human anatomical terms such as "fist-like". Shape of inflorescence or fruits (21 generics): Shape names ranged from anatomical analogies such as "tail-like" (for the inflorescences of Resedaceae spp.) to inanimate object forms such as "little bell." Color (13 generics): Colors comprised "yellow" (3), "milky" (2, referring to plant sap), one each of "black", "pearly", "gray", "dark green", "red/blonde" and "white"; and "horse-blaze," (2) in reference to mixed white and reddish. The color names were applied in about equal numbers to flowers on one hand and to other plant parts on the other. Surface texture (14 generics): Texture names comprised "cottony/feltlike" (3), "rough, scabrid" (2), "itchy/hot" (2, in reference to irritating hairs), "sandy" (2, referring to 268 adherent sand), and 1 each of "mangy" (bullate), "woolly", "furry", "hard", and "wet" (viscid). Taste (4 generics): one each of "sour", "bitter", "salty" and "hot". The term for "bitter" was in reference to the taste of milk from a camel that grazes on the plant referent. Odor (9 generics): "stinky" (8) and "sweet, fragrant" (1). Unpleasant odors are obviously more salient here than sweet ones, and the labels for "malodorous" are in most cases based on strong words such as "turd", "offal" and "rotten". Only one of the numerous desert plants with sweet, fragrant flowers was labeled for odor. Names denoting unpleasant odor perhaps have some utilitarian significance in that they tend to be noxious with respect to livestock grazing. One of them, however, musaykah (Haplophyllum), is said to be liked and sought by camels. Armament (6 generics, names referring to spines or tooth-like appendages). Use of the term dirs, "tooth" occurred several times. References to spines were through analogous nouns such as misht, "comb", and the term for spine itself {shok) did not occur. Extensions of other plant names (7 generics): These are names based on the generic names of other plants, usually more common or useful species, which they resemble. The extensions seem to take a limited number of forms, one of which is simply the diminutive of the model, another the combined diminutive and -an suffix (as described above in section 9.5.1). References to animals and birds (15 generics): Both wild and domesticated animals occur here, with one each of the following: "hare", "wolf", "ostrich", "bifasciated lark", "jerboa", "scorpion", "hedgehog", "snake", "camel", "donkey", "pig" (or "carnivore"; see entry khiyyes in the generic list) and "goat". There were 3 names referring to "raven". 269 Several of these were productive complex names like "shajarat an-na'dm", "ostrich bush". Others referred to specific parts of animals such as idhn al-himdr, "donkey's ear", lihyat at-tes, "goat's beard", and krd' al-ghurdb, "raven's shank." All plants of this latter name form had stems or leaves physically resembling the animal parts referred to. Names with human anatomical terms (13 generics) These likened plants or their parts to the "hand/fist" (3), "beard" (2), "head" (2), "hair" (2), "penis" (2), "fingers" (1) and "eye" (1). References to specific people (2 generics). The only two names in this category referred to the same plant {Anastatica hierochuntica), generally known as kaftah, or kaff maryam ("Mary's hand", a reference to the mother of Jesus). It has the synonym jme' fdtmah ("Fatimah's little fist", Fatimah being the daughter of the Prophet Muhammad by his first wife, Khadljah). It is a plant associated with and used only by women, being considered a medicinal that eases childbirth. References to motion (1 generic): The one referent was gulguldn, the crucifer Savignya parviflora, having thin flat fruits on longish capillary pedicels. These, particularly when ripe and drying, dance and shake (tgalgal) in the slightest wind. 9.6. Variation in Generic Names As indicated by the rather large number of synonyms in our data, there is a fair amount of variation in the names given for particular plants. Single consultants in a few cases gave different responses for the same plant on different occasions, but such differences tended to be very slight and were almost always variations on what was obviously the same name, such as using the diminutive on one occasion and the standard form on another. 270 Intertribal variations often also seemed to be of the same order of magnitude, with one group regularly preferring the diminutive, the other the standard. Sometimes, however, completely different names were given for the same plant by consultants of different tribes. Looking at this variation overall, it became apparent in many cases that these differences were appearing on a geographical basis rather than along tribal lines. For example, several different tribes of northern Arabia used the term hamdt for the well known boraginaceous dwarf shrublet, Moltkiopsis ciliata, while more southern groups closer to our study area center used halam. Likewise, northerners labeled the important shrub Calligonum comosum as arta, while southerners used the name 'abal. There seems to be some correlation here with the northern and southern subdialects of Najdl Arabic. Both northern and southern groups were aware of the practice of the other, and I would sometimes get responses like "This plant is X, but Shammaris call it Y." It was sometimes the case (as will be discussed in section 9.7) that one of the two groups employed both of the names for one plant, not in a general purpose sense but for different growth stage or condition states of the same generic. Major differences between both the above northern and southern groups on one hand and far southern groups say, of the southern Rub' al-Khall, on the other, was another matter. These far-southerners came up with names, even for well known plants found also in the north, that were clearly exotic and often not recognized at all by the more northern groups. Tribesmen of A1 Rashid, for example used the name hardhd for one of the most common Acacias of the Peninsula {A. ehrentergiana), a tree known elsewhere by the very stable name, salam. Such forms were in fact used by groups that do not speak Najdi Arabic at all, but rather one of the subdialects of southern Arabia that have as one characteristic the substitution of y for the phoneme j (my RashidI consultant that used hardhd also saidjiM/ for jibdl ("hills, mountains"). I have included some of these 271 names in my generic list (with the tribes of consultants indicated), although they do not strictly belong to our study area. I would add that of all my consultants, those from the tribe of Al Murrah provided names closest to plant name forms recorded in Classical Arabic early in the Islamic era. This was particularly true with respect to vowel sounds. With MarrI speakers, syllables voweled with short u in early records appeared, at least in some contexts, as clearly that vowel rather than the i or the complete elision characteristic of other subdialects. A long terminal d was also audible (especially when consultants repeated names carefully to correct the investigator's pronunciation) on words that were often recorded classically with the termination alif maqsurah, such as huldwd and khuzdmd. Ingham (1997:98) also noted terminal d on words spoken by Marri consultants; his five examples of such forms are in fact plant names. The terminal vowel on the same names spoken by my consultants of other tribes were usually not distinguishable from the common short feminine -ah. Bedouin plant names, in general, appear to be very conservative, even archaic forms, and intertribal comparative studies could well provide insights into historical tribal relations and geography. For example: Is the traditional genealogical connection between the Al Murrah and 'Ujman tribes, or at least a common original homeland, reflected in common aspects of their plant nomenclature? Ingham (1997:87-88) has already found their dialects to be "almost identical" at the structural level. I have records of the tribal affiliations of the sources for virtually all of my recorded names, but the tribes in my study were not selected for particular hypothesis testing, and the number of consultants for some tribes was too small for statistically sound comparisons. But this could be an interesting field for future research. 272 9.7. Growth Stage Generics Another feature of Bedouin plant nomenclature is the use of specialized sets of generic names that are substituted for the general purpose names of important grazing plants when it is important to convey growth stage or condition information about them. These are not descriptive phrases or adjectivals. They take the form of alternative generic name sets, each of which can be applied to only a single, general purpose generic. The following are examples, with tribal sources as indicated: For 'andab (the sedge, Cyperus conglomeratus): when small: thiddah (A1 Murrah); when dead and dry: damdim (A1 Murrah). Thiddah is a phonetic variant of thundah, used as a general purpose name for this sedge in northern Arabia. Thus, general purpose regional synonyms may sometimes contrast with one another as growth stage names. For thmdm (the perennial grass, Panicum turgidum): when with new leaf and stem growth: hajnd (Qahtan). For halam (the dwarf shrublet, Moltkiopsis ciliata): when dry: khashin (Al Murrah); when small: ligat (BanI Hajir). For a Qahtanl consultant, however, halam was a growth stage name used for "small, young" hamdt {hamdt being a general purpose synonym for Moltkiopsis used generally by some tribes.) This is another example of general purpose synonyms sometimes contrasting as growth stage terms for the same referent. For nusl (the perennial grass, Stipagrostis plumosa): when newly sprouted from seed: gsdm or shatTl (ad-Dawasir); when growing as depauperate plants on hard ground: tbeni (diminutive nisbah form from tibn, "straw," Al Murrah); when very large: da'wlt (Al 273 Rashid and other southern tribes speaking Southern Arabic); after it has dried and gone pale in color: thghdm (BanI Hajir). For zahr (Tribulus arahicus): when small seedlings, in their first year of growth: zregah (Al Rashid); when more than two years old but not yet fully grown: Hthwah (A1 Rashid). For hadh (Cornulaca arabica): when small, as seedlings: jam (Al Murrah, Al Rashid); when flowering (with yellow anthers protruding from joints): wdris (Al Rashid); when in seeded stage (with woolly stem joints): jddir (Al Rashid); after seeds have fallen: mrekhl or silll (Al Rashid). The last name, silll, is probably the consultant's southern Arabic pronunciation (the j shifting to the terminal form of the semivowel j) of sillaj, a name applied in our central area to a different species of Cornulaca — yet another example of a general purpose generic becoming elsewhere a growth form generic (in this case for a different but related species). Growth stage generics are of obvious utility in a pastoral society, providing a common code for concise description of vegetation conditions. They appear to reach their greatest development among groups frequenting the more southern and hyper-arid parts of our study area, such as the Rub' al-Khall. Here, species diversity is highly restricted, and information on the precise growth stage and condition of the available few becomes the vital intelligence of the range scout. Growth stage names also appear to be used among Bedouins in North Africa. Gaulthier-Pilters, describing grazing practices of the Reguibat Bedouins in the highly arid western Sahara, reported the use of three such names for Stipagrostispungens^, a perennial grass similar in habit and habitat to our Stipagrostis ^ The name was given as Aristida pungens, the publication occuring before the revised genus name, Stipagrostis, had come into wide use. 274 drarii and in fact bearing the same Arabic general purpose name, sabat. When in flower, it is there called eilag, the camels then cropping only the flowering parts. When the inflorescences are gone, leaving the green vegetative parts, it is called azaran. When the plants are dried and overgrazed, the camels preferring the small dry leaves near the plant base, it is called halfoe. These names are used only for this one generic (Gaulthier-Pilters 1965:1541,1573). 9.8. Classification and Subsistence Mode In the early 1970s, at the time Berlin and colleagues were describing their general principles of ethnobiological classification, the greatest part of the folk classification work done on a modem theoretical basis had dealt with small-scale horticulturists. Later in that decade, however, and particularly in the following one, a number of workers had extended such studies to another subsistence type, that of hunter-gatherers or foragers. These investigators (e.g. Hunn and French 1984) were discovering that their data differed in several respects from that obtained from small-scale farmers. Two of the most significant differences concerned the breadth of the classifications, expressed as the number of labeled taxa, and its depth at the subgeneric level. Hunter-gatherers appeared to label significantly fewer taxa overall and to have fewer (in some cases zero) examples of subgeneric categories. Brown's work (1985) was a first, broad-scale comparative study dealing with both numbers of generics and the presence of binomial labeling, which is closely correlated with subgeneric categorization. He showed that of the classifications studied, cultivators had more than four times the number of labeled plant categories than did hunter-gatherers. With respect to classifications of animals, they had nearly twice as many. Among the farmers, binomial names comprised on average some 36 percent of 275 their plant labels, while those of the foragers ranged from zero to about 7 percent. Figures for animal names were similar. Brown's analysis was the subject of some criticism, largely concerning the comparability of the data he amassed. There is general recognition now, however, that his qualitative conclusions were correct. Berlin (1992:98), counting only from ethnobotanical descriptions that were relatively complete, found an average of 520 labeled generic taxa for 17 traditional cultivator groups and 197 for 7 societies of noncultivators, virtually all of the latter being hunter-gatherers. He qualifies this finding, however, by pointing out that the foragers studied generally occupied habitats of less biological diversity than did the cultivators and that a properly controlled comparison would have to involve studies of the two subsistence types living in the same environment (Berlin 1992:99). Thus the smaller and shallower inventories of the hunter-gatherers could be the result of a more restricted expression of nature. Assuming, however, that a significant difference between the two subsistence modes by either of the above counts actually existed, an explanation was called for. Brown (1985) and Hunn and French (1984) independently suggested virtually the same one, based on observations by Lee (1979): In brief, small scale cultivators are subject to crop failure and have to maintain a broad and deep knowledge of wild plants as famine foods. Their higher population densities call for the broadest possible famine use of wild plants. Foragers, on the other hand, deal continually with wild species that by virtue of long natural selection are already drought-resistant. Expanded and binomial labeling follows from the agriculturists' need to classify this wider inventory, according to Brown (1985:49-50), who also points out the increased need of cultivators for medicinal plants. I have always felt that this explanation was a bit strained. For one thing, the subsistence agriculture widely practiced in tropical climates would seemingly seldom suffer from drought (although crop disease or pests can be a factor in such horticulture). 276 Berlin (1992:283-285) objected to the Hunn-French and Brown argument by pointing out that a real difference in inventories of generics between cultivators and foragers in the same habitats (emphasis in original) had not yet been proved and that there was evidence that uncultivated plants recognized by two New World horticultural groups did not correlate with edibility, as would be expected by the famine avoidance explanation. He thought, rather, that the development of subgeneric labels, among cultivators, would come "as part of the process of human beings' conscious construction and manipulation of new and perceptually different forms of life" (Berlin 1992:286). I think Berlin's explanation is highly plausible, but I would give it a bit of utilitarian spin, speculating as follows: Horticulture always involves some degree of artificial selection, as particular cultivars are found to vary and to be preserved for some valuable feature, such as increased size or edibility, while less useful ones are dropped. These new cultivars, for obvious practical reasons, require labels, and the most natural process for marking them is simply the throwing on of some adjective to the original generic (they are already and obviously a form of that kind). These secondary lexemes develop not through any christening process but simply through repetitions of handy binomials that "catch on." Once a few such names enter the lexicon, a speech pattem is established and leads to imitations of a handy model. Small-scale cultivators are generally well in touch with the wild flora as a source of medicinals, specialty foods and construction materials. Plausibly here also, this "more detailed way" of looking at plants will be extended, and more taxa will become labeled (and more of them binomially) in that domain. Whatever the real situation of the discussions above, a natural question arises as to how a famine scenario would affect our pastoral nomads. It is well known that pastoralists, like horticulturists and particularly in arid environments, can suffer from 277 devastating production losses, mainly from droughts. Could our Bedouins, having lost their camels, resort to wild famine foods to save their own hides? The answer, probably, is no. The cultivators have the choice of moving from the fragile, man-made environment of the fields to the more robust and naturally selected world of drought-resistant wild plants. The Bedouins have no such option. The wild plants that they might eat are even more dependent on rainfall than the vegetation serving as input for their herds. As I have seen on many occasions, the edible plants rubahlah and siffdr and the fag' (and all the rest) simply don't appear at all when the rains fail. This is the main reason why I believe (as suggested in section 6.3 and with two possible exceptions) that edible wild plants have been collected by Bedouins primarily as dietary supplements rather than for famine relief. Returning to numbers: The Bedouins are neither cultivators nor hunter-gatherers (although both aspects of the latter have traditionally supplemented their herding to some extent). How do they stand with respect to numbers of labeled taxa and the proportion of polytypic genera? Clearly, as seen from our account of generic and subgeneric names in section 9.4, they appear to lie nearer the camp of the foragers, at least as the latter have been described so far. Our total of 209 labeled generics is quite close to Berlin's average of 197 plant names for well-studied hunter-gatherers, compared to his 520 for horticulturalists. With respect to the proportion of poltytypic generics, we have an exceedingly low figure, hardly more than 1 percent, compared to Berlin's (1992) mean of about 20 percent for cultivators and close to the low figures of hunter-gatherer cases quoted by Berlin (1992:275-280). Any absolute number for labeled taxa is of course a function not only of culture but of habitat ecology. Our east-Arabian environment is an arid to hyper-arid desert, and the maximum number of plant folk labels (particularly in view of our very low number of 278 specific names) can hardly exceed 400, the approximate number of scientific plant species in the Bedouin desert universe. At the other extreme, in tropical environments with thousands of plant species, limitations of human memory become operative. Thus even there (according to Berlin 1992:98), the maximum number of labeled taxa generally lies in the order of some 500. Even relative figures for labeled taxa can be skewed by environmental considerations. Surely it is easier for our Bedouins to name and remember their 65 percent of 400 scientific species than it is for a group of tropical cultivators to keep track of half of 2,000. Despite the above limitations (and entering again the realm of speculation), I would venture some ideas on the relationship of plant classification to the pastoral nomadic subsistence mode. First, if small-scale cultivators are highly manipulative of their plant environment, their crops requiring not only planting but constant care, observation and protection, and the labeling of cultivars, then hunter-gatherers are less manipulative, having only to lift their naturally nurtured produce at the right time and in the right place. Nomadic pastoralists, such as our Bedouins, are least of all manipulative of plants, as they have only to lead their herds to the right place, then retire to an overlooking knoll and (these days) open a Chinese-manufactured thermos for a cup of coffee. This is of course an oversimplified picture of pastoralism, but the point is that the relationship with plants here is generally very much at arm's length, buffered by domestic animals. It is even the herded ruminants, not the herder, that perform the final selection, harvesting, and processing. Given this degree of insulation, I would expect Bedouins to have less concern for the fine points of plant differences and therefore a low proportion of specific level taxa, and this is the case. The low number of labeled generics might also be smaller than among cultivators. The latter supposition also fits our data, but the limited diversity of our desert flora may very well also play a role there. 279 A larger question is whether any such generalizations might be made about the pastoral subsistence mode, anywhere. Comparative data are very sparse, but I found useful four ethnobotanical surveys carried out in East Africa by Bemd Heine and colleagues between 1985 and 1988, having as subjects pastoral groups in the northern part of Kenya. They deal with areas ranging from arid to dry subhumid on the UNEP aridity scale (UNEP 1997) and thus provide some spread of plant environments. Much effort was put into describing plant uses in these studies but, as pointed out by the authors, a survey of overall plant classification was also carried out for each group following the framework of Berlin, Breedlove and Raven 1973 and 1974. A comparative plus is that the languages are non-Semitic and thus not related to Arabic. Some differences between Heine's study areas and subjects, and ours, are noteworthy. The climate regime is different, with the African area having rains more evenly distributed throughout the year and lacking the single long rainless period found in our less tropical and more arid region. One group, the Samburu, exploits an area that is decidedly more mesic — a plateau of about 2000 m elevation with scattered trees on grassland and rainfall of some 500 mm, falling mainly in spring and summer (Spencer 1973:5-7). They do not, however, engage in cultivation. The climate is of course reflected in the flora, in which there are more tree forms, with the annuals (the drought evaders) being less prominent. Grasses constitute a much more important part of the vegetation, and the extensive subshrub communities of our parts are absent or attenuated. Our saltbush group, important both floristically and in our Bedouin classification, is for the large part absent. East African livestock practices are conditioned by the need for salt by ruminants, but the mineral sources are natural salt licks, often associated with watering points (Spencer 1973:8). One group, the Rendille, have camels as their large livestock type; the others are raisers of cattle and smaller stock. Some of these African groups are 280 described as "pastoral nomads," but their degree of nomadism appears to be significantly lower than with the Bedouins. The Samburu and the Chamus, in a region favored with higher rainfall, would appear to be the least so, although they do move around seasonally (see Spencer 1973:20-24 for the Samburu). Except in the case of the Chamus, Heine does not offer an estimate of the completeness (in terms of recording all labeled folk taxa) of these studies, but they appear to be reasonably exhaustive. The interpretation of someone else's data has pitfalls, particularly as here where counting data is not provided by the original authors, some generics and subgenerics are not linked to scientific taxa, and rank is not always clearly indicated. Overall I would guess that my generic counts may be on the high side and that the proportion of polytypy may also be too high because of the misinterpretation of some binomials that might be only generic extensions or synonyms. My approach, in what follows, will be to summarize the plant classifications of each of the four groups, then compare their characteristics with our own and suggest what extrapolations might be viewed as possible traits of the pastoral subsistence type in general. I will begin with the Rendille, who as arid land camel herders, seem closest to our Bedouins in way of life. 9.8.1. Data Summary: East African Pastoralists All of the following Rendille information, or basic data leading to my own conclusions, is from Heine and Heine 1988b unless otherwise noted. The Rendille language belongs to the Sam group of Lowland East Cushitic and is therefore related to Somali. The Rendille (like the other three groups below) do not label plants as a kingdom, and they divide all plants exhaustively into two life forms: (1) "tree" (which also includes all other nongrasses although exemplary forms are large and woody), and (2) "grass", which refers only to true grasses defined as having long narrow leaves and jointed stems. There are "a 281 number of intermediate categories" (I did not attempt a count), which may be labeled or unlabeled. None of those described appear to have their salience related to grazing utility. Generics total approximately 240, of which 12 (or 5 percent) are polytypic. Generics include a rather high number (36) of productive complex lexemes including the life form "tree." Many of the specific contrasts consist of only two members, of which one is a monomial polysemous with the including generic. The total number of secondary specifics is 18. The Borana (as described in Heine and Brenzinger 1988) are one group of the Oromo, an Eastem-Cushitic speaking people inhabiting large parts of Ethiopia, northem Kenya and western Somalia. The present data pertains only to the pastoral Borana of northem Kenya. Kirby (1968:88) describes them as cattle raisers. Heine and Brenzinger (1988) make grazing use references to cattle, goats, sheep and also camels. The generic list for the Borana is complicated by a strong admixture of names quoted from other literature. Inasmuch as these are said to come from Oromo-speaking sources outside the authors' study area, I thought it best to disregard them. Three different versions of life form classes were recorded from Borana consultants. The one followed here was that claimed to be "correct" by the majority and includes; (1) "tree," comprising plants with woody stems and branches, typically of "tree" size [presumably by European concept], (2) "grerb," grasses and other small herbaceous plants eaten in toto by livestock. A third category, intermediate between the first two and glossed approximately as "small trees" or "extremely large herbs," is also presented but with doubts about its validity as a life form. True grass is recognized as a life-form category in one of the other two, alternative, classifications, and the name for that class appears some 16 times in productive complex generics referring to grasses. There are a number of unaffiliated generics, although consultants differed on their identity. A number of both labeled and unlabeled 282 intermediate categories are recognized, some of which are described as "sub-life forms" (examples being trees grouped by shape of thorns) and others as "super generics" (generics grouped by common characters such as presence of latex). My count of generics totaled about 446, of which some 23 or 5 percent are polytypic. The count for binomial specifics was about 93. Contrast sets of folk specific rank tended to be larger than in the other three groups studied. The Chamus (Heine and Heine 1988a) have an economy more "mixed" than of the other three described, engaging in animal husbandry (cattle, goats and sheep) but also farming and fishing. They are also the one group of the four about which the authors express any reservations about inventory completeness. They say that the data presented is far from being exhaustive but "is likely to include the majority" of Chamus-known plants and to be "representative of the plant knowledge an average adult Chamus has" (ibid.:41). The Chamus language, along with that of their neighbors the Samburu, form the northern branch of the Maa group of Eastern Nilotic. The Chamus "tend to classify their plants into two mutually exclusive groups": (1) "trees," which includes not only trees but vines and bushes down to dwarf shrub size, with the most exemplary examples being trees several meters high, and (2) "grass," which includes not only true grasses but any small plant useful for grazing livestock. Another taxon, glossed "weed," is used "occasionally" in reference to "grass"-size plants that are considered useless. The name is taken from that of a labeled plant but is said by some consultants to be only a term for "rubbish" or "waste material." Intermediates are represented by several labeled groups, including "trees with straight thorns" and "trees of milk" (latex), and some unlabeled groupings of generics. There are a few unaffiliated generics, the basis of which appears to be anomalous life form, not high cultural salience. Generics total 225, of which 5, or 2 283 percent, are polytypic. The number of binomial specifics is 12. Many of the specifics are contrasts of two, with one member being monomial and polysemous with the generic. The Samburu (Heine, Heine and K5nig 1988) are Maa speakers like their related neighbors, the Chamus. They are above all cattle herders but also keep some goats and sheep. They recently also acquired some camels. The Samburu group their plants into three life forms: (1) "tree," referring to true trees but also to shrubs, vines, and even some epiphytes ~ in general to all plants "taller than one foot," (2) "grass," referring to plants "less than one foot tall and considered to be useful as livestock fodder, and (3) "weed", described as generally herbaceous plants of "grass" size but useless as livestock fodder. The category "weed" is said by the authors to be the most difficult to define and to be surrounded by controversy as to its membership. Intermediate classes can be what the authors call "sub-life forms," such as trees grouped by thom type or by presence of latex (these being labeled with descriptive phrases), or unlabeled small clusters of generics. An important labeled intermediate class maps closely on the scientific genus Commiphora. The generic list includes a good proportion of names taken from other literature, and I have generally not counted those. Even so, the Samburu generic inventory appears to be very large, totaling some 650. Of these, some 27 or 4 percent, are polytypic (but may be overcounted by me). The number of secondary specific names is about 42 (perhaps also overcounted). 9.8.2. Discussion The first striking characteristic of all four African pastoral systems is the strong binary break at the life form level between "tree/grass" or "tree/grerb". This is the binary opposition analyzed by Brown (1984) and is closely analogous to our Bedouin 284 "perennial/annual" set, although the main criteria appear to deal with the more usual qualities of stem texture and size rather than with perennation. The third category of the Boran, intermediate between these two, is decidedly more vague and less salient, and the "weed" category of the others is really a residue class based on utility. With respect to life forms, they all thus resemble our Bedouin classification. Two of them give greater prominence to true grasses than is the Arabian case, but true grasses are not so important for the Bedouins as a grazing resource and the majority of them in our study area are of somewhat anomalous, shrub-like form. The general absence of a specifically African "bush" category probably reflects the lesser salience of that life form in their environment. The savannah vegetation there is characterized by strong tree-level and grass-level plant communities. This bipolar life-form tendency thus appears to be ecologically based and may not necessarily be characteristic of pastoral societies in general. The presence in the Samburu and Chamus classifications of intermediate level groupings of trees by thorn type is an interesting parallel to our Bedouin Arabic class 'idah ("trees or large shrubs with thorns"). It is clear in both cases that the primary focus is on the genus Acacia. I have already noted how several of our major Bedouin consultant tribes have migrated from southwestern Arabia, which has a distinctive Acacia vegetation, and the presence of these "thorn" groupings can be attributed to the obvious practical salience of these heavily armed trees. We see a wide spread in the generic inventory sizes of the African groups, ranging from the 240 of the Rendille, comparable to the Bedouin case, to over 600 for the Samburu, putting the latter well into the range of horticultural societies. They appear to form a dine correlated to some extent with environment, the Samburu on the least arid lands having the largest number. The Chamus data is not complete enough to consider here. The Borana, out on the more arid lowlands, also have a rather large inventory, but 285 this could be an effect of the huge territorial range of the Oromo speaking peoples, who range from southern Kenya northward deep into central Ethiopia and over varied plant communities. Whatever the forces at work here, it would appear that the pastoral subsistence mode, per se, cannot be said to be characterized by small generic inventory size, as appears so far to be the case with hunter-gatherers. The small number of generics among our Bedouins (209) may thus well be an effect of the low species diversity of their highly arid environment. Readily available data does not, unfortunately, allow estimates to be made of the proportion of total scientific species that are labeled by the African groups. Turning now to an environment quite different from all of these (and from eastern Arabia), the Norwegian Arctic, Anderson's data for Saami reindeer herders (Anderson 1978) shows some similarities to, and some major differences from, our Bedouin Arabic situation. It should be noted here first that this author was obviously quite familiar with such works as Berlin, Breedlove and Raven (1973, 1974) but chose not to place her data in that framework, pointing out that "The Saami data did not lend itself to the assignment of categories to ranks based on lexical characteristics; instead, it was convenient to work simultaneously over more restricted parts of the taxonomic landscape (see Randall 1976)" (Anderson 1978:563). There are three major life forms: "tree", "fungus" and "small wild plant." "Tree" is subdivided into deciduous trees and conifers, while "small wild plant" includes labeled classes for "foliage plant", "bladed plant" (including true grasses and sedges), "lichen" and "moss" (ibid:421). According to Anderson's own accounting, there are 94 labeled folk taxa for plants (ibid.:564). This figure is also equated with "terminal taxa" of plants (ibid.:565). There is, throughout the classification, an unusually high number of productive complex lexemes. Conclusions as to degree of polytypy among generics are difficult to reach, given the presentation format, but my inspection suggests 286 that there might be five or six such cases. The low number of terminal taxa, as well as the presence of life form classes for "lichens," "fungus" and "moss" obviously reflect ecological aspects of the Arctic environment.^ The proportion of polytypic generics in all five groups exceeds the Bedouin case of 1.4 percent but extends only up to 5 or 6 percent (and this may be a high estimate). This is well below the roughly 20 percent that according to Berlin (1992:33) is typical of folk classification systems overall and falls into the range associated with hunter-gatherers (at least those studied so far) rather than with small-scale agriculturists. This result supports my suggestion that pastoralists have less concern for finer distinctions in plant classification because of their "least manipulative" relationship with vegetation. It will be of interest to see, as additional pastoral plant classifications are described, whether this tendency is more widespread among herding groups. 1 See also section 9.2 for an interesting parallel between Saami and Arabian Bedouin views of the smaller life forms. 287 10. DESCRIPTIVE LIST OF GENERICS AND SUBGENERICS This chapter comprises a list of all folk generic and subgeneric names arranged under the broader categories which include them. Its organization follows the following outline, with groups listed in the numerical order indicated: I. Life form shajar^ (all perennials) 2. Sub-life form shajar2 (true trees and shrubs over man-height) 3. Intermediate: Hddh (trees and large shrubs with thorns) 4. Sub-life form shima' (bushes, of well less than man-height) 5. Interrmediate hamd (saltbushes) 6. Complex: tahamij (saltmarsh succulents) 7. All non-^amrf bushes 8. Intermediate (non-^amrf bushes often grazed) 9. ^on-hamd bushes seldom or never grazed 10. Residual group of perennials smaller than bush size I I . L i f e f o r m Hshb (all annual plants) 12. LFnaffiliated generics 13. Generics of unknown life form Within each category the arrangement is English-alphabetic, ignoring diacritical marks. Folk specifics when present, are listed under their respective generics. Constituents of each entry are: 1. The folk generic name is given followed, in parentheses, by the name of the tribes of the consultants providing it. The abbreviation "gen." indicates a name known with some confidence to be in general use by multiple tribes of the study 288 area. The provision of a tribal source for a name, however, does not preclude the possibility that it might be in more general use. 2. For analyzable names an English gloss of the lexeme and its constituents is provided. Added, in some cases, is a discussion of the range of application of the generic or subgeneric name. Variants and synonyms are listed, with glosses when analyzable. In general, forms based on the same linguistic root are called "variants"; those from different roots are treated as "synonyms." 3. The scientific names of the taxon or taxa concemed, and the botanical family, are provided. These are followed by a listing of the author's specimen numbers with standard herbarium designators for their locations. The great majority of these will be BM (The Natural History Museum, London) or K (Kew). Specimen numbers without herbarium designators are in the author's personal herbarium. The number of specimens cited for each taxon is limited to a maximum of three, although the number of collections for the majority of species is considerably greater. 4. There follows a brief description of the plant or plants, which will generally be a shortened version of the technical botanical description in Mandaville (1990). 5. A brief mention of the cultural significance of the folk taxon is made when applicable. More detailed cultural information will be found in other sections of this study. 289 Arabic names taken from the literature are rewritten in my transliteration system and will thus have spellings in most cases not matching the originals. Scientific nomenclature in older literature references has been updated to currently preferred forms without, in many cases, citation of the originals or of other synonymy. It should be noted that the great majority of generics here are in the form of the Arabic nomen generis, the collective form regularly used for plant and some animal names. The singular (or technically the nomen unitatis) is formed from this by adding the feminine singular suffix, -ah. Thus: athl (the tamarisk tree Tamarix aphylla, in general as a "kind") and athlah (a single tamarisk tree). A few names (such as msekah, gtenah) tend to carry the -ah suffix in both collective and singular forms. There is some ambiguity about the vocalization of a few names that historically, in classical Arabic, have -d terminations {alif maqsurah) on forms based on "strong" triliteral or quadriliteral roots, such as khuzdma, shiqdrd, 'alandd. I generally heard such terminations as a simple short -a, but there were sometimes indications of a lengthening, particularly from Al Murrah consultants. In some cases I tested the suffix by asking consultants for the dual form ("how do you say two of them?"), in the answer to which the suffix -ah changes to a -ten, and the suffix -d or -d becomes -wen or -yen). In some cases ambiguity remains, and I write the few such terminations as a simple -a. 1. Life form: shajari (perennial plants, often woody) 2. Sub-life form: shajar2 (true trees and large shrubs) athl (gen.) A widely used and stable name, attributed only to this cultivated species of tamarisk. 290 Tamarix aphylla (L.) Karst. Tamaricaceae. 1091. Cultivated tree, usually with a well developed trunk, up 15 m or more high. Leaves greatly reduced and vaginate, without normal blades. Flowers pink, in racemes usually 4-6 cm long. Fruits or flowers reported used in dyeing cloth. khirwa' (Bani Hajir) Ricinus communis L. Euphorbiaceae. Erect, glabrous shrublike herb up to 5 m tall. Leaves alternate, peltate, 10-50 cm across and palmately 5-11lobed, the lobes ovate-lanceolate, acute. Flowers ca. 2 cm wide, greenish yellow, in racemes. Capsules ovoid, 1-3 cm long and covered with thick prickles or spines. Not a plant of the desert but known to at least some Bedouins. markh (gen.) Leptadeniapyrotechnica (Forssk.)Decne. Asclepiadaceae. 235, 1957. Ascending, dense, many-branched shrub with green, wandlike branches, 1.5-3(5) m high, virtually leafless except for small, soon deciduous, linear-lanceolate rudiments on young spring growth. Flowers yellow-green, subsessile, clustered in short axillary cymes. Fruits terete, linear, striate, 9-13 cm long, ca. 0.8 cm wide. Seeds comose. Flowers and young fruits edible; hair tufts on seeds formerly used for tinder in firemaking with flint and steel. 'osaj (gen.) Name variants recorded from informants of northern tribes: 'dshaj, 'dshaz. Applied to two very similar species of Lycium (Solanaceae), the second of which, L. shawii, is the more common. Lycium depressum Stocks. BM 3126. Dense glabrous shrub 1.5-3.5 m high with many rigid branches, becoming more or less spinescent. Leaves clustered, obovate-oblong to spathulate, 1-3(4) cm long, 0.3-0.8(1) cm wide. Flowers mostly in clusters of 3-8 on pedicels 3-10(15) mm long, with pale violet, funnel- 291 shaped corolla 8-10 mm long. Stamens equal or subequal, clearly exserted from the corolla. Berries globose, orange-red, 4-6 mm in diam. Lycium shawii Roem. et Schult. BM 1108, BM 1205. Dense, stiff-branched, intricate shrub 1.5-2.5 m high, finely tomentose at least on younger parts. Leaves elliptical-oblanceolate to spathulate, 1-2(3) cm long, 0.3-0.8(1) cm wide. Flowers solitary or rarely two together, 13-16 mm long with corolla narrowly tubular, ca. 15 mm long, variably white through pink to purple. Stamens distinctly unequal, all included or two somewhat exserted. Berries globose, red, ca. 4-5 mm in diam. Both of these plants have edible berries, called dom (Bani Hajir), and both have supernatural associations, being considered by some to be the abode of the nonhuman beings called jinn. rdk (gen.) Salvadora persica L. Salvadoraceae. BM 2959. Large shrub with opposite branches, 1-3.5 m high, often growing in dense thickets on sand hummocks. Leaves elliptical or broadly lanceolate, entire, 2-5 cm long, 1-2 cm wide, on petioles ca. 5 mm long. Flowers ca. 3 mm long, in paniculate racemes, with coffee-like odor. Fruits globular, fleshy, reddish, 3-6 mm in diam. Twigs and roots used for making toothbrushes. Fruits eaten by southern tribes. shibhan (A1 Murrah) Synonyms: g/ia/"(villagers of al-'Uyun, al-Hasa Oasis), a name regularly used for a very similar plant, Prosopis cineraria (L.) Druce, found in southern and southeastern Arabia but not occurring in our study area; ft'//(al'Awazim tribesmen at Thaj). Prosopis koelziana Burkart. Leguminosae. BM 1048, BM 2896, BM 3949. Shrub to good-sized tree, 2-12 m high, scrubby or erect with well-defined trunk. Branches somewhat pendulous, with sharp prickles or unarmed. Found in our 292 study area at points on Hellenistic period caravan routes from southern Arabia and possibly brought in with camel traffic from that region. tarfd (gen.) Applied to six species of Tamarix (Tamaricaceae) all characterized by their wild habit and shrubby form without boles, thus considered distinct from athl, the cultivated T. aphylla. All of these shrubs grow 1-3(5) m high, are very similar to each other in general appearance, and are separated scientifically mainly by details of flower and fruit characters. They all have leaves reduced to clasping, pointed scales, thus appearing to have jointed "needles" rather than normal twigs and leaves. T. arabica Bge. DAO 3942, DAO 7846, DAO 7864. Large shrub with brown or red branches and leaves clasping with triangular blades. Flowers pale pink to white, 5-stamened, in dense racemes 1.5-4 cm long. Fruits pyramidal, tapering to apex, ca. 3 mm long. T. aucheriana (Decne.) Baum. DAO 7443. Shrub with brown to purplish branches. Flowers pink to white, 12-13-stamened, in spiciform racemes 2-5 cm long. Fruits pyramidal, 4-6 mm long. T. macrocarpa (Ehrenb.) Bge. DAO 7448. Shrub with brown to grey-purplish branches. Flowers pale pink, 10-stamened, in dense or somewhat open spiciform racemes 2-6 cm long. T. mannifera (Ehienh.) Bge. DAO 7817A, DAO 7856. Shrub with brown to red-brown branches. Flowers pink to white, 5-stamened, in dense recemes 0.7-3 cm long. T. pycnocarpa DC. BM 1459, DAO 7092. Shrub with grey-brown to greypurplish branches. Flowers pink-rose, rather showy, sometimes up to 20 mm broad in fruit, 12-15 stamened. Fruits 8-12 mm long. 293 T. ramosissima Ledeb. K, DAO 531, BM, DAO 1457, BM 650. Large shrub with grey-purplish branches, often forming large hummocks in sand terrain. Flowers white to pink, 5-stamened, in racemes 2-5 cm long. Fruits 2.5-4 mm long. The ashes of any of these species are used in treating camel mange. 'ushar (gen.) A Qahtani informant pronounced this name as 'isharr, with stress on the second syllable. Calotropis procera (Ait.) Ait. f. Asclepiadaceae. BM 1080. Ascending to erect, tree-like, glaucous shrub, woody below with pale, corky bark, coarsely succulentherbaceous above, to 4 (5) m high, bleeding copious latex at any wound. Leaves opposite, oblong or obovate, sessile, 10-25 cm long, 8-17 cm broad. Flowers greenish white and purple-flushed, 1.5-2 cm across (3 cm with corolla lobes spread), in umbel-like, peduncled cymes. Fruit an ovoid follicle 8-13 cm long, with comose seeds. A toxic plant, used medicinally and for charcoal in the making of gunpowder. 1. Life form: shajari (perennial plants, often woody) 2. Sub-life form: shajar2 (true trees and large shrubs) 3. Intermediate category Hddh (spiny trees and spiny large shrubs) salam (gen.) Tribes of the southern Rub' al-Khall (speakers of a non-Najdl dialect) use the synonym hardhd, pi. harddhl (A1 Rashid). Acacia ehrenbergiana Hayne. Leguminosae. BM 2113, BM 2153, BM 2748. Large shrub or small tree, usually with multiple ascending branches from the base, in our area 2-4 m high. Spines straightish, white, 2-5 cm long. Leaves 294 compound, with only 1-2 pairs of pinnae; leaflets 6-9(10) pairs, 2-3 mm long. Flowers yellow, in globular heads. Pods up to 10 cm long, falcate, constricted between the seeds. By far the most common Acacia of our study area. samur (gen.) Acacia tortilis (Forssk.) Hayne. Leguminosae. 8381. Large shrub or small tree, usually flat-topped with several main branches ascending from the base. Spines often in alternating pairs of longer (1-3 cm) straight ones and shorter curved ones. Leaves with pinnae mostly in 4-6 pairs; leaflets in 6-10 pairs. Flowers pale yellow, in globular heads. Pods more or less spirally coiled and contorted, torulose, weakly compressed, 3-9(10) cm long (when straightened). sidr (gen.) A name applied to two species of Ziziphus (Rhamnaceae), the first a large woody shrub of inland silt basins, the second a large tree seldom seen outside cultivation. Ziziphus nummularia (BVLWIA.) Pirn. 504,2746,8383. Ascending, many-branched spiny shrub, more or less rounded in outline and 1-3 m high. Stipular spines dimorphic: one straight, to ca. 1 cm long, the other hooked. Leaves ovate to orbicular, 0.8-2 cm long, 0.5-1.8 cm wide. Flowers axillary, greenish-yellow, 3-4 mm long. Drupe globose, reddish, 7-8 mm in diam. Reportedly sometimes used for making camel sticks, hi northern Arabia said to be considered one of the abodes of the non-human creatures called jinn. Ziziphus spina-christi (L.) Willd. BM 7004. Tree up to ca. 12 m high, spiny or unarmed, with pale grey branchlets. Leaves ovate to oblong, 2.5-6 cm long, 1.5-4 cm wide. Flowers ca. 3-8 together in axillary cymes, yellowish green, 4-6 mm in diam. Drupe ovoid or globular, 0.8-1.5 cm in diam., yellowish. The fruits, called 295 nabag, are edible. The wood is sometimes used in village construction or crafts. Leaves are powdered and used as a shampoo or for other washing purposes. talh (gen.) Applied to two species of Acacia (Leguminosae) in our area, where the genus is poorly represented compared to country farther west and south, particularly in the Hijaz mountains of the western parts of the Peninsula. Both tend to have large and well defined boles as well as larger size and thus form a natural subgroup of our four eastern Acacia species. Acacia gerrardii Benth. subsp. negevensis Zoh. BM 568. Tree, 3-10 m high. Spines whitish, straight, 2-5 cm long, sometimes reduced to hornlike spinelets 3-5 mm long. Leaves with 3-9 pinnae pairs; leaflets usually in 10-18 pairs, 3-4 mm long. Flowers pale yellow to white, in globular heads. Pods falcate, not constricted, compressed, 6-12 cm long. I found one of these trees to be a fairly copious producer of gum arable, samgh, although I have no evidence of local exploitation. The tree is quite rare in our study area. Acacia raddiana Savi. BM 1878, BM 2112, BM 2162. Tree, usually with distinct bole and rounded irregular crown, seldom exceeding 4 m in our study area but to 7 m or more in central Arabian wadl situations. Spines white, 2-5 cm long. Leaves with pinnae in 2-6 pairs; leaflets mostly in 6-10 pairs, 2-3 mm long. Flowers pale yellow to white. Pods usually strongly contorted, light reddish to brown, 5-12 cm long (when straightened), slightly constricted between the seeds. 1. Life form: shajar\ (perennial plants, often woody) 4. Sub-life form: shima' (bushes, less than man-height) 5. Intermediate: hamd (saltbushes) 296 'ardd (gen.) Cf. classical 'ard, "hard, thick, stiff"; the plant has hard, thick branches. Salsola cyclophylla Bak. Chenopodiaceae. BM 327, BM 2932, BM 3191. Stiff shrublet 10-50 cm high, sometimes dwarfed but always woody at base, intricately branched. Leaves suborbicular, crowded into bud-like knots. Flowers in very dense, short lateral spikes 5-15 mm long, 3-7 mm in diam. Fruiting perianth 3-5 mm in diam., including wings. 'asal (gen.) Suaeda monoica Forssk. ex J. F. Gmel. Chenopodiaceae. BM 1016. Shrub up to 3 m high (but smaller in our area) with densely leafy, sometimes drooping branches. Leaves linear, succulent, mostly 15-20 mm long, about 2 mm wide, flattened on both surfaces, approximate. Flowers axillary in loose, leafy spikes. Fruit perianth 1-2 mm long, reddish when ripening. A plant known from only one site in our area, in the northem Rub' al-Khall, a place considered haunted by jinn. It is more common southwest of our study area and in western Arabia. dumrdn (gen.) Cf. classical damr, "to be thin, slender" -i- -an, denoting a likeness, lit. "slender-bush," the name in reference to the slender, wandlike branches of this shrub. Traganum nudatum Del. Chenopodiaceae. BM 324, BM 2943, BM 2957. Diffuse shrub, 20-60 cm high with glabrous, whitish, rather virgate branches. Leaves triangular-lanceolate, subtriquetrous, sessile, distant, somewhat fleshy, up to 8 mm long, often decurved, usually with 2 smaller, rounded bracts at base. Flowers sessile in densely short-woolly axils. A favorite grazing plant of the camel, although never found in great abundance. (Ruwalah) Salsola jordanicola Eig. Chenopodiaceae. BM512, K508. Muchbranched shrublet 15-60 cm high. Leaves 2.5-10 mm long, 0.4-0.7 mm wide, 297 long-triangular to linear, pubescent, longer in spring. Spring flowers axillary, in loose spikes up to ca. 12 cm. long; autumn flowers often shorter, more congested. Fruiting perianth 5-9 mm wide including the straw-yellow or pinkish wings. garmal (gen.) Zygophyllum simplex h. Zygophyllaceae. K 372, BM 3179. Dense, procumbent, succulent perennial (sometimes perhaps armual), to ca. 30 cm across. Leaves simple, sessile, succulent ovoid to cylindrical, 3-15 mm long. Flowers mostly solitary in the axils, 4-5 mm in diam., yellow. Capsules obovoid to subglobose, becoming angled, 2-3 mm long. gataf(Bam Hajir) Applied to two very similar species of Limonium (Plumbaginaceae) found on saline ground in or near coastal saltmarsh. Limonium axillare (Forssk.) O. Kuntze. BM 3807, 7093. Ascending shrublet 10-50 cm high. Leaves gray-green, minutely punctate and white-dotted with excreted salts, oblanceolate to spathulate, mostly 4-8 mm wide and up to 4.5 cm long. Flowers in dense spikelets in paniculate inflorescences. Bracts reddish with white margins. Corolla purple but soon deciduous, leaving the white calyx. Limonium carnosum (Boiss.) O. Kuntze. 7080, 8659. Ascending to suberect perennial to 40 cm high, woody at base. Leaves grayish green, linear-spathulate to cuneate, mostly 0.5-2 cm long, 1-3 mm wide, somewhat fleshy and covered with crystals of excreted salt. Flowers in spicate panicles; corollas white to pale pink, deciduous, about 4.5 mm long. ghadd (gen.) Haloxylon persicum Bge. Chenopodiaceae. BM 322, 7026, 7599. Large shrub or small tree, 1.5-3(4) m high with thick woody base, sometimes with drooping terminal shoots. Leaves greatly reduced, the stems appearing naked, cylindrical, jointed. Flowers in short lateral spikes. Fruiting perianth ca. 8 mm in 298 diam. including the spreading membranous wings. A shrub important for camel grazing and as a source of excellent firewood. gurm (Bani Khalid, BanI Hajir) Avicennia marina (Forssk.) Vierh. Verbenaceae. BM 1102, 7811. Erect-ascending shrub or small tree, 1-3 m high. Leaves opposite, lanceolate to elliptical, entire, 3-7 cm long, 1-3 cm wide. Flowers in dense, capitate cymes with corolla yellow, exceeding the calyx, with four subequal spreading lobes. Capsule almond-shaped, 1.5-2.5 cm long. This mangrove is found in the inter-tidal zone in a few protected bays of the Gulf coast. It is sometimes grazed by camels, and the capsules are used medicinally. hddh, hddhdh, (gen.) Classical botanical works generally write this name hadhdh. My records indicate that I heard a single dh (although I might have missed the doubling, difficult to hear in terminal position). An A1 Murrah consultant gave the variant huwedhdhdn, but the doubling there is required by the noun form. The name is applied to two species of Cornulaca (Chenopodiaceae): in the south, by tribesmen frequenting the Rub' al-Khali, to C. arabica; farther north, among tribes that do not enter the southern sands, to C. monacantha. Southerners who know both species use the diminutive variant huwMhdn, or huwMhdhdn, for C. monacantha. Cornulaca arabica Botsch. (considered by some botanists to be conspecific with C. monacantha, below). K 467, BM 1018, LE 1934. Rounded, gray-green, tangled and many-branched shrub 30-80 cm high. Leaves clasping, 1.5-4 mm long, triangular, pungent. Flowers solitary or few in the axils. Fruit subpyramidal, 3.5-4.5 mm long with 2 subequal homlets or spinelets 0.5-1 mm 299 long, hidden in dense white hairs. An important grazing plant of the Rub' alKhall, where it is endemic. Cornulaca monacantha Del. BM 642, BM 1136, LE 1932. Glabrous prickly shrublet 10-40 cm high, much branched. Leaves clasping, triquetrous, 3-10 mm long, spiny-tipped, short-woolly in the axils. Flowers clustered in upper axils. Fruits with 1 or 2, 4-6 mm-long, clearly exserted spines. hamd al-arnab (Al Murrah) hamd, "saltbush" + al-arnab, "the hare," lit. "saltbush of the hare." Halothamnus bottae Jaub. et Spach. Chenopodiaceae. BM 1052, LE 1132. Ascending, many-branched shrublet, sometimes dwarfed, 10-30 cm high, bluegreen grayish when growing. Leaves reduced to triangular-triquetrous, subclasping rudiments 0.5-1.5 mm long. Flowers mostly solitary in the axils, distant. Fruits, including wings, 4-8 mm in diam. harm (gen.) Applied to three species of Zygophyllum (Zygophyllaceae). Zygophyllum mandavillei Hadidi. BM 2892, BM 3999, BM 4006. Ascending, many-branched highly succulent shrub, mostly glabrous, to ca. 80 cm high. Leaves predominantly 1-foliolate but sometimes 2-foliolate in seedlings or fresh growth, subcylindrical, succulent, 4-15 mm long, 2-3 mm wide. Flowers solitary, ca. 4.5 mm long, with white, spathulate petals. Capsules club-shaped, circular in cross-section, 12-20 mm long, 3-7 mm wide. An endemic of the Rub' al-Khali, where it is grazed by camels. Zygophyllum migahidii Hadidi. BM 7440, BM 7442, BM 7445. Ascending, much-branched succulent shrublet to ca. 75 cm high, with greyish-tomentose foliage. Leaves all or predominantly 2-foliolate, succulent, cylindrical or 300 somewhat compressed, to ovoid, 2-15 mm long. Flowers mostly solitary, 4-5 mm long with white or yellowish petals. Capsule cylindrical to somewhat obconical, 5-angled, truncate or retuse and weakly lobed at apex, 8-13 mm long. Zygophyllum qatarense Hadidi. Ascending, many-branched succulent shrublet to ca. 75 cm high, sometimes becoming yellow or reddish. Leaves 1-foliolate, succulent, terete, cylindrical to ovoid, 3-8 mm long. Flowers solitary with whitish petals. Capsules cylindrical or obscurely obconical, weakly 5-angled, truncate at apex, 4-9 mm long, 3-6 mm wide. Eaten by some camels but not considered a good grazing plant. khidrdf {northern tribes) Salsola volkensii Aschtrs. et Schweinf. Chenopodiaceae. BM 314, 7452, 8809. Erect or ascending somewhat fetid annual, 10-40 cm high, bluegreen when fresh, with erect white hairs. Leaves sessile, linear, 3-6 mm long; summer leaves smaller. Flowers in spikes. Fruiting perianth winged, 7-10 mm in diam. Mainly in our north and often on disturbed ground. Usually described as an annual but lives well into the summer. khirret (gen.) The non-diminutive, non-intensive variant, khant, was given by a member of the Mutayr tribe. Salsola baryosma {Koem. etSch\x\t.)D2Lndiy. Chenopodiaceae. BM3817, BM 3118, LE 1942. Ascending shrublet, 30-60 cm high, glabrescent or mealy, or softly pubescent when young. Leaves varying seasonally, linear and hairy in spring, those of summer and autumn suborbicular and minute. Flowers in dense spikes 10-100 mm long, 5-10 mm in diam. Fruiting perianth 4-6 mm in diam. including the wings. The fresh plant is somewhat fetid, with an odor sometimes 301 described as "fishy." One Bedouin took me aside and said that "some say this bush smells like a woman." rimth (gen.) This is one of the few plant names used as a component in Bedouin male personal names; the father of a well-known desert guide of the 'Ujman tribe whom I knew personally was called Rimthan {rimth + -an), "resembling rimth". This later became the name of an oil field of the Arabian American Oil Company (now the Saudi Arabian Oil Company). Haloxylon salicornicum (Moq.) Bge. Chenopodiaceae. BM 325, BM 2938, LE 1949. Diffuse, rounded, many-branched shrub, usually 60-100 cm high, often raised on sand hummocks. Leaves apparently absent, reduced to minute scales forming cupules at articulations of the cylindrical stems. Flowers in dense terminal and lateral spikes. Fruiting perianth with 5 membranous yellow or pink wings. A very important grazing plant for camels and dominant in a widespread shrub community covering wide areas in eastern Arabia. rughl (gen.) Atriplex leucoclada Boiss. Chenopodiaceae. BM 240, LE 2953, LE 2926. Ascending shrub 20-80 cm high, pale greenish or yellowish mealy-canescent. Leaves to ca. 2.5 cm long, deltoid, sinuate-dentate, smaller in summer and autumn. Flowers both axillary and terminal, with fruit valves incised-dentate, ca. 4.5 mm long and broad. riith (Mutayr, Ruwalah) Salsola vermiculata L. Chenopodiaceae. BM 3093, BM 3907. Much-branched shrublet, 15-60 cm high, with fine-sublinear leaves 2.5-10 mm long, 0.4-0.7 mm wide, pubescent, longer in spring. Flowers axillary, forming loose spikes up to 12 cm long. Fruiting perianth 5-9 mm wide including the 302 yellow or pinkish wings. Considered a very important camel grazing plant in northern Arabia, where it is found in many of the large wddis. sha'rdn (gen.) sha'r, "hair" + -an, "resembling", lit. "hairlike" bush, probably in reference to the terminal bristles often seen on the modified leaves of this plant. The variant sha'r was recorded from northern informants of the Ruwalah and Shararat tribes. Anabasis setifera Moq. Chenopodiaceae. BM 2928, BM 2940. Glabrous, succulent shrublet 10-30 cm high with erect jointed stems. Leaves opposite, clubshaped and succulent, 3-9 mm long, sometimes ending in a deciduous bristle. Fruit perianth with 5 wings that are often laterally compressed. shndn (gen.) The northern synonym duwwed was recorded from Shararat and northern 'Anazah informants. It is an intensive, diminutive form from dud, "worm", thus "little worm bush,"in reference to the terete, worm-like, succulent leaves. Seidlitzia rosmarinus Ehrenb. ex Bge. Chenopodiaceae. BM 321, BM 2956, LE 1962. Rounded, glabrous shrub up to ca. 80 cm high, often on raised hummocks. Branches mostly opposite, often white-glossy. Leaves opposite, terete, succulent and club-shaped, to ca. 18 mm long. Fruiting perianth ca. 10 mm in diam. including the unequal wings. Dried and pounded leaves used as a soap substitute. sillaj (Al Murrah) The variant sillej (the same name in diminutive form) was recorded from a consultant of the Qahtan tribe. Cornulaca leucacantha Charif. et Aellen. Chenopodiaceae. K 464, BM 1135, BM 1895. Coarse, very prickly, erect to ascending annual or perennial herb, 1030 cm high. Leaves 4-6(9) mm long, partially clasping, very spiny. Fruits with a single spinelet ca. 5 mm long. 303 suwwad (gen.) From the root swd, connoting the idea of "being black." The name is an intensive, active noun form, thus "that which makes or becomes black." Stands of the plant appear very dark, especially when viewed from distance. This Arabic vernacular name was the source of Forsskal's genus name, Suaeda. A northern synonym, tahmd (of interest in being related to the group name tahdmlj, (see section 9.3) was recorded from informants of the Ruwalah and Shammar tribes. Suaeda vermiculata Forssk. Chenopodiaceae. BM 3135, LE 1950, LE, BM 2924. Much-branched succulent shrub, 30-80 cm high. Leaves rather remote, glabrous, succulent, blue-green glaucous, oblong to ovate, flattened above, 4-15 mm long. Flowers axillary, in often loose terminal spikes. 'ujrum (gen.) Related to the root ' j r m, associated by Bedouins with the idea of "being cut, cropped off on top". The plant is usually flat-topped in appearance. Synonyms include: from Al Murrah: 'ujerimdn (diminutive form -i- -an), from ash-Shararat in the north: hurd, "alkali" bush, and from Shammar: ghaslah, "wash bush", in reference to its use as a soap substitute. Anabasis lachnantha Aellen et Rech. f. Chenopodiaceae. BM 320, BM 2951, 7600. Shrublet 20-60 cm high. Leaves virtually absent, reduced to cupules on the stems, which appear jointed. Fruit perianth 5-7 mm, including the 5 spreading, yellow to pink membranous wings which are often compressed transversely to the shoot axis. Bedouins recognize this plant at a glance although I had problems at first differentiating it from Haloxylon salicornicum. Leaves used, like those of Seidlitzia, as a soap substitute. 304 1. Life form: shajari (perennial plants, often woody) 4. Sub-life form: shima' (bushes, less than man-high) 5. Intermediate: hamd (saltbushes) 6. Complex: tahdmij (saltmarsh succulents) hartallas (A1 Murrah) Synonyms: hatallas, ghi4rdf (Bam Hajir), hartabll (northern), hurtumdn, tarte' (Shammar). The variation in the name of this plant, based on roots of as many as 5 consonants, is very unusual. None of them appear to be highly specific and seem to be used for more than one of the highly succulent saltmarsh chenopods that are considered poor grazing for camels. A consultant of BanI Hajir applied hatallas also to Suaeda aegyptiaca (Hasselq.) Zoh. (see immediately below). Bienertia cycloptera Bge. ex Boiss. Chenopodiaceae. K 466, BM 319, 8815. Technically described as an annual plant but included in this complex by most Bedouins. Erect, glaucous, very succulent herb 20-50 cm high with linear leaves mostly 1-3 cm long. Flowers single or clustered. Fruit fleshy-orbicular, berry­ like, surrounded by a fleshy circular wing. Found on highly saline ground in coastal or inland salt marshes. hatlas (BanI Hajir) Another variant of one of the members of the name group described above. The variant hatallas (see above) was applied by the same Bani Hajir informant to this plant on a different occasion. Suaeda aeegyptiaca (Hasselq.) Zoh. Chenopodiaceae. BM 237, 1965. Shrubby, densely leafy, glabrous soft-succulent herb to ca. 60 cm high. Leaves teretish or somewhat flattened, to ca. 25 mm long. Flowers clustered in leafy spikes. Fruiting perianth top-shaped, becoming spongy-inflated, green, sometimes 305 ripening to purple or black. Usually seen on saline waste ground around settled areas and farms. khirrez (gen.) An intensive, diminutive form oi kharaz, "string of glass beads," referring to the appearance of the succulent, red, perfoliate leaves "strung" on the stem. Halopeplis perfoliata (Forssk.) Aschers. et Schweinf. Chenopodiaceae. BM 2925, LE 1936, 3811. Erect, glabrous, succulent shrublet 20-40 cm high, the succulent parts often becoming red in color. Leaves very succulent, subglobular to pyriform, perfoliate, giving the stem a swollen, jointed appearance. Flowers in dense terminal spikes. shii' (BanI Hajir) Arthrocnemum macrostachyum (Moric.) Moris et Delponte. Chenopodiaceae. K 460, LE 1104, 8682. Glabrous, succulent perennial with ascending to decumbent branches. Leaves virtually absent, forming cupules at the the stem joints. Flowers minute, in the terminal nodes. thilleth (BanI Hajir) From root th I th, connoting the number "three", cf. thldthah, "three." An intensive, diminutive form referring to the distinctive way the stems of this plant put out branches in three planes along the main stem axis. A synonym also used by BanI Hajir is 'ujerimdn, referring to some similarity to the shrub called 'ujrum {Anabasis lachnantha). Halocnemum strobilaceum (Fall.) M.B. Chenopodiaceae. K 610, K 716, BM 318. Low straggling perennial 15-40 cm high, often procumbent with stems spreading on the ground. Leaf rudiments forming opposite, decussate, bud-like structures. Flowering branches nearer extremities apparently leafless, cylindrical. 306 Flowers immersed in the nodes with the single stamen exserted, often leaving the stem yellow with anthers and pollen. 1. Life form: shajari (perennial plants, often woody) 4. Sub-life: shima' (bushes, of less than man-height) 7. All non-^amrf bushes 8. hitermediate: khillah {non-hamd bushes important for grazing) 'abal (gen. south) The synonym used by northern tribes such as Ruwalah and Shammar is artd', both names are widely known. Applied to two (and probably a third) species of Calligonum (Polygonaceae) differing mainly in details of fruit form. The distinctive fringed fruits are called natharah (Al Murrah). Calligonum comosum L'Her. BM 2139, BM 2725, BM 2857. Ascending shrub to 120 cm high with whitish older branches. Leaves soon deciduous and mostly apparently absent, leaving flexible green shoots. Flowering perianth lobes whitepink or white-greenish with darker medial stripe. Fruits red or greenish yellow, covered in bristles from four wings. Important shrub of sandy terrain, furnishing camel grazing and excellent firewood. Also used medicinally and for tanning. Calligonum crinitum Boiss. subsp. arabicum (Sosk.) Sosk. BM 4001, BM 4004, 7652. Ascending shrub to 2 m, closely resembling the above species but with fruit bristles sparser and not originating on wings. Important as a grazing and firewood shrub in the Rub' al-Khall, where it is endemic. The name 'abal (or its synonym artd) can be predicted to be used also for Calligonum tetrapterum Jaub. et Spach (my specimen 2844), recognizable by its fruit wings without bristles but very rare in our study area. 307 'ddhir (gen.) Artemisia monosperma Del. Compositae. 3205,7608,7918. Ascending, green to silvery-green somewhat aromatic shrub, glabrous to very finely appressed-silky, 50-100 cm high. Leaves linear-oblanceolate, sohtary or clustered, entire or with linear lobes 3-7 cm long, tapering to base. Heads in somewhat 1-sided racemes forming an elongate compound inflorescence up to 40 cm long. Heads ovoid, 3-4 mm long, with 3-6 florets. The plant is characteristic of the red sands of the Dahna', and is hardly seen outside that habitat. Grazed by sheep and camels but not considered particularly good fodder. Reportedly used for the tanning (or other treatment) of hides used as water skins. 'alga (gen. south) Dipterygium glaucum Decne. Capparaceae. BM 1430, 7615, 8424. Yellowishgreen, finely scabridulous shrublet, 30-80 cm high, nearly leafless in the dry season. Leaves alternate, oblong, 3-12 mm long. Flowers yellowish. Fruits slightly compressed, 3-8 mm long, obovate with wrinkled faces, winged. Important as a grazing plant in some sandy regions, including the Rub' al-Khall. Bedouins say that 'alga provides the favorite food of the hbdrd, the houbara bustard (Chlamydotis undulata), a bird formerly much hunted with falcons. 'andab (gen. south) The synonyms thundd and musse' (Shammar) are used among northern tribes. Tribes of the southern Rub' al-Khall call it gasis (A1 Rashid). Cyperus conglomeratus Rottb. agg. Cyperaceae. BM 2890, 8265, 8358. Perennial with culms to ca. 60 cm high. Leaves narrowly linear, involute-teretish, channeled, to ca. 50 cm long. Spikelets clustered, with tightly imbricate glumes, to ca. 30-50 mm long. An important grazing plant in the Rub' al-Khali but 308 elsewhere considered second-rate fodder. Reportedly used to make cordage by the Shammar tribe in northern Arabia. '^arfaj {g&n.) Rhanterium epapposum 0\i\. Compositae. BM 1756, BM 2709, 2741. Rounded, often hemispherical, intricately branched shrublet 30-70(100) cm high with white-tomentose young stems. Leaves sessile and linear, entire or remotely dentate, 1-3 cm long. Flower heads numerous, solitary, terminal, yellowflowered. One of the most important grazing plants of our study area; dominant in a plant community covering wide areas, especially in parts of the northern plains. birkan (Al Murrah, A1 Rashid) Limeum arabicum Friedr. Aizoaceae. BM, K 468, BM 1019, BM 7003. Tangled shrublet to ca. 50 cm high, densely covered with minute knobbed glands and often viscid, with adherent sand. Leaves opposite or subopposite, unequal, ovate to orbicular, to ca. 5 mm long. Flowers axillary, solitary, with white, clawed petals. Fruit splitting into two hard, gray-tan mericarps. Found on deep sands, particularly in the Rub' al-Khali, where it is a grazing plant. da'ah (gen.) A tribesman of Al Wahlbah, southern Rub' al-Khall, used the diminutive form, du'ayy, a central and northern synonym is hadid ('Utaybah, Sulabah, Qahtan). Lasiurus scindicus Henr. Gramineae. K 160, BM 1079. Erect perennial grass to ca. 1 m high., woody-rhizomatous below. Racemes terminal, erect, spicate, breaking at joints, silky-hirsute, 5-10 cm long. Rachis joints densely hirsute. Grazed by livestock. 309 dabyah (BanI Khalid) Cf. dabyah, "she gazelle," but the meaning of the plant name is uncertain. A Bedouin of Al Wahibah (of the southern Rub' al-Khali and nonNajdl Arabic speaking) gave the synonym nazza'. A member of the settled community of al-Ajam, near the Qatif Oasis, called it aldl. Taverniera spartea DC. Leguminosae. BM 1467, 7459. Erect, silvery-grey canescent shrub to ca. 1.5 m high. Leaves 1- or 3-foliolate with obovate leaflets 5-8 mm long. Flowers solitary or paired; corolla pink with with red-mauve veins. Pods 5-17 mm long, strongly compressed, constricted into 1-4 rounded joints. The plant is apparently restricted to a few coastal locations and is probably not known among many inland tribes. dha'lug (Northern tribes, Musil 1928a:693). Also dha'lug al-jamal, "camel's dha'lug" (Musil 1927:595). Scorzonera tortuosissima Boiss. Compositae. BM 3114, 2888, 3871. Ascending, silvery-greyish branched perennial, 20-50 cm high, with stems whitish-canescent. Leaves finely linear to subulate, 5-15 cm long below, much shorter above. Heads numerous, solitary-terminal, mostly with 5-7 yellow florets. Achenes narrowly columnar-prismatic, 8-12 mm long with a persistent pappus of brownish-white bristles, finely plumose below, scabrous above. Reportedly sometimes eaten raw (Musil 1928:95). gasbd (Al Murrah) The root q s b i s the basis for the general Arabic name for reeds (large reeds of wetlands), qasab, but Al Murrah, and perhaps others, apply gasbd quite specifically to two very similar species of the grass genus Centropodia, both non-reedlike and always found in deep sands or even mobile dunes. 310 Centropodia forsskalii (Vahl) Cope. Gramineae. K, BM 234, BM 388, BM 1015. Ascending to decumbent perennial grass to 40 cm high. Panicle terminal, densely contracted, partly sheathed at base by sheath of the highest leaf. Centropodia fragilis (Guinet et Sauvage) Cope. 7541, 8035. Very similar to the foregoing but with anthers twice as long (ca. 2 mm) and narrower than in C. forsskalii. Both species, although never abundant, are grazed by camels. g/iaraz (Al Murrah, Qahtan) Chrysopogon plumulosus Hochsi. Gramineae. BM 1051, 7942, 8321. Densely tufted, fine-culmed perennial grass, usually 20-50 cm high. Lamina usually less than 8 cm long; ligule a rim of fine hairs. Spikelets in a terminal panicle 5-10 cm long with whorled branches. Pedicels of lateral spikelets and base of sessile spikelet densely bearded with golden-tawny hairs. girdi, gur^ igtn.) Ochradenus baccatusDel. Resedaceae. 2154,7805,8699. Glabrous, erect, branched dioecious shrub to ca. 1.5 m high. Leaves single or fascicled, deciduous, narrowly linear, to 4 cm long. Flowers in spiciform terminal racemes, apetalous. Fruit an ovoid to globose berry 4-8 mm in diam., ripening to a waxy white. hazzd (Shammar) A Bedouin of the 'Ujman tribe called this plant sus, a name used in general Arabic for licorice. Deverra triradiata Hochst. ex Boiss., subsp. musilii (Chrtek, Osbomova et Sourkova) Pfisterer et Podlech. Umbelliferae. BM 2955, 7399, 7904. Aromatic shrub with ascending, glabrous, virtually leafless wandlike stems up to ca. 1.7 m high. Umbels at or near branch tips, mostly 3-4-rayed. Umbellules mostly 5-9flowered. Fruits ca. 2.5 mm long, ovoid, densely whitish-hirsute. Many herdsmen pointed out the camel's particular fondness for this plant, which is never 311 very abundant and often found standing within other shrubs in sand-floored, rocky ravines. hazzaz (Mutayr) A strongly scented umbellifer like the foregoing. Ducrosia anethifolia (DC.) Boiss. Umbelliferae. K 570, BM 3084. Perennial herb of strong, unpleasant odor, 15-30 cm high with glabrous stems and leaves, branching mostly from the base. Leaves ovate-oblong in outline, 2-6 cm long, trisect with divided lobes. Umbels long-peduncled, 10-15-rayed. Umbellules with 12-18 yellowish flowers. Fruits 7-8 mm long, ovate to elliptical. An infrequent plant, usually found singly on silty soils of the northern plains and Summan. Hjlah (Ban! Khalid) Hjlah in general Arabic means "female calf, heifer," and I have no record of an explanation of this plant name. Halopyrum mucronatum (L.) Stapf. Gramineae. K, BM 118, 1938, 7068. Coarse perennial grass with erect culms from woody rhizome, to ca. 1.5 m tall. Leaf blades narrowly linear, convolute. Inflorescence a narrow, contracted panicle 10-30 cm long. The distribution of this grass is restricted to dunes above the beach at coastal sites, and it is known only by tribes frequenting coastal areas. Considered good for grazing. kari (Al Murrah) Heliotropium digynum (Forssk.) Aschers. ex C. Christ. Boraginaceae. BM 1438, BM 1469, 7632. Ascending to erect diffusely branched shrublet, softly pubescent with stems white above, 15-50 cm high. Leaves ovate to oblong, to 1.5 cm long. Flowers yellow, sessile in terminal helicoid cymes. Milk camels are said to have a particular fondness for this plant. 312 khasdb (ad-Dawasir) A Qahtanl informant gave the name saham for this grass. Musil (1928b:363) recorded sulleydn from the Ruwalah in northern Arabia. Stipagrostis ciliata (Desf.) de Winter. Gramineae. K 161, BM 1736, BM 1752. Perennial grass to ca. 80 cm high. Culms with conspicuous spreading hair tufts at the nodes; intemodes glabrous. Leaf blades tighdy involute, linear. Panicle erect, terminal, sometimes contracted. Central plumose awn of the spikelets 45-50 mm long. nmi (gen.) Tribes of the southern Rub' al-Khall speaking southern Arabic dialects use the synonym rdhim (Al Rashid). Various other names are applied to this important grazing grass to indicate different growth stages or conditions (see section 9.7). Stipagrostis plumosa (L.) Munro ex T. Anders. Gramineae. K 175, K 8340, BM 1813. Perennial grass, densely tufted at base with culms erect or geniculately ascending, 15-45 cm high. Intemodes closely woolly below. Leaf blades tightly convolute, subfiliform-linear, mostly 4-10 cm long. Panicles solitary-terminal, mostly 10-15 cm long, 0.5-2 cm wide. Central awn branch 20-25 mm long, plumose in upper half to two-thirds. A very important grazing plant throughout most parts of Arabia. rkhema (Al Murrah, Al Rashid). Variants: rukhdmd (Qahtan), rukhkhama (BanI Khalid, Shammar, Ruwalah). Convolvulus cephalopodus Boiss. Convolvulaceae. K 552, BM 1787, BM 3123. Ascending to decumbent shrublet, many-branched from the base with stems more or less white-woolly and villous, to ca. 60 cm high. Leaves linear-oblong to 313 lanceolate, appressed-pubescent, 2-7 cm long. Flowers clustered, with rather showy pink to near-white corollas 15-20 mm long. sabat (gen.) Stipagrostis drarii (Takh.) de Winter. Gramineae. K 475, BM 342, BM 606. Perennial grass with several erect culms, to 120 (150) cm high. Intemodes densely woolly. Leaf blades tightly involute, to 25 cm long. Panicles terminal, lanceolate-pyramidal, contracted (when young) to spreading and open, 10-30 cm long. A well known and important grazing species found on semi-stabilized dunes. saham (Qahtan) Musil (1928b:363) recorded the synonym sulleydn in northern Arabia. An elder consultant pointed out the glabrous intemodes of this grass as a key character differentiating it from sabat (Stipagrostis drarii), which it otherwise resembles. Stipagrostis ciliata (Desf.) de Winter. Gramineae. K 161, BM 1736, BM 1752. Perennial grass, tufted at base with erect culms, 30-80 cm high. Culms with conspicuous spreading hair tufts at the nodes; intemodes glabrous. Leaf blades tightly involute, to ca. 17 cm long. Panicle erect, terminal, 10-15(20) cm long. Spikelets pedicellate, 10-14 mm long, often darkened purplish near the base. themiim (gen.) Variant: thmum (Qahtan). Both forms are based on the name thmdm, itself applied only to the important fodder grass Panicum turgidum, which this plant somewhat resembles, at least when not in flower. Pennisetum divisum (Gmel.) Henr. Gramineae. K 2, K170, 1987. Glabrous, shmbby perennial grass, somewhat woody below, with culms stiff, manybranched, forming bushes to ca. 150 cm high. Leaf blades mostly 3-8 cm long, 12 mm wide. Spicate panicle dense to somewhat loose, cylindrical-lanceolate, 3-10 314 cm long. Spikelets ca. 4 mm long, each seated in an involucre of brisdes. A useful grazing plant but considered inferior to thmam, Panicum turgidum. (following). thmam (gen.) Variations on this name, thmum, themum, are applied to several other bushy perennial grasses but never to this plant itself. Panicum turgidum Forssk. Gramineae. K 171, BM 1077, BM 3140. Glabrous perennial grass with ascending, tangled culms branched upward at swollen, knotty nodes, forming rounded bushes to ca. 100 cm high. Leaf blades often 6-8 cm long, 2-4 mm wide. Panicle open and rather irregular, sparse, often 4-7 cm long with 1 to several racemes of pedicelled ovoid spikelets ca. 4 mm long. Anthers rust-colored, ca. 2 mm long. A very important grazing plant. The grains are also said to have been collected formerly for human consumption. thmum (Bam Hajir) A variant of the name thmam (see the preceding), the latter applied exclusively to Panicum turgidum, another and more important shrubby fodder grass. Synonyms recorded for this Cenchrus are: khadir (Qahtan, from root kh d r, "to be green," referring to the fresh green color of this grass compared to more desert-adapted species) and gharaz (northern tribes, Musil 1928b:357). Cenchrus ciliarisL. Gramineae. K 28, BM 1234, BM 3136. Perennial grass, sometimes shrubby, with culms ascending from a stout, somewhat woody rhizome, to ca. 100 cm high, hiflorescence a terminal, cylindrical, spicate raceme 5-12 cm long, sometimes purplish, with spikelets crowded or sometimes somewhat loose. Spikelets with an involucre of bristles A grass often associated with disturbed ground, seldom in undisturbed desert. Useful fodder but not abundant enough to be of importance. 315 zahr (gen. south) Of interest in being identical to the word used in many Arabic dialects to denote "flowers" (in general), zahrah, "a flower." Tribes in the southern and south-central parts of our study area apply it as a name for two species of Tribulus (Zygophyllaceae), one of which has quite large, bright showy flowers and indeed could be a candidate for a prototypical "flower." Bedouins, at least those from the central parts of our study area, use a different term, nuwwdr, for the colored and showy flowers (in general) of plants. Tribulus pentandrus Forssk. agg. K 517, BM 653, BM 923. Prostrate perennial with stems up to 50 cm long. Leaves pubescent, 15-35 mm long with one of each pair smaller. Leaflets in 5-7 pairs, oblong, 5-10 mm long. Flowers solitary, 6-11 mm in diam., with pale yellow petals. Fruits globular, hirsute between the wings, 8-11 mm in diam., with 2-4 mm-broad, dentate wings between the carpels. Tribulus arabicus Hosni s.l. BM 194. BM 7446, 7857. Ascending to decumbent grayish-green perennial, pubescent with appressed and erect white hairs, 20-70(100) cm high. Leaves 10-40 mm long in unequal pairs; leaflets in 59 pairs, oblong-elliptical, 4-8 mm long. Flowers 15-30(40) mm in diam. with bright yellow petals. Fruit globose-ovoid, 9-12 mm long, hairy between the wings, the carpels with subentire to dentate wings 1.5-2.5 mm broad. This Arabian endemic is one of the main camel grazing plants for tribes in the eastem and southeastern Rub' al-Khali. Bedouins of A1 Rashid have different names for the plant at different developmental stages (see section 9.7). 316 1. Life form: shajarj (all perennials) 4. Sub-life form shima' (bushes, of well less than man-height) 7. All non-^a/nrf bushes 9. ^on-hamd bushes seldom or never grazed Wm/(gen.) Launaea mucronata (Foxs^k.) Mnschl. Compositae. BM 871, BM 1445, BM 2258. Erect, branched, rather stout glaucous and lactiferous perennial herb, 30-80 cm high. Basal leaves oblong-lanceolate, pinnatifid, to 15 cm long. Stem leaves shorter with dentate auricles at base. Heads terminal, with yellow florets, 1-1.5 cm long. 'adds (Qahtan, gen.) Al Murrah consultants used the variant 'udris. Convolvulus oxyphyllus Boiss. subsp. oxycladus Rech. f. Convolvulaceae. BM 217, BM 3208, 8366. Rounded shrublet 15-65 cm high with rigid, woollytomentose main branches; lateral branches straight, rigid, becoming spinescent at tips. Leaves elliptical-oblanceolate to linear-spathulate, more or less woollytomentose, up to ca. 4 cm long. Flowers solitary with corollas white but drying pinkish, 8-10 mm long. Reportedly exudes a gum eaten by children. 'agrabdn Related to' q r b,a quadriliteral root strongly associated with the word for "scorpion", 'agrab; it is not entirely clear how this reed would be considered analogous, although the plume-like panicle, especially when nodding, vaguely resembles the scorpion's tail. The suffix -an would connote "resembling" or "male gender of. This name for the common reed is replaced in the north with qasbd (Shammar, Ruwalah). 317 Phragmites australis (Cav.) Trin. ex Steud. Gramineae. K 117, BM 1899. Stout, glabrous perennial reed 1-3 m high. Panicle plume-like, erect or nodding, purplish to silvery-whitish. 'dgul (gen.) Alhagi maurorum Medik. Leguminosae. BM 1908, BM 2906. Erect to ascending shrublet to 1 m high, glabrous with lateral twigs becoming spines to 5 cm long. Leaves obovate, to 2 cm long. Flowers pink to purple, in axillary racemes. Fruit a linear-cylindrical pod 1-3 cm long, more or less curved and constricted between the seeds. Known mainly as a plant of disturbed or waste ground. Roots used medicinally. 'alandd (gen.) Cf. classical 'alandd "thick, strong". The synonym 'addm was recorded from a consultant of the Ruwalah tribe. Ephedra alata Decne. Ephedraceae. BM 2836, BM 2853, 8728. Stiff, yellowgreen dioecious shrublet to 100 cm tall with striate twigs. Leaves reduced to rudiments, the plant appearing leafless. Cones sessile, the pistillate ones with several pairs of bracts. bardl (gen.) Typha domingensis Pers. Typhaceae. K 636. A stout, erect cat-tail usually 1.5-3 m high. Leaves linear, leathery, equalling or exceeding the stem and 4-10 mm wide, flat above, rounded-convex below. Spikes cylindrical, dense, the staminate and pistillate parts on the same axis. Not a true desert plant but found in a few spots where there is standing water from leaking wells or springs. b'ethirdn (Mutayr, gen. north) Artemisia judaica L. Compositae. BM 3207. Densely tomentose, aromatic shrublet, 30-70 cm high. Leaves rounded, 1-2 pinnatifid with oblong lobes. Inflorescence terminal, paniculate. Heads hemispherical, 3-4 mm 318 in diam. with numerous yellow florets. Reportedly used by Shammar tribesmen to flavor dates. dhinabdn (gen.) dhanab, "tail" + -an, "resembling", lit. "tail-like," referring to the flowering of these plants in elongated, tail-like, terminal racemes. A Shammari consultant used the variant dhanabndb. A1 Murrah and Qahtanl consultants gave me the synonym sholah, referring to the tail of a scorpion and related to a term for the upraised tail of a camel. Applied to several species of Reseda (Resedaceae), of which only one perennial is listed here. Reseda muricata Presl. K 470, 8781. Ascending to erect perennial herb to 70 cm high, branching from the base. Leaves linear, distally temate, with linear lobes wavy at margins. Flowers ascending-spreading in terminal racemes, with white petals. Capsules erect, subglobose, 5-8 mm long, 3-toothed at apex. The plant, unimportant for grazing, is sometimes seen on disturbed ground. garnuwah (A1 Murrah) Probably from garn, "horn," referring to the pointed beaks on the fruits of the plant. The name may also be applied by A1 Murrah Bedouins to several species of Erodium, which shares the fruit beak feature. Monsonia nivea (Decne.) Decne. ex Webb. Geraniaceae. 794, 1042, 8038. Ascending to erect silver-grey canescent perennial, 8-30 cm high. Leaves ovate to oblong-elliptical, 1.5-3 cm long, crenulate, subplicate on the impressed nerves. Flowers 2-6 in umbels with pink petals slightly exceeding the sepals, fugaceous. Fruit beaks 3.5-4 cm long. gemm {g&n.) Ac/z/Z/ea/ragranfm/ma (Forssk.) Sch.-Bip. Compositae. 735,3197, 8798. Closely woolly-tomentose perennial 30-75(100) cm high with stems erect, virgate, branched from base, extremely fragrant-aromatic in all parts. Leaves 319 ovate-triangular, sessile, bluntly serrulate at margins, 4-6 mm long. Heads discoid, ca. 3-4 mm wide with yellow florets, in short, rather dense terminal corymbs. This is by far the most powerfully fragrant plant in our study area and is found on silt-floored basins of the northern plains and Summan. ghalgah (gen.) Pergularia tomentosah. Asclepiadaceae. 352, 1053,1875. Greyish tomentose shrub with milky sap. Leaves opposite, cordate, acute, to ca. 4 cm long. Flowers in axillary umbels, with whitish corolla ca. 10 mm in diam. Follicles lanceolate-ovoid, spiny-tubercled, 4-5 cm long. Used, at least formerly, to remove the hair from hides before tanning. haltd (A1 Murrah) From halat, "to scratch (the skin)", "scratchweed". Synonyms: hamdh, "hotweed" (Qahtan, ad-Dawasir),yre&a/i "little mangeweed" (Ruwalah), dabyah ( Ban! Khalid), all but the last referring to the scratching, burning sensation obtained when the plant is rubbed on tender skin. (With respect to "mangeweed," camels scratch themselves continuously when afflicted with mange). Farsetia aegyptia Turra. Cruciferae. BM 1141, 2868. Ascending, manybranched shrublet to ca. 50 cm high, with indumentum of fine appressed hairs. Leaves linear, 10-40 mm long, 1-2 mm wide. Flowers with petals lead-grey or whitish to pink, yellowish or purplish. Silicle strongly compressed, oblong, 1224 mm long. Used by Bedouin children in play as a sort of "itching powder." hasal (Bam Hajir) Cyperus laevigatus L. Cyperaceae. BM 1887, BM 3799, BM 3801. Perennial sedge with numerous terete culms arising from a creeping rhizome, 30100 cm high. Leaves reduced, inconspicuous. Inflorescence a dense, false-lateral sub-globular head 1-4 cm in diam. with few to many lanceolate-linear spikelets 320 mostly 5-15 mm long. Not a desert plant and usually found in or near standing fresh or brackish water in coastal zones. Tribes ranging near the coast, however, know and name it. hatharah {Qdihim\). Farsetia burtonae 0\i\. Cruciferae. K 572, BM 1271, BM 1597. Ascending low perennial herb, densely appressed-pubescent, 3-25 cm high, sometimes flowering in dwarf form little more than a seedling. Leaves linearelliptical to linear-oblanceolate, 10-40 mm long. Flowers white or pink-purplish with a very sweet, fruity fragrance. Silicles narrowly oblong, compressed, 10-18 mm long. Hdat al-hdyish (Qahtan) The elder Qahtani consultant explained the word hayish as a variant of hanish, "snake." The meaning of Hdah(t) is unclear; it certainly does not belong to the class of spiny trees known by the same name. Dickson (1955:40) gives the name ghazdlah, "gazelle," for this plant. Euphorbia retusa Forssk. Euphorbiaceae. BM 789, 2067, 8350. Erect, often reddish perennial herb, often growing as a dense rounded shrublet to 60 cm high. Cauline leaves linear, denticulate, 1-5 cm long; floral leaves broadened and rounded at base, ovate with acuminate apex. Capsules 5-6 mm long. An infrequent plant of silty basins said to be used medicinally as an emetic. idhn al-hmdr (north, Musil 1927:606) idhn, "ear," + al-hmdr, "the donkey," thus "donkey's ear, " probably referring to the softly hairy leaves of the plant (or conceivably to the form of the erect corollas of the flowers). Astragalus kahiricus DC. Leguminosae. BM 537. Procumbent or decumbent perennial, branching from base with pubescent stems 15-50 cm long. Leaves 1025 cm long, pinnate with 5-9 leaflet pairs, the leaflets orbicular with apiculate 321 apex, 10-25 mm in diam., woolly-tomentose below. Flowers yellow, ca. 25 mm long, racemed. Calyx white-lanate, enclosing the pod and 10-15 mm broad. Hshrig (gen.) A QahtanI consultant used the synonym shajarat ad-ddbb, shajarah, "bush" + ad-ddbb, "the snake", lit. "bush of the snake","snake bush." Cassia italica (Mill.) F. W. Andr. Leguminosae. BM 2947, 1049. Erect to ascending-spreading branched shrublet with blue-green foliage, to ca. 1 m high. Leaves paripinnate with 3-6 pairs of oblong to obovate mucronate leaflets 1.5-3 cm long. Flowers yellow with darker veins, racemed, 1-1.7 cm long. Pod flat, curved-oblong, 3-5 cm long, 1-1.8 cm wide with transverse creases and short longitudinal crests. A plant considered toxic to livestock and used rarely medicinally as a purgative. ja'dah (gen.) I have no meaning from informants, but cf. classical ja'd, "curled (hair), woolly," which fits the plant well. (The adjective, however, could be based on the plant.) Teucrium poliumL. Labiatae. 184,447,8272. Highly aromatic, whitish woollycanescent dwarf shrublet, 10-35 cm high. Leaves oblong, crenulate and revolute, 8-20 mm long. Flowers in dense ovoid heads 12-15 mm in diam.; calyx tomentose-woolly; corolla white or cream to pale pinkish, yellowish in throat, with one lip prominent. Very well known as a medicinal; also used to preserve stored leather and may have insect repellent properties. jathjath (gen.) The variant jathyath was heard from some consultants of northern tribes. A tribesman of A1 Murrah called it 'refijdn, which is ^rejij, diminutive form of the name of the 'arfaj bush (Rhanterium epapposum), which it resembles to some extent, -I- suffix -an ("resembling"), thus lit. "little 'arfaj-Xikt bush." 322 Pulicaria undulata (L.) C. A..Msy&x. Compositae. 315. 1974,8295. Ascending, often hemispherical suffrutescent perennial to ca. 75 cm high, intricately branched from the base and with stems white-woolly tomentose. Leaves linear or broadening distally, repand-undulate, mostly 5-20 mm long. Heads solitaryterminal, hemispherical, the disc convex with golden-yellow to orangish florets. Found in silt-floored basins, sometimes as a ruderal. Not considered a good grazing plant. khatmi (north, Dickson 1955:33) 1 have recorded this name also for the oasis weed. Convolvulus arvensis L., and it may be found applied to other species of Convolvulus. Convolvulus pilosellifolius Desr. in Lam. Convolvulaceae. BM 609, BM 1096, BM 3086. Prostrate or ascending perennial, more or less appressed-pubescent, with stems to ca. 80 cm long. Lower leaves oblong-lanceolate, to ca. 8 cm long, those above smaller, lanceolate. Flowers mostly 1-3 together with corollas 10-13 mm long, pink or sometimes near-white. Capsule glabrous, ovoid, ca. 5 mm long. khinnez (Qahtan) From root kh n z, "to stink," thus "stinkweed." Synonyms: durret anna'dm (Musil 1927: 631), diminutive intensive of dart, "fart" 4- an-na'dm, "the ostrich," thus "ostrich fart," also Hfenah (Musil 1927:597) from root 'fn, "to be putrid, stinking," a diminutive feminine, thus "stenchweed." All names refer to the rather distinctive unpleasant smell of this plant's foliage. Cleome amblyocarpa^?in. tlMmh. Capparaceae. BM 67, BM 3117, BM 7494. Erect perennial fetid herb to ca. 45 cm high, sometimes suffrutescent at base. Leaves trifoliolate with elliptical-lanceolate leaflets 4-25 mm long. Flowers with 323 petals white, broadly veined yellow with purple-veined tips. Fruit a compressed, glandular 2-valved capsule 10-50 mm long. khiyyes (as-Sulabah) An intensive diminutive form closely related to khayis, "stinking," thus "stinkweed". Musil (1927:621) recorded from the Ruwalah the synonym shajarat al-khinezir, from shajarah, "bush" -i- diminutive of al-khinzir. Musil does not provide a gloss for the name. The word khinzir in general Arabic is often glossed "pig, swine," but there is evidence of its use in a wider sense in at least one Bedouin Arabic folk classification of animals. There, it can be an inclusive term for a variety of mammals that are generally considered inedible. It includes, as well as the pig, apes, the donkey and all carnivores (Hobbs 1989:87). Peganum in other parts of Arabia and in other Arab countries is called harmal (applied to Rhazya striata in our study area), the name carried into scientific taxonomy as the specific epithet. Peganum harmala L. Zygophyllaceae. Glabrous perennial herb to ca. 50 cm high. Leaves sessile, irregularly pinnatifid into linear-lanceolate lobes. Flowers with petals white, sometimes streaked yellowish or green. Fruit depressed globose, 6-10 mm in diam. Very rare in our study area. kidad (gen.) Cf. classical kadda, "to comb the hair," the long spines of this plant resembling the teeth of a comb. A QahtanI offered the variant kdeyiddn, the diminutive of the name -i- suffix -an. A consultant of the Harb tribe, northwestern Arabia, gave the name shawlt, from shawwat, "to bum the spines off plants," referring to the practice of burning off the spines of this plant so that it can be eaten by camels. 324 Astragalus spinosus (Forssk.) Muschl. Leguminosae. Ascending, branched, exceedingly spiny shrub, 20-70 cm high. Leaves with 4-5 pairs of oblongelliptical leaflets 4-7 mm long, the rachises soon dropping the leaflets and becoming spines. Flowers mosdy solitary, axillary, ca 20 mm long with corolla whitish tinged with pink and conspicuous inflated calyx 15-18 mm long, pinkish to cream white, enclosing the pod. This is the one plant described by Bedouin as being too spiny for the camel to eat. It is a range increaser often marking severely overgrazed land. kirsh (BanI Hajir) From kirsh, "paunch, rumen (of livestock)", probably in reference to the plant's reputation for causing bloat in camels and other ruminants. A consultant of Ruwalah, northern Arabia, gave the synonym dabghah, from dabagh, "to tan a hide, make leather." I have no data indicating its present use for tanning but the probable former use of at least one species of Erodium as a tanning agent is indicated by Musil's record (1927:596) of the name dahma for Erodium laciniatum (Cav.) Willd. Ibn Khalawayh's plant book of the tenth century A.D. noted that dahmd' was used for tanning (Nagelberg 1909:18). Erodium glaucophyllum (L.) Ait. Geraniaceae. BM 1595, BM 1782, 8619. Stout perennial, glaucous herb to ca. 75 cm high . Leaves ovate or subcordate to oblong, opposite at least above, to ca. 4 cm long. Flowers 2-4 in umbels, with fugaceous, bright purple petals. Fruit beaks 6-7 cm long. mhdrut (Shammar, gen. north) Musil vocalized this name among the Ruwalah as mharut {1921-.222-223, 270-271) Not found in the strict confines of our study area but present in northwestern Saudi Arabia, where it has been well known for its edible rootstock. Musil (1927:612) identifies it as Scorodosma arabica Vel. 325 That genus is now sunk in Ferula, and Musil's plant is probably one of the two following species. Ferula blanchei Boiss. or F. rutbaensis C. C. Townsend (Umbelliferae), both of which are perennial plants to ca. 50 cm high with thickened root. Both also have grey, velvety-canescent leaf surfaces, meeting Musil's description of the plant as having leaves "looking as if they were covered with a white veil." The thick root of the plant is edible, eaten after baking under hot ashes. There may be more than one species of Ferula with the same vernacular name and used in the same way. msa' (gen. north) This is the name favored by Bedouins of northern Arabia who gather the plant's edible fruits. In the stricter confines of our study area, at least by tribes in the Gulf coastal zone, it is called ghardag. A Shararl consultant (from the far northwest) said that ghardag was used by his people as a catch-all term for the very succulent species of hamd (Chenopodiaceae) found in salt marshes, thus equivalent to the tahdmlj of Ban! Hajir along our Gulf coast. Nitraria retusa (Forssk.) Aschers. Zygophyllaceae. 1911. Ascending, stiffbranched shrub 1-2 m high with grey woody twigs becoming spinescent. Leaves obovate-deltoid, obtuse, truncate or faintly retuse, 8-15(20) mm long. Flowers 56 mm long with petals hooded, greenish-white to yellowish. Fruit an ovoid red drupe 5-9 mm long. The fruits are edible and are often collected in northwestern Arabia. namas (gen.) A Ban! Khalid consultant used the synonym wasal. Juncus rigidus Desf. Juncaceae. K 123, BM 1886, BM 3800. Stout, tufted perennial rush with creeping rhizome and numerous rigid, erect stems up to ca. 1.5 m high. Leaves arising from the base, terete, sharp-pointed, 2-3 mm in diam. 326 and mostly somewhat shorter than the flowering stems, hiflorescence a falselateral, contracted or loose panicle of numerous flowers, up to ca. 25 cm long. Capsule lanceolate-ovoid, tapering to an acute apex, 3-4 mm long. Often used in the oases as a material for weaving mats. nigd (gen.) Anvillea garcinii (Burm. f.) DC. Compositae. BM 1505. Woollycanescent, rigidly branched perennial, rounded and often broader than high, ca. 20-50 cm high. Leaves oblong to spathulate, long-tapering to base, repand, entire or irregularly dentate or lobed. Heads discoid with golden yellow florets, 2-3 cm in diam., on thick peduncles. Frequent on silty soils. rd (gen.) A Ban! Hajir consultant used the synonym tuwwem (prob. "pearly bush," from tuwam, "pearls" - the fleecy parts of this plant having a pearly luster). Aerva javanica (Burm. f.) Spreng. Amaranthaceae. BM 173, 648. Grey shrub, tomentose with dense stellate hairs, 30-70 cm high with erect stems branching from base. Leaves elliptical-oblanceolate, 1-5 cm long. Flowers extremely whitewoolly in mostly terminal spikes to 5 cm long. Perianth lobes densely whitefleecy. Fleecy parts used in earlier times for the stuffing of cushions and saddle pads. ragrug (gen.) Applied to several species of Helianthemum (Cistaceae), all important as indicators of favorable locations for desert truffles,/ag''. My impression is that the focus of the name may be on the two perennial species of this genus, H. lippi and H. kahiricum. For the annual species see jirrM, under life form Hshb, below. The following are common synonyms: umm as-swegah (Al Murrah), swegah (Ruwalah, Musil 1921:625), jirrM (Zafir), argd (Bani Hajir; also Ruwalah, Musil 1927:598), hashmah (Dickson in Burtt and Lewis 1949:304). 327 Helianthemum kahiricum Del. BM 1222, 8600. Dwarf shrublet 10-30 cm high, grey green with stellate pubescence. Leaves elliptical-lanceolate, revolutemargined, 3-12 mm long. Flowers racemed, pedicillate, rarely seen open, with yellow petals. Capsule ovoid, ca. 4 mm long, with spreading hairs above. Helianthemum lippii (L.) Dum.-Cours. BM 1212, BM 3071, BM 3143. Ascending, stellate-pubescent dwarf shrublet with branches often white glossy beneath the hairs. Leaves elliptical-lanceolate, revolute-margined, 4-17 mm long. Flowers sessile or subsessile in 5-10-flowered, often one-sided spikes. Capsule ovoid, hairy. ramrdm (gen.) Applied to either of two very similar species of Heliotropium (Boraginaceae). Heliotropium bacciferum Forssk. BM 1054, 8277. Ascending dark green or greyish green hard-herbaceous perennial, 15-75(100) cm high, rough with appressed hairs and larger bristles. Leaves narrowly elliptical, oblanceolate to linear, 0.3-4 cm long. Flowers in terminal helicoid cymes with white corollas. Fruits globose or depressed globose, separating into two parts (each of two fused nutlets). A traditional medicinal used to treat snakebite. Heliotropium ramosissimum (Lehm.) DC. BM 1693, BM 3110, BM 7509. Intricately branched, densely hairy to bristly shrublet, 15-50 cm high. Leaves narrowly elliptical or oblanceolate to linear, 0.5-3.5 cm long. Flowers in terminal helicoid cymes, with white corollas. Maturing fruit more or less globose, separating into four pubescent nutlets. Like the foregoing, a medicinal used traditionally for snakebite. 328 rashdd (gen.) The synonym hor was heard from a Bedouin of BanI Khalid (a name given on several occasions from northern consultants in loose application to any plants of saltmarsh habitat). Sporobolus iocladus (Nees ex Trin.) Nees. Gramineae. K 165, BM 3730. Perennial grass often of saline habitat, densely tufted at base and often spreading by stolons, with erect culms to ca. 75 cm high. Leaf blades stiff, narrowly linear, to ca. 20 cm long, tightly involute. Panicles terminal, when mature open with spreading capillary branches, to ca. 20 cm long. Considered poor forage. sakhbar ('Utaybah, ad-Dawasir). The synonym idhkhir ( ad-Dawasir), which seems to be preferred when the plant is referred to as a medicinal, is common. Also recorded were khasdb (Qahtan) and hamrd (Ruwalah). Cymbopogon commutatus (Steud.) Stapf. Gramineae. BM 2240, BM 2838, BM 3120. Perennial grass, strongly sweet-aromatic in vegetative parts, densely tufted at base with erect culms to 100 cm high. Leaf blades linear, subfiliform, somewhat curled. Panicle terminal, erect, more or less spathulate at base, with distant pairs of diverging racemes. Spikelets with kneed awns. Used medicinally. shafallah igm.) Capparis spinosah. Capparaceae. BM 3122, 8377. Scrambling, branched shrub to ca. 0.6 m high and 2-3 m or more broad. Leaves mostly alternate, orbicular or broadly ovate, more or less tomentose when young, 1-4 cm long and wide. Stipules modified to sharp, hooked spines 3-5 mm long. Flowers showy, to ca. 8 cm across, with petals white to pale pink. Fruits obovateellipsoid, ca. 3 cm long, dark green with 7 lighter longitudinal stripes, opening by 329 valves and exposing the red pulp and numerous seeds. A well-known but uncommon plant. shajarat an-na'dm (Qahtan) shajarah, "bush" + an-na'dm, "the ostrich", lit. "bush of the ostrich", "ostrich bush." Psoralea plicata Del. Leguminosae. BM 7013, 477. Ascending grey-green, appressed-pubescent shrublet with scattered white to yellowish glands, to ca. 50 cm high. Leaves 3-foliolate with narrowly oblong leaflets, plicate on the nerves and undulate-margined, 4-10 mm long. Flowers 3-5 mm long in open spicate racemes, with white standard and violet-tinged wings and keel. Pod ovoid, enclosed in the calyx, 3.5-4 mm long. Very rare in our study area. sheyyukh (Al Murrah). The variant shuwwaykh (BanI Hajir, Ruwalah) is also commonly heard. A Shammarl informant gave the name kharshaf for the same plants, which are two somewhat similar species of globe thistle, Echinops (Compositae). Echinops blancheanus Boiss. K 585, 8801. Erect spiny perennial to ca. 150 cm high. Lower leaves lanceolate in outline, half-clasping at base, to ca. 40 cm long, pinnatisect in triangular lobes terminating in spines. Heads to ca. 8 cm in diam. (not including spines), strongly comigerous. Corollas pale violet when young, becoming whitish to cream. Found in silty or rocky ground in the northern part of our study area. Echinops mandavillei Kit Tan. K 446, E 7760, BM 1811. Felty-tomentose spiny perennial 20-60 cm high. Stem leaves lanceolate, mostly 8-17 cm long, amplexicaul at base with lobes terminating in spines. Heads solitary, globose, 5-6 cm in diam., with whitish to pale bluish florets. Found in sand terrain. 330 shlh (gen.) Artemisia sieberi Besser. Compositae. 1582, 2862. Ascending, grayishtomentose shrublet, strongly aromatic with a lemony-sweet frangrance, to 50 cm high. Lower leaves ovate to oblong in outline, 1-2-pinnatisect into obtuse lobes mostly 1-4 mm long. Heads nearly cylindrical, sessile in a rich, dense paniculate inflorescence, ca. 3-4 mm long. A well-known medicinal; also used to provide tinder for firemaking. shrubrum (gen.) Synonyms: shibrig (Shararat), cf. classical shabraqa, "to cut, tear to pieces," in probable reference to the spiny nature of this plant; silld (Harb, 'Utaybah, Mutayr, Hutaym), this last doubtless the source of the scientific genus name. Zilla spinosa Prantl. Cruciferae. 695, 2270. Intricate, rounded, glabrous and often nearly leafless spiny-branched shrublet to 75 cm high. Leaves on fresh growth oblong-hnear, fleshy. Older growth nearly leafless with stems hardening to tapering spines. Petals pink or violet, sometimes nearly white, with darker veins. Fruit ovoid-globose, becoming bony, 8-10 mm in diam. with 3-4-mm beak at apex. tannUm (gen.) Chrozophora oblongifolia (Del.) A. Juss. ex Spreng. Euphorbiaceae. BM 509, 3204, 7806. Shrubby, ascending grey to grey-white, stellate-canescent perennial, 40-100 cm high. Leaves mostly elliptical-lanceolate with repand margins to broadly ovate-triangular, 2-6 cm long. Flowers racemose, 3-5 mm long. Capsules depressed-globular with 3 rounded lobes, silvery-scurfy, 5-7 mm long. Formerly used in making ink and possibly in dyeing. 331 tummer (Shammar) The root t mr is closely associated with the fruit of the date palm, tamr, "dried dates," but any association here is unclear. Onohrychis ptolemaica (Del.) DC. Leguminosae. BM 708, BM 1623, 8620. Ascending perennial, branched from base with stems 15-30 cm long, densely covered with fine white erect hairs. Leaves imparipinnate, 10-15 cm long with 46 rather distant pairs of lanceolate to elliptical leaflets 12-20 mm long. Flowers 10-15 mm long, cream with reddish veins. Pods flat-orbicular, 8-13 mm in diameter, densely silky-pubescent, with short prickles. umm gtenah (Mutayr) umm, "mother," + gtenah, feminine diminutive of gatn, "cotton"; lit. "mother of little cotton", "cottonbush". Mutayr consultants also used the synonym shihebd, diminutive of shahbd, "gray (fem.)", "little graybush," Both names refer to the dense, gray pubescence of this plant. Sophora gibbosa (DC.) Yakovl. Leguminosae. 8824,8830. Erect shrublet, strongly woody at base, 30-80 cm high and silvery-grey canescent with dense, silky appressed hairs. Leaves imparipinnate, to ca. 15 cm long with 6-9 pairs of obovate to suborbicular leaflets 5-15 mm long. Flowers in terminal racemes with pale yellow corollas, the standard darkening with age. Pod strongly compressed, appressed-silky, linear, to 6 cm long, contorted or coiled. So far found only on the extreme northwestern edge of our core study area. 'uwMhirdn (Mutayr) Formed from the diminutive of 'ddhir, the well-known name of Artemisia monosperma + suffix -an, conveying the idea of resemblance, thus "little 'ddhir-\\k& bush." This plant does resemble 'ddhir hwi is a less-useful, weedy species often seen along roadsides and on other disturbed ground in northern parts of the study area. 332 Artemisia scoparia^ Si\A?,i. QilLii. Compositae. 575,3203. Erect annual or biennial, nearly glabrous, often 50-100 cm high with stems sometimes reddish. Basal leaves ovate in outline, 2-pinnatisect into linear-oblanceolate lobes; stem leaves sessile with sub-filiform lobes. Heads in numerous 1-sided racemes all forming an elongate, terminal, paniculate inflorescense to ca. 40 cm long. Heads obovoid, 1.5-3 mm long. This very atypical annual is placed among perennials here because it is thought of as a "bush" like its namesake 'ddhir rather than as an annual herb. yanbut (gen.) Prosopis farcta (Banks et Sol.) Macbride. Leguminosae. 507, BM 1098. Straggling shrub, 0.4-2 m high, fine-pubescent on leaves and young stems. Older branches grayish to white, with scattered prickles. Leaves 2-pinnate with 3-6 pinnae pairs; leaflets in 8-14 pairs, oblong-elliptical, 2-3.5 mm long. Flowers cream, 3-4 mm long, in spikes 4-10 cm long. Pod fat, ovoid or irregularly swollen, to ca. 5 cm long, purplish brown when ripe. A weed shrub of waste land and disturbed ground around cultivation but collected once in a disturbed inland desert basin. 1. Life form; shajari (perennial plants, often woody) 10. Residual group of perennials smaller than bush-size The following perennials are generally considered to be not high or prominent enough to be classed as shima', "bushes." They are treated simply as shajar (in the shajar^ sense, "perennials"). In the alternative, northern (provisional) classification described in section 9.2 they would be candidates for classification as tawaW. 333 dremd (Al Murrah, BanI Hajir) A diminutive of darmd, which was heard once from a RashidI of the southern Rub' al-KhalL The synonym hlewah, "httle sweet one," referring to the sweet frangrance of the plant's flowers, is well known among Al Murrah and BanI Hajir and is used almost as often as dremd. Bedouins in northern Arabia use the synoynm janbah, sometimes heard as jambah (Ruwalah). Applied to several species of Fagonia (Zygophyllaceae), the focus being probably F. bruguieri. Fagonia bruguieri DC. Procumbent subshrub with sulcate stems spreading from a woody base, with stipular spines to 12 mm long. Leaves 1-3 foliolate with central leaflet larger, lanceolate to ovate, 4-10 mm long. Flowers solitary, very fragrant, with pale pink to purple petals. Capsule pyramidal, 5-angled, 3-5 mm long. Fagonia indica Burm. f. Similar to the above but with leaves all 1-foliolate; leaflets 2-3.5 mm wide. Apparently found only in the more southerly parts of our study area. Fagonia ovalifolia Hadidi. Rather close to F. indica but with larger leaflets 48(13) mm wide. Also with a southern distribution. Fagonia olivieri DC. Similar to F. bruguieri but glabrous (non-glandular) and with middle and upper intemodes distinctly sulcate-quadrangular. This name might be applied by some tribesmen also to Fagonia parviflora (see umm at-trdb, below.) Hkrish (gen.) Aeluropus lagopoides (L.) Trin. ex Thwaites. Gramineae. K 3, 3803, 8291. Pubescent perennial grass with spreading, wiry stolons or rhizomes and shoots ascending from the rooting nodes. Culms to ca. 15 cm high. Leaves distichous, channeled or infolded longitudinally, the blades and sheaths finely 334 hairy. Inflorescence a very dense subglobose or oblong terminal head of hairy spikelets, 5-15 mm long. An obligate halophyte of sabkhah (salt flat) edges. Grazed by livestock although not considered a very good fodder plant. Htr (BanI Hajir, Al Rashid) I recorded several synonyms for this widely-known edible plant: kurraysh (Al Murrah), a diminutive intensive form from kirsh, "paunch, rumen" (of livestock), in this case referring to the paunch-like shape of the inflated fruits; kabush (Yemeni tribesmen, cf. the fruit name, following); kubbaysh (Qahtan, also similar to the fruit name); 'anter (Sulabah and Hutaym of northern Arabia; sakab (Shammar). The edible fruits are called jam (BanI Hajir, the same term applied to the young of the dog, "pups"); Htn (Qahtan, 'itr + suffix -i, forming the nisbah relative adjective from the plant name); kabash (Al Rashid, cf. similar names for the plant). Glossonema varians (Stocks) J. D. Hooker. Asclepiadaceae. BM 1823, 7841. Ascending, branched, perennial lactiferous herb, gray green and pubescent with short white hairs, to ca. 25 cm high. Leaves mostly opposite, ovate to suborbicular or deltoid, repand undulate, mostly 1-2 cm long and broad. Flowers mostly about 5 together, yellowish brown. Follicle inflated, ellipsoid, 3-5(6) cm long, smooth glaucous with soft conical tubercles. The young fruits and leaves of this plant are edible. jreba (Shammar) Diminutive of jarba, meaning "afflicted with mange" (fem. singular adj.), thus "little mangy one." The puckered, bullate surfaces of the leaves resemble the hairless, bumpy skin of a camel infected with sarcoptic mange. Salvia lanigera Poir. Labiatae. BM 810, BM 1334, BM 1616. Dwarf shrublet 10-20 (30) cm high, tomentose with short pubescence. Leaves in distant pairs. 335 elliptical to linear-oblanceolate, weakly rugose-bullate, 10-20 mm long. Flowers white to pale bluish, densely spotted blue-violet, with lower lip longer than the upper. labnah (Al Murrah) From laban, "milk, sour milk," in reference to the milky sap of the plant. A consultant of the 'Ujman tribe used the name hillab, an intensive form related to hallb, "milk." Euphorbia granulata Forssk. Euphorbiaceae. BM 1130, BM 2247, BM 3130. Prostrate, sparsely to densely pubescent annual or perennial, grayish green or reddish, spreading from the base with many branching stems to 20 cm or more long. Leaves oppposite, mostly oblong, 3-7 mm long. Glands of the flowers with minute whitish petaloid appendages. The same names may be found applied to other, less common, species of herbaceous Euphorbias in our study area. makar (Al Murrah) A consultant of Al Rashid (a non-Najdi Arabic speaker) gave la'la'ah for this plant, and a Shammari from northern Arabia offered rgeyigah, a diminutive feminine noun form from ragig, "thin (in shape)," a reference to the thin-stemmed, straggly appearance of the plant. Polycarpaea repens (Forssk.) Aschers. et Schweinf. Caryophyllaceae. BM 5, BM 1440, BM 3156. Prostrate, trailing perennial, closely woolly-tomentose to glabrescent with stems woody at base. Horizontal stems to 25 cm or longer, with opposite lanceolate-linear leaves 3-10 mm long. Stipules scarious. Flowers mostly near ends of branches, 2-2.5 mm long with scarious-margined sepals. A very common plant of sand terrain, used to treat sarcoptic mange of camels. 336 misht adh-dhlb (Qahtan) misht, "comb" + adh-dhib, "the wolf," thus lit. "wolfs comb." Astragalus sieberi DC. Leguminosae. BM 2239, BM 2973, BM 3097. Cushion-like pubescent perennial, 10-20 cm high with lower leaves becoming spinescent with falling of the leaflets. Leaves linear, 8-11 cm long with 15-25 pairs of ovate to orbicular leaflets 3-6 mm long. Flowers bright sulfur yellow, ca. 20 mm long. Pod oblong-lanceolate, appressed pubescent, 20-40 mm long, tapering to a rigid beak. (Shammar) Andrachne telephioides h. Euphorbiaceae. 215,809,2879. Glabrous prostrate perennial herb, sometimes woody at base, glaucous and bluish-green with stems spreading from base. Leaves obovate to suborbicular, 26 mm long. Flowers 1-3 in the axils, 2-3 mm in diam., with petals shorter than the sepals. Capsules depressed-globose, obscurely 3-lobed, 1-3 mm in diam. A locally frequent plant on silty basins. msekah (gen.) A feminine diminutive noun from misk, "musk." The name is apt, as the strong, unpleasant scent of all parts of this plant have an animal accent, reminding me of the American skunk. Synonyms also emphasize various aspects of the odor: zgegah (Al Murrah), diminutive from zigg, "turd," "turdlet weed"; frethah (Musil 1927:599, from Ruwalah), from firth, "stomach contents, offal"; zifrah (Shammar), from zafr, "filthy." Haplophyllum tuberculatum (Forssk.) A. Juss. Rutaceae. BM 1692, BM 3138, BM 3145. Erect or ascending pubescent perennial, usually several-branched from a somewhat woody base, usually 15-50 cm high. Leaves highly variable in shape and size, from suborbicular to linear, up to 4-5 cm long and dotted with glands. Flowers ca. 8 mm broad, bright sulfur yellow, in a terminal, flat-topped 337 inflorescence. A plant well known for its powerful odor. Used medicinally to treat scorpion stings. nagV (gen.) An A1 Wahibah tribesman of the southern Rub' al-Khall (a speaker of southern Arabic) used the variant naggV. Blepharis ciliaris (L.) B. L. Burtt. Acanthaceae. BM 1028. Rigid, spiny-prickly perennial herb, much branched from the base, 10-30 cm high. Leaves oblong or lanceolate, tapering at base. Flowers in dense spikes, exceeded by acuminate veined bracts 3-5 cm long. Corolla blue, veined darker, 2-2.5 cm long. Rare in our area and with a southerly distribution. najll (Ruwalah) A Qahtani consultant used the synonym theyyil. Cynodon dactylon (L.) Pers. Gramineae. K 14, BM 3132, BM 3085. Perennial grass spreading widely by creeping rhizomes and stolons, rooting at the nodes and sending up shoots to 30 cm high. Inflorescence of digitate spikes, usually 45, with imbricated spikelets. This common weed grass is usually found around cultivation, but it also occurs in remote desert around old camp locations and other disturbed sites. shari (A1 Murrah, gen. south) Tribes of northern Arabia use the synonym handal. Citrullus colocynthis (L.) Schrad. Cucurbitaceae. 230, 1085. Creeping perennial with stems sometimes over 1 m long, tendril-bearing. Leaves alternate, ovate or triangular-cordate in outline, 3-10 cm long, parted into 3-5 main lobes. Flowers solitary, yellow. Fruit a globose, smooth gourd, striped green and yellow-white, 4-10 cm in diam., turning yellow and hollowing when drying. The common colocynth gourd, used medicinally as a laxative. 338 shuwwel (gen.) Names from this root, sh w I, often refer to narrow curved structures such as the tail of a scorpion and plants with elongated spicate inflorescences such as Reseda spp. A she-camel is said to be shdyilah when she raises her tail upwards in a curved arc. The name here may refer to this plant's elongated, tail-like side stems, some terminating in rather narrow spikes of flowers. Cressa cretica L. Convolvulaceae. BM23, BM1099, BM 2958. Erect or ascending perennial, gray-green with both appressed and spreading hairs, 10-30 cm high. Leaves ovate to lanceolate, sometimes subcordate, 3-6 mm long. Flowers in short, dense spikelike racemes at branch apices. Flowers 5-6 mm long, white to cream, with exserted stamens. A weedy plant of saline ground. umm at-trdb (Ruwalah, Musil 1927:628) umm, "mother," +at-trdb, "the earth, soil," thus "mother of the soil," referring to the grains of soil or sand always adhering to this viscid plant. Members of tribes in the more central parts of our study area might call this plant dremd (q.v., above) or hlewah, names often used for other species of Fagonia. Fagonia glutinosa Del. Zygophyllaceae. BM 1170, BM 1358, BM 3121. Prostrate perennial, glandular-viscid and often with adhering sand, often purpletinged, with stems spreading, up to ca. 20 cm long with stipular spinelets. Leaves trifoliolate with leaflets mostly obovate, 4-10 mm long, mucronate. Flowers 3-5 mm long with mauve petals. Capsules 3-5 mm long. 339 11. Life form: 'ishb (all annual plants) abu nashr (Ruwalah, Musil (1927:587) Probably from nashar, in the sense of "to saw, cut with a saw." abu, "father," + nashr, "sawing" literally "father of a sawing", "saw-wort," referring to the rough, retrorsely-scabrous surfaces of this plant. Galium ceratopodum Boiss. Rubiaceae. K 613, 3895. Ascending, somewhat delicate annual, 10-30 cm high, with stems retrorsely rough-scabrous. Leaves in whorls of 5-7, oblanceolate, mostly 5-15 mm long, with scabrous margins. Flowers minute, in axils, the corolla with 4 white lobes. Fruits a twin mericarp, sometimes single by abortion, dark brown and tuberculate. abu threb (Qahtan) abu, "father" + threb, diminutive of thirb, thus "father of a little thirb." The meaning of thirb in this context is unclear; classically it is glossed as "fat of the intestines (of livestock)". The consultant providing this name noted that "some people say umm threb" (substituting "mother" for "father"). A consultant of the Suhtil tribe gave me that form, but with the definite article, umm ath-threb (q.v.) for two species of Hypecoum. Frankeniapulverulentah. Frankeniaceae. BM 1463, BM 1741, BM 1827. Low subprostrate annual, grayish green or often turning reddish, finely pulverulent with whitish glands or excreted salt crystals. Stems branching at base, 5-30 cm long. Leaves opposite or whorled, oblong-oblanceolate, 2-6 mm long. Flowers with ribbed, tubular calyx 3-4 mm long and pink petals. Capsule 2-2.5 mm long. A plant of saline habitat, often on disturbed ground but sometimes in desert. 'ansaldn (gen.) The variant 'asansal was heard from Ruwalah and Shammar Bedouins of northern Arabia. 340 Dipcadi erythraeum^thh ti'Qtrih. Liliaceae. BM 50, BM 1203, BM 1815. Glabrous herb arising from an ovoid, 2-4-cm-long bulb. Scape single, 10-20 cm long. Leaves 3-4, narrowly linear, shining green and often exceeding the scape and accumbent on the ground. Flowers 5-15 in a somewhat 1-sided raceme, with perianth 12-15 mm long, greenish brown to brownish coral. Capsule broadly oblong, 12-15 mm long with 3 rounded lobes. babunaj (gen.) According to Lane (1863:1:145), from Persian babunah, "camomile." Matricaria aurea {LOQ.^\.) Sch.-Bv^. Compositae. 8118,8606. Glabrous, sweetaromatic annual, 5-25 cm high. Leaves very finely dissected, 1-2-pinnatisect in linear segments under 1 mm wide. Heads discoid, mostly terminal, dome-shaped to rather high conical, with yellow florets. Used by Bedouins and villagers to make a medicinal tea. Closely related to European camomile. barwag (gen.) Al Murrah consultants used the variant berag. Asphodelus tenuifolius Cav. Liliaceae. BM 1299, BM 1675, BM 1832. Erect glabrous annual with scapes solitary or several, often branched above. Leaves numerous from base, narrowly linear, mostly 1/3 to 1/2 as long as the scapes. Flowers loosely racemed. Perianth ca. 3 mm long, the lobes white with purple medial nerve. Capsule nearly globose, ca. 3 mm in diam. Livestock reportedly avoid this weedy plant, which is common on disturbed ground around old campsites. Used in the proparation of igt, dried sour milk cakes. The same name may be applied also to two smaller, less common species of Asphodelus: A. refractus Boiss. (8103, 8566) and A. viscidulus Boiss. (BM 1410, BM 1484). 341 basbds (gen.) Dickson (1955:19) recorded the synonym umm driis, from umm, "mother," + driis, "teeth", lit. "mother of teeth," doubtless in reference to the hardening, teethlike dispersal units of this plant. Anisosciadium lanatum Boiss. Umbelliferae. BM 128, BM 1238, BM 3116. Ascending or decumbent pubescent annual to ca. 40 cm high. Leaves ovateoblong in outline, 2-3-pinnatisect into linear lobes. Flowers white, in domeshaped dense umbels. Umbels axillary with 8-18 rays. Pedicels 10-18, hardening in maturity to parallel columns and forming a cylindrical dispersal unit 6-10 mm long. Some medicinal uses. da'd' (gen.) For the application of this name by Shammar and the Ruwalah as a folk specific, see generic samh, below. It is included here also as a generic, as that appears to be a usage in our core study area, where edible samh seed is not collected. Aizoon canariense L. Aizoaceae. BM 1208, BM 3165, 7736. Procumbent, pubescent papillose annual with stems branching from base, rather stiff and zig­ zagged. Leaves alternate, spathulate to oblong-obovate, 1-2 cm long. Flowers sessile, apetalous, greenish outside but yellowish within, with perianth 3-5 mm long with triangular lobes. Capsule flattish, star-shaped at apex. dhanabdn (Al Murrah) From dhanab, "tail" -i- -an, denoting similarity, lit. "tail-like," referring to the tail-shaped spiciform flowering racemes of these plants. Applied to several plants of the family Resedaceae which have tail-like flowering racemes. The variant dhandbah was given by a Marri consultant for Oligomeris linifolia. Oligomeris linifolia (Vahl) Macbride. Resedaceae. BM 188, BM 1288, BM 1665. Ascending to erect glabrous herb, 5-30 cm high. Leaves solitary or 342 fascicled, linear, 1-4 cm long. Flowers white, in spiciform terminal racemes. Fruit a depressed-globose sessile capsule, 4-toothed at mouth. Reseda arabica Boiss. Resedaceae. K 387, BM 1475, BM 1769. Ascending or erect glabrous herb, 10-30 cm high. Leaves entire-oblanceolate or distally temate, sometimes wavy-margined. Flowers in elongated terminal racemes, pedicillate, with white petals. Capsules pendulous, globose-ellipsoid, more or less gaping, 510 mm long, 3-toothed. Reseda decursiva Forssk. Resedaceae. BM 612, BM 1691, BM 1706. Decumbent to erect glabrous herb, 6-30 cm high. Leaves resetted at base, pinnately divided with narrowly oblong to linear lobes. Flowers in dense spikelike terminal racemes, subsessile, with white petals. Capsules 4-6 mm long, ovoid, 4-toothed at gaping mouth. dmdgh al-jarbu' (north, Dickson 1955:39) dmdgh, "brain," 4- jarbW, the jerboa (kangaroo rat, Jaculus jaculus), thus "jerboa's brain." The name refers to the peculiar nutlets of the plant, which when mature are glossy grey-green, tubercled and furrowed in a way that resembles a miniature brain. Musil (1927:598) recorded the synonym Hshbat ar-rds, construct form of 'ishbah, "herb, annual plant," + rds, "head," thus "head-wort," probably in reference to the same feature of the nudets. Lappula spinocarpos (Forssk.) Aschers. Boraginaceae. Erect to ascendingdecumbent dwarf annual, 3-15 cm high. Leaves linear to linear-spathulate, 1-3(5) cm long. Flowers solitary or in loose racemes; corolla 3-4 mm long with limb blue or sometimes whitish. Calyx growing in fruit, exceeding the nutlets. Nutlets triquetrous-pyramidal, ca. 4 mm long. 343 fdnl (A1 Murrah) Musil (1927:628) in northern Arabia recorded for this plant the name umm ar-rwes, umm, "mother" + ar-rwes, diminutive of ar-rds, "the head", "mother of the little head," doubtless referring to the conspicuous grouped coronas of the fruiting heads. Scabiosa palaestina L. Dipsacaceae. BM 603, BM 1228, BM 1602. Erect annual, 5-45 cm high with main stem branched above. Leaves linear-oblong to lanceolate, 2-8 cm long, the lowest sometimes divided. Flowers in heads 1.5-3 cm in diam., in ours pale yellowish-white, fragrant, 12-15 mm long. Fruiting heads more or less globose, with prominent membranous coronas 8-10 mm long, 30-35-nerved. gahwlydn (gen.). Applied to two very similar species of Anthemis (Compositae). Anthemis melampodina Del. BM 1492, BM 3776, BM 3846. Ascending annual, pubescent or tomentose, 5-25 cm high. Leaves oblong in outline, 1-3 cm long, pinnatisect into linear lobes. Heads 2-3 cm broad with white ray petals and disc yellow. A well-known plant, rather common in the spring flora after good rains. Anthemis scrobicularis Yavin. BM 1446, BM 2831, BM 4080. Very similar to the foregoing but differing by its non-tuberculate, longitudinally ribbed achenes. garnuwah (BanI Hajir) Derived from garn, "horn," in reference to the long pointed fruit beaks, resembling long horns. Erodium laciniatum (Cav.) Willd. Geraniaceae. BM 536, BM 1436, BM 1681. Procumbent to ascending annual, greyish-green with stems to ca. 30 cm long. Leaves ovate in oudine, 2-4 cm long, varying in lobation from dentate to pinnately divided. Flowers in umbels with pink, rarely white, petals 5-6 mm long. Fruit beaks 30-45 mm long; achenes with 2 pits at apex. 344 ghrerah (A1 Murrah, Qahtan) A consultant of Al Murrah also used the synonym gurhdn. Both of these names are related to classical terms associated with a blaze on the face of a horse: ghurrah and qarha' (fem. adj.). Eremobium aegyptiacum (Spreng.) Boiss. Cruciferae. BM 220, BM 1812, BM 3184. Decumbent to ascending branched, stellate pubescent annual, 5-30 cm high. Leaves linear, 5-45 mm long, 1-3 mm wide. Flowers with petals 4-10 mm long, white to pink and mauve, sometimes tinged with yellow. Siliques linear, 1035 mm long, spreading or ascending. One of the very few annual plants with a distribution extending into the Rub' al-Khall. gitt (gen.) Medicago sativa L. Leguminosae. 8077. Erect or ascending branched annual or perennial, 20-90 cm high. Leaves trifoliolate with leaflets oblanceolate to oblonglinear, 10-35 mm long. Flowers in dense spiciform racemes, lilac, violet to purple, ca. 12 mm long. Pod compressed, 4-8 mm in diam., usually tightly coiled and auger-shaped. This is alfalfa (the English name coming through Spanish from Arabic al-fisfisah, the latter according to Hamidullah (1973:188) being of Persian origin), sometimes found spontaneous along roadsides or on disturbed desert camp sites. Bedouins occasionally purchase it as supplementary fodder. I place it here among the annuals because it is found as an occasional, spontaneous plant. I have no data on its life form when treated as a cultivated crop but think it unlikely that it would be included in the category Hshb. glegilan (gen.) Non-diminutive variants: from a consultant of Al Murrah, gungulan\ from Qahtan and BanI Hajrr, gulguldn. All these forms relate to classical 345 qalqala or taqalqala, "to shake, tremble," referring to the way the pods of this plant, on fine capillary pedicels, quake and tremble in the slightest wind. Savignya parviflora iX>e\.)^Qhh. Cruciferae. BM 1178, BM 1402, BM 1687. Ascending, glabrous branched annual, 10-40 cm high. Lower leaves obovateoblong, sinuate or dentate; upper leaves narrower. Flowers pink, with petals 4-6 mm long. Silicles elliptical-oblong to suborbicular, strongly compressed, 8-14 mm long on spreading capillary pedicels longer than the fruit. gtenah (gen.) From gatn, "cotton," referring to the cottony-woolly appearance of this plant. Variant: guttenah (Qahtan). Synonyms recorded only for B. eriophora: hmedat al-arnab (Qahtan), hmedah, diminutive of hamdah, "saltbush," + alarnab, "the hare", "little saltbush of the hare"; hmed (Al Rashid), diminutive of hamd, "saltbushes", "little saltbushes"; /i//(Shammar). Synonyms recorded only for B. muricata: urenibah (Ruwalah), diminutive fem. of arnab, "hare", "httle hareweed"; lebid (Qahtan), from labad, "felt, wool", "feltweed"; dhinnabdn (Ban! Hajir), from dhanab, "tail" -i- -an, denoting resemblance, "tail-like weed"; shjhebd (Shammar), diminutive of shahbd, "gray, fem.", "little gray weed." Applied to two species of the genus Bassia (Chenopodiaceae) with a focus on B. eriophora, which has the stronger cottony-woolly aspect. The variant guttenah was also applied by a consultant of the Mutayr tribe to Filago desertorum Pomel (Compositae), which also has a gray-woolly appearance. Of particular interest here is the clear attribution of this plant {B. eriophora, at least) by some names to the hamd group of plants (saltbushes). The genus does indeed belong to the Chenopodiaceae, and this is one of the very few annual plants classed as hamd. 346 Bassia eriophora (Schrad.) Aschers. BM 1618, 8293, 8344. Ascending, cottony-villous annual 5-20 cm high, the stems appearing as white columns of cotton with leaves partly hidden in the fleece. Leaves narrowly oblong to elliptical, 8-14 mm long. Flowers clustered, hidden in dense fleece. Fruiting perianth clothed in very dense white wool, falling as dispersal units resembling small balls of cotton. Bassia muricata (L.) Achers. BM 1233, BM 1435, BM 3147. Erect villous annual, 8-50 cm high, often somewhat frutescent. Leaves grayish-green, narrowly linear, 5-15 mm long. Flowers solitary or clustered in the axils, fleecy. Fruit perianth indurate, the lobes prolonged in spreading spinules 2-4 mm long, exserted from the fleece. gurres (az-ZafIr) Cf. classical qurs, "disk of the sun, disk of metal (ornament)," which fits the appearance of this plant's yellow discoid heads very well. A consultant of the Qahtan tribe used the variant garrds. Aaronsohnia factorovskyi Warbg. et Eig. Compositae. BM 1239, BM 1314, BM 1667. Annual herb 8-25 cm high, branched at base with stems erect or decumbent. Leaves much dissected, slighdy succulent, bipinnatisect into linear lobes ca. 1 mm wide. Heads discoid, hemispherical, mostly 6-8 mm in diameter, with bright yellow florets, solitary on numerous leafless peduncles exceeding the leafy stem parts. Considered edible and sometimes eaten raw; also used in the preparation of igt, dried sour milk cakes. 347 hambasis (gen. at least in north) The shortened variant hamsis was reported by Musil (1927:28; 1928a:697). Rumexpictus¥ox%sk. Polygonaceae. BM 1249, 3283, 4030. Glabrous, often reddish and somewhat brittle-succulent annual, 10-25 cm high with many decumbent leaves from the base. Leaves 1.5-4 cm long, pinnately parted. Flowers clustered in the upper nodes, forming a spicate or narrowly racemose inflorescence. Fruit perianth winged, 5-9 mm broad, pink or turning yellow, the valves with a medial, elongated wart. Considered edible and eaten raw. hambizan (gen.) Variants: himbazah (Shammar), humbez (Ruwalah), 'ambasis {sic, A1 Murrah). Emex spinosa (L.) Campd. Polygonaceae. BM 1292, BM 1386, BM 1680. Glabrous annual, 5-20 cm high and sometimes tinged reddish, single-stemmed with a basal rosette of leaves. Taproot thickened, carrot-like, whitish and fleshy. Leaves ovate to oblong, 1-6 cm long. Flowers clustered in the axils with perianth growing in the fruit, 3 segments indurating and with recurved spinules 1-3 mm long. One of the best known edible plants, the sweet, carrot-like taproot consumed raw. hanwah (Shammar, Ban! Hajir) From hanU, "crook, bend," referring to the hooked shape of the maturing achenes of this plant. Synonyms: 'ishbat al-ghurdb, 'ishbah, "annual plant," + al-ghurab, "the crow or raven," thus "crow-wort" (northern tribes, Musil 1927:598). Calendula tripterocarpa Rupr. Compositae. BM 1246. BM 1403, BM 1509. Decumbent to ascending annual, usually glandular-pubescent, with stems 525(40) cm long. Lower leaves oblanceolate to linear-oblong, mostly 2-5 cm long. 348 obscurely serrate to entire. Flowering heads 0.5-1.5 cm wide with florets yellow to a rich orange. Ripening fruits with some achenes 3-winged. A plant considered dangerous to livestock, causing digestive ailments. hards (BanI Hajir, Qahtan) Cf. classical harasa, "to crush, bruise." Synonym: dresah, diminutive fem. of dirs, "tooth" (recorded by Dickson, 1955:83, as "A1 Thraisa"). Both names refer to the peculiar, mace-like, rounded, spiny fruiting heads of this plant. Sclerocephalus arabicus Boiss. Caryophyllaceae. BM 1159, BM 1280, 7510. Procumbent or ascending glabrous annual with stems rather rigid, 2-10(15) cm long. Leaves terete-linear, 4-15 mm long, mucronate, with scarious stipules. Flowers in dense spherical heads becoming indurate and spiny in fruit, 0.7-1 cm in diam. hdrrah (Ruwalah, Musil 1928a:697) From hdrr, "hot," referring to the hot, mustardy taste of this crucifer. I am not entirely comfortable with this record, which could have been given Musil as an adjective, rather than a name. It does, however, fit plant name patterns. Sisymbrium irio h. Cruciferae. 8097,8583. Erect branched annual, 15-50 cm high, sparsely pubescent. Basal leaves lyrate-pinnatifid or dentate, with hastate terminal lobe. Flowers minute, with yellow petals ca. 2 mm long, hardly exceeding the calyx. Fruit 20-45 mm long, 1 mm wide, erect-spreading. A weedy plant found in desert only on disturbed ground, such as around camp sites. hasdd (Qahtan, gen.) Avena sativa L. Gramineae. 434, BM 1070. Annual grass with erect glabrous culms and glabrous leaf blades. Spikelets with 1 lemma awned, or all awnless, in a spreading or nodding panicle. This is the cultivated oat, found 349 outside cultivation only as an occasional escape but known to Bedouins who occasionally purchase the grain as fodder. With respect to life form assignment, see hintah, below. hassar (az-ZafIr) Cf. classical haslr, "tired, weak," the name possibly referring to the limp, soon-falling petals of this plant. Dickson (1955:81) recorded (as "Bakatari") the name bakhatn (cf. classical bakhtarl, "elegant, beautiful") for this species in Kuwait territory. Roemeria hybrida (L.)DC. Papaveraceae. BM 1368, BM 1501, BM 1641. Erect or ascending annual, 10-30 cm high, often with stiff, whitish erect hairs. Leaves 3-5 cm long, deeply pinnatisect into linear lobes. Flowers with deep violet petals 0.8-2 cm long that are thin, fragile and soon-falling. Capsule 2-4 cm long, often with stiffish hairs. hintah (gen.) Synonym: gamh. Triticum aestivum L. Gramineae. 7892. Annual grass with culms to 100 cm high (but often about 40 cm in our area) and leaf blades to 2 cm broad in cultivation. Inflorescence a 2-rowed spike, the spikelets with an awn or tooth at apex. Cultivated wheat, very common in cultivation in our study area since the 1980s and known to all Bedouins. Sometimes escaped along roadsides from spilled grain. I have no data indicating the life form of this cultivated plant. It is placed here among the Hshb on the basis of its annual habit and occasional appearance spontaneously on disturbed desert sites. It is probable that this (and other cultivated grains such as barley and oats) are placed outside 'ishb, which properly seems to apply only to wild plants. 350 hodhan (gen.) A synonym heard once from a consultant of Al Murrah is huwwd (which is generally applied to rather similar Launaea spp.). Picris bablyonica Hand.-Mazz. Compositae. BM 1151, BM 1513, BM 1697. Ascending annual 5-30 cm high, hispid with short bristles. Basal leaves rosulate, oblong-lanceolate in outline, runcinate-pinnatifid and 3-8 cm long. Heads solitary-terminal with bright yellow, broadly spreading florets, sometimes darkcentered with immature florets. Achenes beaked, with a pappus of 10-15 plumose bristles. A common and rather conspicuous member of the annual flora. hsekah (Al Murrah). Non-diminutive variant: hasak (Ruwalah, Qahtan). The name nafal, usually applied to Trigonella, was heard once for this plant from a Bedouin of Al Murrah. Medicago laciniata (L.) Mill. Leguminosae. BM 1195, BM 1512, BM 1816. Prostrate to decumbent annual with stems 5-30 cm long. Leaves 3-foliolate with cuneate to obovate leaflets 3-10 mm long. Flowers yellow. Pod a spheroid or ovoid coil, 3-6 mm in diam., with dense, interlacing prickles. hulbah (gen.) The root h l b h basically related to the concept of "milk," and the association with this plant is unclear. Trigonella foenum-graecum L. Leguminosae. 378. Erect herb to ca. 30 cm high. Leaves trifoliolate, with leaflets obovate to oblong, 10-30 mm long, dentate above. Flowers solitary or paired in the axils, 13-18 mm long with white to cream corolla. Pod erect, 6-12 cm long, somewhat compressed, tapering to a straight beak 2-3 cm long. Fenugreek ~ a cultivated plant of the oases, but known to Bedouins and sometimes considered a medicinal. 351 hummed (gen.) From hdmid, "sour." Variant: hammdd. The name hambasls may also be used for this plant. Rumex vesicarius h. Polygonaceae. 397, 1204,2761. Glabrous, somewhat succulent annual, 10-30 cm high. Leaves ovate to deltoid, to ca. 6 cm long. Flowers clustered in the upper axils forming dense racemes. Fruiting perianth growing, showy, greenish-yellow when young, becoming bright pink to reddish, with red-nerved wings ca. 2 cm broad. An edible plant; used also in the preparation of igt, dried milk shards. hurbuth (gen. south) A near equivalent used among tribes of the north is gafd (cf. qaf^, "shriveled, shortened, drooping", fem. adj.). It is applied in our study area to at least eight species of annual legumes with a focus on several annual species of Astragalus, particularly those with characteristic elongated, usually more or less curved fruit pods. The following list may be incomplete to a slight extent and is provided with abbreviated descriptions. This generic is unusual in being apparently polytypic to some degree, including one species of Astragalus distinguished by a specific name (see section 9.4 for discussion). Generic: hurbuth Quasi-specific: abu khawdtim (Al Murrah), from abu, "father" -ikhawdfim, pi. of khdtim, "signet ring, seal", thus "father of seal rings," referring to the circular, flattened, ring-like pods of the plant. Bedouin children wear the "rings" on their fingers in play. A synonym is asdbV al-'arus (Dickson 1955:20), from asdbV, "fingers" -I- al-'arus, "the bride", thus "bride's fingers," referring to the reddish flecks on the pods resembling the henna-stained fingers of a bride decorated for her wedding. 352 Astragalus annularis Forssk. Leguminosae. BM 1487, BM 1694, BM 1799. Leaflets in 1-3 pairs, obovate-elliptical. Flowers pink to red-purple. Fruits stongly compressed dorso-ventally, irregularly streaked with purple flecks, curved into a ring shape. The following form a residuum in which only the generic name, hurbuth, is used for each: Astragalus corrugatus Bertol. Leguminosae. K 591, BM 1362, BM 1389. Leaflets in 5-9 pairs, oblong and truncate-retuse. Flowers pink to cream to blueviolet with white. Pods curved-linear, 20-35 mm long and reticulate-rugose. Astragalus eremophilus Boiss. Leguminosae. K 8003, 8041, 8055. Leaflets in 5-7 pairs, obovate to oblong. Flowers 1-3 in axillary racemes, cream to pinkish. Pods linear, nearly terete, hairy, curved to a half-circle. Astragalus schimperi Boiss. Leguminosae. BM 1265, BM 1750, BM 3305. Leaflets elliptical, in 4-8 pairs. Flowers often with pink standard and whitish wings and keel, in headlike inflorescence. Pods often in radiate clusters, linear, subterete, moderately curved, pubescent. Astragalus tribuloides Del. Leguminosae. K 600, BM 617, BM 1655. Leaflets elliptical, in 5-8(10) pairs. Flowers white to pink in sessile clusters of 2-6. Pods in sessile stellate clusters, oblong, dilated at base, pubescent. Hippocrepis bicontorta hois. Leguminosae. BM 1194, BM 1437, BM 3180. Leaflets in 3-5 pairs, 8-15 mm long, linear to oblong with emarginate apices. Flowers yellow, umbelled with 3-4 together. Pods strongly compressed, contorted and coiled, with horseshoe-shaped sinuses bordered by hom-like processes. Dickson (1955:50) recorded the name umm al-gren for this plant 353 among Bedouins of Kuwait, apparently treating it as a generic. It is from umm, "mother" + al-gren, "the little horn," thus "mother of the little horn, homwort," referring probably to the hornlike protuberances along the edge of the pod although Dickson quotes a resemblance to a Bedouin hair style of the same name. This name may be used only by the more northern tribes; my A1 Murrah and Qahtan informants called it only hurbuth. Lotus halophilus Boiss. et Spmn. Leguminosae. BM 1261, BM 1621, BM 3295. Prostrate or decumbent pubescent annual with sessile 5-foliolate leaves, the lower pair stipule-like. Flowers yellow. Pod glabrous, linear-cylindrical, slightly curved, ripening a shining dark brown. Ononis serrata Forssk. Leguminosae. BM 1412, BM 1722, BM 1797. Glandular-hairy annual with 3-foliolate leaves and leaflets oblong, serrate, 6-10 mm long. Flowers solitary in the axils, pink with white keel. Pod oblong, glabrous, hardly exceeding the calyx. huwwd (gen.) Cf. classical ahwd, fem. hawwd', "dark green," possibly referring to the dark green color of the leaves (or the color so called after the plant). Applied to three species of Launaea (Compositae), with focus on L. capitata. Launaea capitata (Spreng.) Dandy. Glabrous, usually procumbent annual, stemless or with stems 5-15 cm long. Leaves rosulate, oblong to spathulate, runcinate-pinnatifid with cartilaginous, denticulate margins, 2-7 cm long. Heads yellow-flowered, basal or at the ends of stems. Considered a poor-quality edible plant. Launaea nudicaulis (L.) Hook. f. BM 813, BM 3111, BM 3176. Glabrous perermial (but generally considered to be Hshb), ascending and 20-50 cm high, sometimes larger scrambling on rocks. Leaves rosulate, oblong, runcinate- 354 pinnatifid with triangular dentate lobes. Heads numerous on upper stems, the ligules yellow, whitish on back. Achenes of two types: columnar-tetragonal and compressed, darker. Launaea procumbens (Roxb.) Ramayya et Rajagopol. K 637, BM 1456, BM 1909. Glabrous perennial with stems procumbent, decumbent or ascending, 1030 cm high, sometimes tangled and shrubby at base. Leaves mostly basal and rosulate, sinuate-dentate to runcinate-pinnatifid with callose margins, 4-15 cm long. Heads usually clustered, yellow-flowered. 'ifenah (Mutayr) Cf. 'afin, "putrid, mouldy." Vicoa pentanema Aitch. et Hemsl. Compositae. K 624, 8115. Erect or ascending, branched annual with white spreading hairs and purplish stems. Basal leaves oblong-spathulate, entire or dentate, mostly 2-4 cm long; stem leaves smaller. Heads numerous, mostly terminal, villous, ca. 6-7 mm long and broad, with yellow florets. Generally found as a weed around cultivation or roadsides. Hshbat umm salim (Ruwalah, Musil 1927:598) Hshbat, construct form of Hshbah, "herb, annual plant," + umm, "mother," + salim (male personal name), umm salim (literally "the mother of salim") is the name of the bifasciated or hoopoe lark {Alaemon alaudipes), conspicuous by its rising song and spiraling breeding display in spring. In my experience Bedouins consider it a "good bird" and avoid harming it in any way, telling boys, for example, not to shoot at it with their air rifles. The name of the plant thus means "herb of the hoopoe lark," but why it is associated with the bird is unclear. Notoceras bicorne (Ait.) Amo. Cruciferae. BM 751, BM 1495, BM 1564. Prostrate or decumbent annual, branching at base with stems to 20 cm long. 355 appressed hairy. Leaves oblanceolate, 15-30 mm long, tapering to base. Flowers in terminal racemes, with white to yellowish petals less than 2 mm long. Fruits appressed to stem, 6-7 mm long, somewhat compressed and constricted between the seeds, with 2 diverging horns at apex. jahag (Shammar) Diplotaxis acris (Forssk.) Boiss. Cruciferae. BM 602, BM 1605, BM 3115. Erect glabrescent annual, 5-50 cm high with leaves mostly at base, somewhat fleshy, obovate to oblong and dentate. Flowers in an often flat-topped terminal inflorescence with pink-purple petals. Siliques ascending, 20-50 mm long, 2-3 mm wide, on pedicels 7-15 mm long. jirjlr (Qahtan) Eruca sativa Mill. Cruciferae. 546, 7976, 8427. Erect annual, 10-50 cm high with leaves pinnatifid with large terminal lobe, the uppers entire or serrate. Flowers cream or yellowish with greenish to violet veins, the petals 15-20 mm long. Siliques 15-25 mm long, 3-5 mm wide, appressed to stem and with a compressed beak. A weed usually seen in cultivation but sometimes along roadsides in spring. Musil (1928b:343) reported that Shammar tribesmen used this name for Senecio glaucus L. subsp. coronopifolius (Maire) Alexander. jirrM (az-Zafir, other northern tribes) Applied to two annual species of Helianthemum (Cistaceae). Possibly applied sometimes also to the perennial species, H. lippii and H. kahiricum. Conversely, the name ragrug may apparently be used sometimes for the annual species, below (see ragrug, under life form shajar, above). 356 Helianthemum ledifolium (L.) Mill. BM 744, BM 1425, BM 1642. Erect pubescent annual, 5-20 cm high. Leaves elliptical-lanceolate, to 15 mm long. Flowers distant or crowded in upper axils, 5-8 mm long. Capsule ovoid, ciliate along upper margins of the valves, ca. 7 mm long. Like other species of Helianthemum, an indicator plant for desert truffles. Helianthemum salicifolium (L.) Mill. BM 1306, BM 1522, BM 1701. Ascending pubescent annual 5-25 cm high. Leaves ovate to lanceolate, to 20 mm long. Flowers in terminal racemes, distant, with inner sepals 4-6 mm long. Capsule globose-ovoid, 4-5 mm long. Like the foregoing, an indicator plant for desert truffles. jurres (Ruwalah, Musil 1927:601) From jres, diminutive of jaras, "bell," referring to the unusual shape of the plant's heads, which are enclosed by the erect and incurving involucral bracts, forming a sphere. It is in fact very suggestive of some bells made of brass in India that are spherical with multiple ribs. Atractylis cancellataL. Compositae. BM 1617, 2728, 8123. Ascending annual, branched from base and 4-25 cm high. Basal leaves (when present) spathulate, prickly-dentate; stem leaves linear-oblanceolate, prickly-dentate, 1.5-2.5 cm long. Heads discoid, terminal, with outer involucral bracts pectinate-pinnatisect and prickly-spinescent, erect and incurving to enclose the head. Florets pink or purple. kaftah (gen.) Cf. classical inkafata, "to contract, become compact," which well describes the form of the plant when dry (but the verb perhaps from the plant name). A widely known plant with many synonyms, the more generally known of which are kaftah and kaff maryam, the latter from kaff, "hand, palm" + maryam. 357 "Mary" (the mother of Jesus), thus "Mary's hand." Other names: birkdn, barukdn (Shammar);y/ne'/a/ma/i, fromjme', diminutive ofjum', "fist" + fdtmah, "Fatimah" (woman's name, doubtless referring to Fatimah, the daughter of the Prophet Muhammad and his first wife, Khadljah, thus "Fatimah's little fist"; kaff al-'adhrd (Dickson 1955:16), from kaff, "hand, palm" + 'adhrd, "maiden, virgin," thus "virgin's hand" (another reference to Mary, the mother of Jesus); kafn, gufe'd (Qahtan), the last the diminutive of gafd, "shriveled, contracted"; gnefidhah (Ruwalah, Musil 1926:357), the diminutive of gunfudh, "hedgehog", thus "little hedgehog." The several references to "hand" or "fist" refer to the hand of Mary or Fatimah clenched in pain at childbed, The dried plant is widely used in Arabia as a medicinal or charm to ease childbirth. Anastatica hierochuntica L. Cruciferae. BM 1494, 2106, 2238. Stellatepubescent dwarf annual, branched radially from base, prostrate or decumbent and often ca. 15 cm across, the branches rolling inward after maturity to form a tight, woody ball. Leaves oblanceolate to obovate, to ca. 3 cm long. Flowers white, with petals ca. 3 mm long. Fruit 4-6 mm long, with an ear-like appendage on each side and persistent style. kahll (gen.) also kahal, kahld (A1 Murrah, Ban! Hajir). Synonym: Hshbat al-hamdm, (Musil 1927:598) from Hshbat, construct form of Hshbah, "herb, annual plant," -H al-hamdm, ,"the doves", "herb of the doves." The name kahll means "annoited with kuhl," the fine black powder widely used in the Arabian Peninsula and elsewhere in the Middle East as an eye cosmetic or medicinal. This material is often described as powdered antimony or an antimony compound, but recent chemical analyses of samples from the Gulf area have shown major ingredients to 358 be powdered galena (lead sulfide) or amorphous carbon (Hardy et al. 1998; Hardy, Sutherland and Vaishnav 2002). The term kahil and variants as applied to these plants is in the more general sense of "colored ointment" or "cosmetic" and is otherwise unrelated to the eye cosmetic known as kuhl. KahU labels a complex of five boraginaceous plants, four of them species of Arnebia, which have taproots with a staining red pigment on their epidermis. The roots are rubbed on the face as a rouge-like cosmetic by Bedouin women and girls ( see section 6.6). The focus of the name appears to be on Arnebia decumbens and A. linearifolia, the species most commonly used as cosmetics. Arnebia decumbens (Vent.) Coss. et Krai. BM 1604, BM 1820, BM 3311. Hispid ascending annual 5-30 cm high. Lower leaves linear-oblong to linearlanceolate, 2-7 cm long. Flowers yellow, in dense, 1-sided spicate inflorescences, the calyx growing in fruit to 8-12 mm long with lobes becoming narrowly linear. Arnebia linearifolia DC. BM 1670, BM 3258, BM 3359. Very similar to the foregoing but differing in the longer, broader fruiting calyx lobes, which are 1530 mm long and 3-5 mm broad at middle. Arnebia hispidissima (Lehm.) DC. BM 1460, BM 3073, BM 3182. Ascending or erect annual, sometimes perennating, hispid with rough white bristles. Lower leaves linear-oblanceolate, to ca. 4.5 cm long. Flowers in crowded terminal or elongate 1-sided inflorescences, with yellow, pubescent corollas and calyces 5-7 mm long, not or hardly growing in fruit. Arnebia tinctoria Forssk. BM 557, BM 1319, BM 1707. Dwarfish annual, usually branching from base and 5-10 cm high. Lower leaves linear-oblanceolate or linear-oblong, to ca. 3.5 cm long. Flowers in dense, 1-sided spicate inflorescences with pale violet or pinkish corollas. 359 Echium horridum Batt. BM 601, BM 1502, BM 1548. Erect, usually branched hispid annual. Leaves at base sometimes rosetted, with broad-based white bristles, linear-oblong to spathulate, to ca. 15 cm long. Flowers in helicoid cymes with showy corollas, trumpet-shaped, 15-25(30) mm long with oblique open mouth, red to purplish, darkening with age. karrath, (Mutayr, northern tribes) Variant; kurreth. Informants of Al Murrah, Qahtan, and Al Rashid also used basal, the name for the cultivated onion, for this plant. Allium sphaerocephalum L. Liliaceae. BM 1058, BM 1788, 8634. Herb with erect scape 30-110 cm high, leafy somewhat above ground level with leaves pale green, linear and involute-charmeled above, often somewhat pendulous and lying on the ground. Umbel dense, globose, 3-5 cm in diam. with purple to pinkish flowers. Flower parts used as a spice in food. khafsh (Shammar, Qahtan, also Ruwalah (Musil 1927:601) Synonyms: khinnez (Qahtan), from root kh n z, "to stink," referring to the somewhat unpleasant smell of this coarse crucifer. Diplotaxis harra (Forssk.) Boiss. Cruciferae. BM 1243, BM 1313, BM 1673. Erect pubescent annual, sometimes perennating, 10-50 cm high. Leaves mostly basal, ovate to oblong-oblanceolate, dentate. Flowers yellow with petals 7-10 mm long. Fruits 20-40 mm long, ca. 2 mm broad, erect-spreading and at length somewhat pendulous, on pedicels 5-15 mm long. khifjl (Qahtan) Centaurium spicatum (L.) Fritsch. Gentianaceae. BM 1088, BM 1915, 7771. Erect glabrous herb 20-50 cm high. Stem leaves lanceolate, entire, 15-30 mm long, smaller above. Flowers in terminal spicate racemes up to ca. 15 cm long, with corolla pink or white, 9-12 mm long. Capsule terete, tapering at apex. 360 shining brown, 6-8 mm long. Found only as a weed of oasis cultivation but known by one of my elder consultants. khubbez ( gen.) From khubz, "bread," referring to the flattened, disc-like fruits resembling round loaves of bread. Synonym: tubbdg (BanI Hajir), cf. classical tabag, "cover, round tray, large dish," all descriptive of the fruit form. Malva parvifloraL. Malvaceae. BM 1341, BM 3163, BM 7423. Ascending annual, 4-40 cm high. Leaves orbicular or reniform, crenate-dentate, 2-8 cm in diam., nearly entire or palmately lobed. Flowers few or densely clustered, with petals white to pink or bluish, calyx broadly flattened at base, supporting the carpels in a disc-like fruit. Generally found only on disturbed ground, such as old desert camp sites. khushshen (Mutayr) From khashin, "rough, harsh (to the touch)","rough-wort," referring to the stiff, rough feel of this herb. Neotorularia torulosa (Desf.) Hedge et J. Leonard. Cruciferae. BM 1345, BM 1562, BM 7552. Rather rigid annual, 5-25 cm high, finely hirsute with erect white hairs. Basal leaves rosulate in young plants, oblong and sinuate or pinnately lobed, often absent in older plants. Stem leaves linear, sinuate-dentate or nearly entire. Flowers white, with petals 2-3 mm long. Siliques in elongated rigid racemes, terete, 12-25 mm long and less than 1 mm wide, usually spirally coiled. Musil (1927:603) records the same name for Carrichtera annua (L.) DC., which is also a stiff, rather rough-feeling crucifer, hispid with erect hairs. khzama (gen.) Horwoodia dicksoniae TuniW. Cruciferae. BM 78, BM 1173, BM 3159. Decumbent to ascending annual 8-40 cm high, the young parts densely hirsute. Leaves ovate to oblong, coarsely serrate or pinnately lobed. Flowers in 361 terminal racemes with mauve-purple to violet petals, ca. 15 mm long. Silicles orbicular, 12-20 mm across, glabrous and glossy when mature, strongly compressed with medial keel. The flowers are strongly and sweetly frangrant and often scent the milk of camels feeding on it. kitd'ah (Mutayr) Dickson (1955:60) reports the synonym sibsab from the general vicinity of Kuwait. Limonium thouinii (Viv.) O. Kuntze. Plumbaginaceae. 3879, 3905, 7527. Annual, glabrous but dotted with minute white excretions, 10-25 cm high with several stems from a basal rosette of leaves, the upper stems with veined wings. Leaves oblanceolate to spathulate, usually with 3-4 pairs of rounded lobes, to 8 cm long. Flowers in terminal helicoid cymes with branches below the flowers expanded into a leaf-like wing. Calyx limb papery; corollas cream yellow but soon deciduous leaving the blue to white persistent calyces. krd' al-ghurdb (Ban! Hajir) krd', "shank" + al-ghurdb, "the crow, raven", thus "crow's shank". Synonyms: rijlat al-ghurdb (Ruwalah, Musil 1927;619), rijlah, "foot" -I- ghurdb, "crow", "crow's foot"; zumlug (Bani Hajir); shakhls (Shammar); jirjlr (Shammar, Musil 1927:600). Senecio glaucus L. subsp. coronopifolius (Maire) Alexander. Compositae. BM 1210. BM 1506, BM 1545. Ascending, glabrous branched annual, 10-25 cm high. Leaves somewhat succulent, pinnatisect into linear lobes or rarely entire. Heads 1.5-2 cm in diam. in flower, a rich golden yellow. Achenes cylindrical, indistinctly ribbed, dark brown, 1.5-2 mm long with a caducous pappus of white hairs. An edible plant, consumed uncooked. 362 lihyat at-tes (QahtM, Ruwalah) From lihyah, "beard" + at-tes, "the male goat," thus "goat's beard". A consultant of Al Murrah used the synonym lihyat ash-shebah, lihyah, "beard" + ash-shebah, "the old man," "old man's beard." Also: dhignun (Shammar), cf. dhiqan, "beard." Koelpinia linearis Pall. Compositae. BM 1290, BM 1510, BM 1654. Ascending or decumbent diffuse annual branching from base, 10-30 cm high. Leaves very narrowly linear, 5-15 cm long. Heads peduncled in the axils, with rather few yellow florets. Achenes stellate-spreading, conspicuous, 15-20 mm long, narrowly cylindrical and with rows of hooked prickles at back. An edible plant, generally consumed raw. maknan (Al Murrah) A Shammari gave the name haloid for this plant. Reichardia tingitana (L.) Roth. Compositae. BM 1270, BM 1542, BM 1587. Decumbent or short-ascending glabrescent annual with stems 5-25 cm long. Leaves mostly rosulate, oblong to oblanceolate in outline, nearly entire or pinnatifid with dentate lobes. Heads mostly solitary, yellow-flowered with ligules reddish-purple on backs. Achenes 4-sided with rounded angles, rugosetubercled. marar (Al Murrah, BanI Hajir) From murr, "bitter," referring to the bitterness this plant is said to impart to the milk of camels that graze on it. A Qahtani consultant vowelled the name quite clearly as murdr. Centaurea pseudosinaica Czerep. Compositae. K 554, BM 1775, BM 3912. Ascending, shortly-pubescent annual with stems and branches narrowly winged with decurrent leaves, 10-35 cm high. Leaves oblong-linear in outline, the lowest more or less pinnatifid with oblong segments, dentate, those above linear-oblong 363 to lanceolate. Heads terminal, 5-15 mm wide (excluding spines). Involucral bracts terminating in yellow spines. Florets yellow. Achenes with a pappus of fine bristles in several rows. A plant said to be much liked by camels but avoided by herdsmen because it taints the milk with a bitter taste. milleh (gen.) Related to milh, "salt", thus "saltwort." Aizoon hispanicum L. Aizoaceae. BM 356, BM 1370, BM 1528. Papillosesucculent branched annual, 5-15 cm high. Leaves opposite or subopposite, oblong-lanceolate to linear, to ca. 3 cm long. Flowers apetalous, greenish outside, whitish within. Perianth 11-16 mm long with lobes lanceolate and much exceeding the tube. Capsule somewhat flattened at apex. This is one of the few annual plants that are assigned to the intermediate category hamd. nafal (gen.) A consultant of the Shammar tribe used the name shmatn in an equivalent sense. Applied to two species of Trigonella (Leguminosae), with focus on the aromatic T. stellata. Trigonella stellata Forsk. BM 565, BM 1256, BM 1824. Glabrescent prostrate annual with stems up to ca. 35 cm long. Leaves trifoliolate with leaflets obovate to obcordate, dentate above, 4-12 mm long. Flowers clustered, 3-4 mm long with yellow corollas. Pods stellate-spreading, curved, 4-8 mm long. The plant overall is aromatic, with a sweet, clean smell. Used by Bedouins as a hair dressing. Trigonella anguina Del. BM 1584, BM 7417, 8080. Prostrate, glabrescent annual with trifoliolate leaves. Leaflets obovate or rounded-cuneate, serrate, 5-9 mm long. Flowers clustered in the axils, 3-4 mm long with yellow corolla slightly exceeding the calyx. Pods sessile, clustered, to ca. 8 mm long, strongly zig-zag 364 wavy or folded from side to side. The pods are very distinctive, resembling small wavy, wriggling worms or snakes. ragam (gen., at least among northern tribes). Applied to procumbent or decumbent annual species of Erodium (Geraniaceae) with a focus on E. deserti and E. laciniatum. BanI Hajir (and possibly other more southern tribes) appear to prefer the synonym garnuwah, from garn, "horn," referring to the horn-like beaks on the fruits. Erodium deserti (Eig) Eig. BM 588, BM 1559, BM 2190. Procumbent or decumbent pubescent annual with stems to ca. 30 cm long. Leaves oblong in outline, 2-8 cm long, 1- or 2-pinnatisect with incised segments. Umbels 3-10flowered, on long peduncles. Flowers with pink-mauve petals. Fruit beaks 25-35 mm long. Achenes with 2 pits at apex with a concentric furrow below each. Erodium laciniatum (Cav.) Willd. BM 536, BM 1436, BM 1830. Procumbent to ascending annual, grayish green and short-pubescent, with stems to 30 cm long. Leaves ovate in outline, 2-4 cm long, with varying lobation from dentate to pinnately divided nearly to base, often with 3-5 main lobes. Flowers umbelled, pink, rarely white. Fruit beaks 30-40 mm long; achenes with 2 pits at apex, without furrows. Dickson (1955:40) reports this name used also for E. ciconium (L.) L'Her., also found in our area and recognizable by its very stout fruit beaks. rghelah (northern tribes. Musil 1927:619)). Diminutive of rughl, the widely used name for the perennial Atriplex leucoclada, thus "little rughl." Atriplex dimorphostegia Kar. et Kir. Chenopodiaceae. BM 622, BM 1447, 7835. Whitish-canescent branched annual 10-25 cm high. Leaves 2.5-6 cm long. 365 deltoid or rhomboid to ovate-elliptical, silvery with shining crystalline papillae when fresh. Flowers in both axillary clusters and short terminal spikes. Fruiting valves broadly cordate, reticulately nerved, ca. 8 mm broad, obscurely denticulate. One of the few annual plants considered to belong to the hamd group. ribl (gen.) A consultant of Al Murrah used the synonym yanam for this and at least one other species of Plantago. Plantago boissieri Hausskn. et Bomm. Plantaginaceae. BM 1416, BM 1646, BM 1777. Ascending, villous annual, usually stemless, 10-30 cm high. Leaves rosulate, linear-lanceolate, 5-15 cm long. Flowers in cylindrical spikes 2-12(20) cm long, 3-5 mm wide; sepals oblong, scarious-margined, ciliate at apex; corolla lobes ovate-oblong, glabrous. Capsule enclosed in calyx, ovoid-globular and scarious, 2-2.5 mm long. A very important spring grazing plant in sandy terrain, often probably accounting for the major portion of the total seasonal biomass. rubahlah (gen.) Scorzonera papposa DC. Compositae. BM 1276, BM 1400, BM 1614. Ascending, showy-flowered perennial herb with branched stems, 15-50 cm high, with a dark brown tuber on the root. Leaves elliptical-oblanceolate, entire or erose, often wavy-margined, 5-10 cm long. Heads solitary, terminal, 4-5 cm wide in flower, with showy pink to purplish florets. Achenes 8-10 mm long, groovedmuricate, with a white pappus 10-13 mm long. One of die best known edible plants, the Brazil nut-like tuber being the part used, ueaten raw. sa'dan (gen.) Cf. classical sa'danah, "knot, camel's callosity, areola of the nipple," all resembling the peculiar discoid fruit of this plant. 366 Neurada procumbens L. Rosaceae. BM 1262, BM 3129, BM 3154. Prostrate, gray-green tomentose annual with several branches from the base. Leaves ovatelanceolate, unequally and pinnately lobed, with raised nerves on lower face. Flowers in the upper axils, inconspicuous, with 5 cream, greenish or pinkish petals and 10 stamens. Fruit flat, discoid, 12-18 mm in diam., hard and woody in maturity, smooth below and furnished with prickles above. The prickly fruit are effective dispersal units, clinging equally well to the feet of animals, the shoes of man, and the tires of automobiles. A very well known plant and a very stable name. sallh (gen. north) Sometimes vocalized islih (which corresponds to classical spelling). A consultant of Barn Hajir offered the name zamlug (q.v.) for Cakile. The name sallh seems to focus on Cakile and other red or purple-flowered annual crucifers of large, spreading stature. Cakile arabica Vel. et Bomm. Cruciferae. BM 1184, BM 1810, BM 3173. Ascending, branched, somewhat succulent glabrescent herb to 50 cm high. Lower leaves pinnately divided into narrowly linear lobes. Flowers purple with petals 8-10 ram long. Fruits spreading, in elongated loose racemes, 2-jointed, 1020 mm long, 2-3 mm wide, the distal joint compressed, tapering to a flattened apex. According to Dickson (1955:40) this name is also applied to: Erucaria hispanica (L.) Druce. Cruciferae. K 608, BM 4024, BM 4046. Erect, glabrous branched annual to 75 cm high. Leaves succulent, bipinnatisect with linear lobes. Flowers with petals 10-14 mm long, purple to white, finely veined. Fruits 10-17 mm long, 1.5-2 mm wide, spreading or somewhat appressed, terminating in a beaklike filiform style 3-4 mm long. 367 I also have a record of a (doubtful) attribution of this name to Gypsophila antari Post et Beauv., a rather different-looking plant, by a consultant of the Ruwalah tribe. sam'd (gen.) Cf. sam'd\ "slender, sharp," fem. sing. Stipa capensis Thunb. Gramineae. K 101, BM 1399, BM 1876. Tufted annual grass with numerous culms kneed at base, then erect, 15-45 cm high. Leaf blades mostly 4-10 cm long, very narrow and convulute. Panicle terminal, erect, 8-30 cm long. Spikelets acuminate, 15-20 mm long, with awn 6-13 cm long, twisted and short-pubescent in its lower half. Considered a good grazing grass when young, but the hardening awns may later penetrate the mouth parts of livestock. samh (gen. north) This name, in northern Arabia, is a generic including the three aizoaceous plants used as sources for the edible seeds (also usually called samh) that have long been an important wild food gathered by several tribes of the northwest. The focus of the name is on the most important of these three plants, Mesembryanthemum forsskalei, which is assumed to be referred to in the absence of qualifying information. As a generic it includes three folk specifics (see discussion in section 9.4): Generic: samh Specifics: samh, samh hurr, samh + hurr, "pure, genuine", thus "genuine samh". When used in the context of discussions about "types of samh," the "samh" part of the name is assumed and it becomes simply hurr, or al-hurr, "the pure or genuine one." Mesembryanthemum forsskalei (Hochst.) N. E. Br. 3764A. Papillose, very succulent herb, erect or ascending with stems 10-25 368 cm high. Leaves conical, subterete, decurrent above, to ca. 5 cm long, 1.5 cm thick. Flowers axillary with calyx of unequal lobes and petals white to cream, yellowish at base, exceeding the calyx at anthesis. Capsule 12-15 mm long. Provides edible seeds. hamar wagif (Shammar), from hamar, "red" + wagif, "standing", thus "standing red," referring to the erect or ascending habit and red color of this plant (and thus differentiating it from its fellow specific, Aizoon canariense, which is procumbent and green). Mesembryanthemum nodiflorum L. BM 2893, 3781, 7523. Ascending succulent, papillose herb, often becoming reddish, branching from the base and 5-20 cm high. Leaves teretish linear, to ca. 3 cm long, more or less ciliate at base. Flowers axillary, with petals often 20-30, subfiliform and white to cream, yellowish near base, within a succulent calyx with lobes unequal, 6-10 mm long. Capsule 5-8 mm long, somewhat pentagonal-pyramidal at apex. Provides edible seeds. da'd', Aizoon canariense L. BM 1208, BM 1751, BM 3165. Procumbent, pubescent-papillose herb with stems branching radially from base, rather stiff and often zig-zag, to ca. 15 cm long. Leaves alternate, spathulate to oblong-obovate, mostly 1-2 cm long. Flowers apetalous, greenish outside and yellowish within, with perianth 3-5 mm long with triangular lobes. Capsule flattish, starshaped at apex. Provides edible seeds. The name da'd' is applied 369 by some informants, particularly in areas where samh seeds are not collected or used, also to Mesembryanthemum nodiflorum. samnah (Shammar) From samn, "clarified butter," referring to the yellow color of the flowers. Carthamus oxyacantha M.B. Compositae. BM 644, 7847, 8304. Ascending, much-branched coarse prickly herb with whitish stems, 30-100 cm high. Leaves coriaceous, oblong to lanceolate, partly clasping at base, dentate and with yellow spines at margins, 2.5-5.5 cm long. Heads solitary terminal, exceeded by the spiny outer involucral bracts, with yellow florets. Usually on disturbed ground. shalr (gen.) Probably related to sha'r, "hair," with reference to the awns on the spikelets of this plant. Hordeum vulgare L. Gramineae. BM 1121, 3741, 8252. Stout annual grass with culms to ca. 90 cm high. Leaf blades flat, tapering to apex, with small auricles at base. Spike oblong-lanceolate, 6-10 cm long (excluding awns), dense, with 2 or 6 rows of fertile spikelets, with awns 12-15 cm long. Both 6-rowed and 2-rowed forms (the latter = Hordeum distichon L.) have been noted in our study area. This is cultivated barley, known to all Bedouins, the grain sometimes purchased for livestock feeding and the plant sometimes escaping along roadsides from spilled grain. Concerning the life form of this species, see remarks under hintah (above), which also apply here. shgdrd (Al Murrah, gen.) The name is related to shagrd, "reddish or blond (fem.)," probably in reference to the reddish flowers of the plant. Applied to two species of Matthiola (Cruciferae). Musil (1927:604) recorded the name himhim for these 370 plants among the Ruwalah of northern Arabia. Classical Arabic written sources indicate that himhim is synonymous with khimkhim and that it resembles (if it is not identical with) (Lewin 1953:125-126). Shuqdrd was also said to give a pungent odor to the milk of camels that eat it (Hamidullah 1973:69, who uses the form shuqqdrd), and a consultant of A1 Murrah told me that it is khimkhim that gives the strongest smell to camels' milk (he may have used this synonym rather than the more common name, shgdra because he had in mind a folk poetic source). Matthiola longipetala (Vent.) DC. BM 556, BM 1553, BM 3322. Erect or ascending annual, gray-tomentose with stellate pubescence, 8-40 cm high. Lower leaves pinnately lobed with obtusish, oblong-triangular segments; upper leaves narrower. Flowers 15-20 mm long with petals undulate, purple and often tinged yellowish or greenish. Fruits terete, 4-6 cm long, when mature with 2 prominent curved horns at apex. Matthiola arabica Boiss. BM 426, BM 1448, BM 1807. Rather similar to the foregoing species but identifiable by its entire lower leaves and hornless fruit. sh/hebd (Shammar) Diminutive of shahbd "light gray (fem.)," referring to the conspicuous, silvery-white, scarious stipules and bracts of this plant. Two synonyms recorded by Musil in northern Arabia are bwedd (1927:594), diminutive of bedd, "white (fem.)," thus "little white-wort," and shidd al-jamal (1927:623). A Shammarl consultant pointed out that the name shihebd is used among his people for two plants: the one below (Paronychia) and the chenopod Bassia muricata (which he named from a specimen). Paronychia arabica (L) DC. Caryophyllaceae. BM 1268, BM 1778, BM 7426. Prostrate annual with stems puberulent, sometimes tinged reddish, to ca. 30 cm 371 long. Leaves sessile, narrowly oblanceolate or elliptical to linear, 4-13 mm long. Stipules silvery-white, conspicuous. Flowers 1.5 mm long, hidden in bracts. shi'eyirah (az-Zafir) Diminutive of shalr, "barley," thus "little barley," referring to the inflorescence of the plant which resembles a head of barley. Musil (1927:624) recorded the name sijil for this species in northern Arabia. Rostraria pumila (Desf.) Tzvelev. Gramineae. BM 1160, BM 1385, BM 3277. Annual grass with culms single to densely tufted, ascending to erect, 5-40 cm high. Leaf blades 2-9 cm long. Panicle dense, spikelike, lanceolate in outline and sometimes lobed, 1.5-4(8) cm long. Spikelets softly awned. A useful and sometimes abundant spring grazing plant. shilwah (Ruwalah, Musil 1927:624) Not heard by the author, but entered here on Musil's usually reliable authority. He recorded it for Linaria ascalonica Boiss. et Kotschy, a taxonomic synonym for our species. Linaria tenuis (Viv.) Spreng. Scrophulariaceae. BM 1180, BM 1803, BM 3728. Erect annual, mostly glabrous, 10-30 cm high. Stem leaves linear-filiform, 1-3 cm long, those on sterile shoots wider. Flowers racemed, rather distant, with yellow corolla 7-9 mm long including the spur, which is descending, nearly straight. Capsule oblong-cylindrical, equalling or exceeding the calyx. shirshir (gen.) Cf. classical sharshara, "to cut a thing, to sharpen," in possible reference to the sharp, prickly nature of this plant. The variant and synonyms sharshshTr, dresah (diminutive of dirs, "tooth", thus "little tooth") and gath were heard from a Ruwalah consultant. 372 Tribulus terrestris L. Zygophyllaceae. BM 599, BM 1862, BM 3151. Prostrate annual with stems spreading from base up to 100 cm long. Leaves 2-4 cm long with 4-7 pairs of leaflets. Leaflets oblong, appressed pubescent below, 4-8 mm long. Flowers solitary, with yellow petals 4-6 mm long. Fruits globose, 5-7 mm in diam., with a pair of diverging spines, 3-6 mm long, on each carpel. Usually a weed around settled areas but also on disturbed ground around Bedouin camp sites. sholah (Qahtan) From root sh w I, which connotes the idea of an "upraised, curved tail," such as the tail of a scorpion, referring to the tail-like spicate inflorescence of this plant (and most others of the family Resedaceae). A consultant of Shammar offered the synonym dhanabndb (a variant of dhanabdn, from dhanab, "tail" -i-dn, denoting resemblance, thus "tail-like plant"). Both of these names have also been recorded for the perennial resedaceous plant. Reseda muricata. Caylusea hexagyna (Forssk.) M. L. Green. Resedaceae. BM 587, BM 3099, 8626. Annual papillose to pubescent ascending herb, sometimes perennating, usually several-stemmed from the base, 20-50 cm high. Leaves entire, narrowly oblong to lanceolate, 1-5 cm long, wavy at margins. Flowers in dense terminal racemes elongating in fruit, with white petals and 10-15 stamens. Ovary stipitate, 6-toothed, gaping when ripe with woolly mouth. siffdr (gen.) Related to asfar, "yellow," referring to the strong yellow flowers of this plant. A Shammarl informant gave the variant sifdr. Schimpera arabica Hochst. et Steud. Cruciferae. BM 1302, BM 1331, BM 1486. Erect annual, often with a branching stem from a rosette of leaves, 3-30 cm high. Basal leaves lanceolate-spathulate, runcinate-dentate or pinnatifid; stem 373 leaves oblong-linear, nearly entire. Flowers in dense terminal reacemes elongating in fruit; petals yellow. Fruit ovoid, 1-seeded, appressed to stem, with a 3-8-mmlong compressed beak diverging from the fruit body. A well-known edible plant, eaten raw for its mustardy, cabbage-like flavor. smemd (Al Murrah) Cf. root s m m , associated with the idea of "hardness" as well as of "deafness." The name here is the diminutive of sammd, "hard (fem.)," thus "hard-grass," which fits Cutandia very well. A consultant of BanI Hajir applied it also to Stipa capensis, which has awns that grow hard. A synonym from a Shammari informant was zarfi'. Applied to at least three species of low, annual grasses with focus on Cutandia, which has a hard, stiff, inflorescence. Dickson (1955:97) recorded the name thayyil (as "Atheyil") for Cutandia memphitica\ I got that as a synomym for Cynodon dactylon. Cutandia memphitica (Spreng.) Benth. Gramineae. K 100, BM 1254, BM 1342. Low, ascending or decumbent annual grass, 10-30 cm high, sometimes flushed purplish. Inflorescence of numerous, richly and dichotomously-branched elongated, stiff, zig-zagged panicles. Spikelets 7-9 mm long. A good spring grazing grass. Schismus barbatus (L.)T)\Q\\. Gramineae. K 96, BM 1603, BM 3102. Dwarf, tufted annual grass with several to numerous culms prostrate to ascending, usually 5-15 cm long. Leaf blades usually involute, 2-5 cm long. Panicles terminal, ovate-oblong in outline, mostly 1-3 cm long, contracted or somewhat loose, sometimes lobed. Spikelets green or purplish, 4-5 mm long, with white-margined glumes. Grazed by livestock in spring. 374 Schismus arabicus Nees. Gramineae. BM 1320, BM 1708, BM 2801. Very similar to the foregoing (and possibly conspecific with it), differing in some details of spikelet anatomy. Grazed by livestock in spring. tarbah, turbah (Al Murrah, Barn Hajir) A feminine noun form from tarb, trdb, "earth, soil," referring to the sand or soil particles always seen adherent on these viscid plants. A synonym for this Silene in northern Arabia is ballah (Shammar, Ruwalah), from root b 11, "to be wet," also referring to the viscid surfaces of the plant. Silene villosa Forssk. Caryophyllaceae K 488, BM 1795, BM 1818. Glandularpubescent ascending branched annual, 10-30 cm high, viscid and often with adherent sand. Leaves oblong-oblanceolate, 2-4 cm long. Flowers showy with white to very pale pink corollas, the petal limbs 2-parted or divided with obtuse lobes. Ifloga spicata (Forssk.) Sch.-Bip. Compositae. BM 1152, BM 1638, BM 1791. Erect dwarf annual, 3-12 cm high, viscid and often with adherent sand. Leaves dense, very fine linear-subulate, mostly 10-15 mm long. Heads ovoid, ca. 3 mm long, clustered 1-3 in the axils with involucral bracts golden-yellow, ovate. umm ath-threb (Suhul) From umm, "mother," -i- diminutive of thirb, classically meaning "fat of the intestines" (of a sheep, etc.). Applied to two rather similar species of Hypecoum (Fumariaceae). Essentially the same name, but with abii, "father," substituted for umm, "mother," was used by a Qahtani informant for Frankenia pulverulenta. Hypecoum geslinii Coss. et Krai. BM 1442, BM 3872, BM 4027. Ascending or decumbent glabrous annual, 5-25 cm high. Leaves mostly basal, rosulate, 375 lanceolate-oblong in outline, usually 3-10 cm long, several-pinnatisect into linear to filiform lobes. Flowers 5-7 mm long with 4 yellow petals. Fruits cylindricallinear tapering at the apex, transversely jointed, 2-3.5 cm long, often ascending from a reflexed pedicel. Hypecoum pendulum h. BM 585, BM 3348, BM 4007. Similar to the foregoing species but identifiable by its pendulous (rather than erect, ascending) fruits and by the minute, purple-black flecking on the inner pair of petals. (gen. north) Gynandriris sisyrinchium'Pavl. Iridaceae. 851, BM 1422. Herb 1030(50) cm high with stems erect, arising from an ovoid corm with brown, fibrous tunics. Leaves usually 2, ascending from the base, linear, channeled above. Flowers 2-4 cm long, arising from papery spathes, with a ground color of purple to purplish-pink, faintly and radially veined darker; falls spathulate, with white to yellowish central spot flecked below with purple. This wild iris is one of the showiest of the spring flowers, sometimes growing in striking masses. 'uwenah (gen.) Diminutive of 'en, "eye," thus "little eye." Anagallis arvensis L. Primulaceae. BM 2729 (var. caerulea), 7950 (var. caerulea), 8194 (var. arvensis). Glabrous ascending annual, 5-20 cm high, with quadrangular stems. Leaves opposite or whorled, ovate to triangular-ovate, 1.5-2 cm long. Flowers red (var. arvensis) or blue (var. caerulea), ca. 10 mm in diam. Capsule globose, 4-6 mm in diam. Usually found as a weed in agricultural land but also occurs on disturbed ground around Bedouin camp sites. The red and blue-flowered varieties may occur together. wberah (north, Musil 1927:629) Diminutive from wabar, "fur, soft hair," referring to the soft hairy appearance of this plant. 376 Scabiosa olivieri Coult. Dipsacaceae. BM 1347, BM 1521, BM 1672. Erect or ascending annual with both appressed and spreading hairs. Leaves linear-oblong or oblanceolate, 1-5 cm long. Heads 4-10 mm in diam. Flowers pink-lilac, pubescent, 5-10 mm long. Corona of involucel membranous, ca. 2 mm long, 2040-nerved. Awns of inner calyx fine, 4-7 mm long, reddish purple and conspicuous. yanam (Al Murrah) Al Murrah informants tend to use the name yanam for all desert species of Plantago, including Plantago boissieri, which is consistently called ribl by other tribes. Dickson (1955:75) gives the synonym guretd (among northern tribes) for P. ciliata. Plantago ciliata Desf. Plantaginaceae. BM 1287, BM 1351, BM 3066. Villous, short-stemmed or stemless annual, 3-7 cm high. Leaves rosulate, obovatespathulate to oblanceolate, 1.5-5 cm long. Spike ovoid to oblong-shortcylindrical, 1-2 cm long. Bracts elliptical, villous, white-margined. Corolla lobes villous at back. Capsule obovoid, ca. 2.5 mm long, darkish brown. zamlug, zumlug (various tribes) A rather puzzling name, heard from different tribal sources and applied to plants that are quite unrelated in appearance or in known use. A tribesman of az-Zaflr (met in the field and of untested reliability) gave this name to Anthemis melampodina, a composite with white ray florets, which is otherwise generally called gahwlydn. A BanI Hajir informant gave the same name for the purple flowered crucifer, Cakile arabica and another Hajiri applied it to Senecio glaucus, a composite with bright yellow flowers. A boy of unknown tribal connection in the vicinity of the Qatif Oasis gave it for the common sedge, Cyperus conglomeratus. (His names for other plants in the vicinity fitted well 377 with general Bedouin usage). One of my Shammari consultants told me that zamlug can mean "annual plants in general," thus a synonym for Hshb. It seems probable that the name has basically this general sense and was simply being thrown out by speakers who did not know the names of the plants being presented. zarri' (Shammar) The root z r ' is strongly associated with concepts of "seeds" and "cultivation." Shammar informants appear to apply this name to a variety of annual grasses including, besides this Hordeum, Cutandia memphitica, Polypogon monspeliensis, and Avena sativa (the cultivated oat). Hordeum murinum L. subsp. glaucum (Steud.) Tzvelev. Gramineae. K 595, BM 3089, BM 7420. Annual grass with culms ascending to erect, mostly 10-35 cm high. Leaf blades flat, linear-acuminate, 3-8 cm long. Spike linear-oblong, 37 cm long. Awns of the central spikelets ca. 22-25 mm long, slightly exceeded by those of the acuminate lateral spikelets. A weedy species, but sometimes found on apparently undisturbed desert in the north of our study area. zivan (Ruwalah, Musil 1927:631) LoUum rigidum Gand. Gramineae. BM 3060, K 8219, 8253. Glabrous annual grass with culms ascending, usually 30-60 cm high. Leaf blades long-tapering to apex, mostly 5-20 cm long. Spike 10-30 cm long, erect, more or less stiff, with spikelets appressed-ascending. Spikelets awnless, usually 10-15 mm long. Mainly a weed of cultivated areas but also seen on roadsides and on disturbed desert sites. 12. Unaffiliated generics (generics not considered to belong to any life form): 378 nakhl (gen.) Phoenix dactylifera L. Palmae. Dioecious tree with single trunk or with offshoots arising from the base, up to ca. 15 m high in our area. Leaves glaucous, spreading from a terminal crown, mostly 3-5 m long with a woody midrib, the leaflets numerous, induplicate, grading below into strong spines. Inflorescences several, richly paniculate. Flowers sessile, the staminate ones ca. 8 mm long with calyx reduced to a short, 3-toothed cup; petals 3. The pistillate flowers ca. 5 mm long with 3 carpels slightly exserted. Fruit the drupelike date, highly variable in shape size and color according to cultivar. This is the date palm, cultivated on a large scale in the major oases such as those of al-Hasa and al-Qatlf. It also occurs in wild form, which Bedouins call hlsh, in the coastal plain of our study area. Some of these uncultivated plants may be escapes from dropped seeds; others may be remnants of original wild populations (Mandaville 1990:397-398). Bedouins do not consider the date palm a kind of shajar, or "shrub/tree." It is rather a noHn Ihdlhd, "a kind by itself." According to Vidal (1955:164-165) this is also the view of the settled oasis folk, who never refer to a date palm as a shajamh, although that life form does include other oasis plants of shrub or tree form. The fruit-bearing female date palms are propagated by offshoots from mother plants, thus maintaining true varieties by cloning. Pollination is by hand, using sprigs of staminate flowers from the small number of male palms maintained in the orchards. Dates are perhaps the most important locally grown staple food of the Bedouins, who are well familiar with the tree although virtually all of their fruit requirements are purchased from oasis cultivators. A few tribes, including Al Murrah, have settled sections that own date palms in minor oases or irrigated 379 gardens, maintained largely by hired farmers of non-Bedouin background. Dates are picked and eaten in three main stages of development: (1) called bisr, when the fruit is still hard and of characteristic varietal color; it is quite sweet, although the sugar has not yet inverted, (2) called rutab, when the fruit is beginning to change to the fully ripe stage, parts of it (usually the distal end) becoming softer and dark brown, and (3) called tamr, fully ripe, brown and soft dates, which are dried and usually compressed for storage. Due to their high sugar and low moisture content, tamr dates keep well for months (or even years) without refrigeration or other special measures. Bedouins purchase dates mainly in the tamr stage, dried and compressed into blocks for compact storage and carriage. Vidal (1955:163) lists 36 recognized varieties of dates grown in al-Hasa Oasis alone. Some of these names, as folk specifics, are well known and used by the Bedouins in our study area. The list below is incomplete; I have included only those that I have personally heard in use by Bedouin informants, and they are listed in the approximate order of generally accepted fruit quality. These names are known to the Bedouins primarily as fruit varieties, and the average desert tribesman is unlikely to be able to identify the date palm folk specifics when they are not bearing fruit. It is generally appreciated, however, that they come from different "kinds" of nakhl. Generic: nakhl (the date palm) Specifics: khlds (gen.) From khalis, "pure, genuine." A yellow date, generally believed to be the best variety in the Gulf area. It is considered by both Bedouins and townspeople to be bdrid, a "cold" variety, which is highly palatable and easily digested (Vidal 1955:164). 380 hsheyishi (gen.) Diminutive of hashish, "tender, soft." Like the khlas, considered a "cold" variety (Vidal 1955:164). halwah (gen.) halwah, "sweet." A highly esteemed large variety of the north Arabian oases. khnezl (gen.) Apparently from root kh n z, associated with the idea of "stinking, bad smelling"; the association, if any, is unclear. A large, redskinned variety, very sweet in the rutab stage. rzez (gen.) A yellow variety that traditionally has accounted for the bulk of the al-Hasa date crop. Unaffiliated complex: "al-fitnyaf (see section 9.3 for discussion): Generic: fag' Desert truffles (subterranean fungi). The great cultural importance of this generic is discussed in section 6.3. Specifics: zbefR (gen.) Diminutive relative adjective from zibd, "butter," in reference to the slightly off-white color, like freshly churned butter, of the ascocarps. Tirmania nivea (Desf. ex Fr.) Trappe, and probably Tirmania pinoyi (Maire) Malengon. khlds (gen.) From khdlis, khlds, "choice, pure." Terfezia boudieri Chatin. A smaller, reddish-brown colored species. From a Shammarl informant, the apparent variant: ghlds. 381 jbey (gen.) A consultant of the Shammar tribe used the non-diminutive variant jibd. Scientific identity not determined. The kind of truffle called kama by the Ruwalah Bedouins (Musil 1928a: 15) may be a synonym for this specific. It corresponds to a classical Arabic name for desert tuffles (as a generic): kam'a' hben (gen.) Cf. classical hubr, "meat without bones." Variant hobar (Shammar). Possibly "the small desert truffle, Phaeangium lefebvrei Pat.", referred to by Alsheikh and Trappe (1983: 88). bliikh (Shammar) A plural in form. Reportedly found only in the Syrian Desert, including its part in extreme northern Saudi Arabia. Scientific identity undetermined. Generics: 'arjiin (gen.) Podaxis pistillaris (L.) Morse. The club-shaped (capless) desert toadstool widespread in sandy areas of our study area (and in other parts of the world). Edible if collected while still young; eaten baked in campfire ashes. iftarrah (Ban! Hajir) The variant/w/wr oxfutur was recorded (as "Ftur") for mushrooms in Kuwait by Dickson (1955:103-104). As used by my Hajiri consultants, iftarrah refers to capped mushrooms, which are rare in our study area. I have seen at least two different species on different occasions after good rains. Musil (1928a:15) says that mushrooms called hobar (the same name given me by a Shammari for the smallest kind of 382 truffle) were collected and eaten by the Ruwalah. I find no records of scientific determinations of mushrooms in our study area. dhanun (gen.) The variant dhnun (more commonly applied to Orobanche spp.) was heard from a consultant of A1 Murrah. A1 Rashid of the southern Rub' al-Khall (speakers of a southern Arabic dialect) use the synonym bdsul. Cistanche tubulosa (Schrenk) Wight. Orobanchaceae. BM 1789, 7540, 7612. Tuberous parasitic herb arising as a leafless, showy flowering spike, 20-80 cm high. Flowers mostly 4-5 cm long with corolla tube yellow to pinkish violet, aging brownish, cylindrical to funnel-shaped above. Capsule ovoid-oblong, ca. 1.5 cm long. Parasitic, with underground root attachments, on Haloxylon, Cornulaca, other Chenopodiaceae, Zygophyllum and apparently Calligonum. A very conspicous and well-known plant. dhniin (gen.) A variant on the name dhanun, Cistanche tubulosa, to which this genus is related. Applied to three species of Orobanche (Orobanchaceae), all leafless root parasites of generally similar appearance. Musil (1928a:95) lists Orobanche, under the synonym zibb adh-dhikh, as one of the plants eaten baked by the Ruwalah in northern Arabia. This rather puzzling name is possibly a corruption of zibb adhdhlb ("penis of the wolf"), as both versions are listed by Tackholm (1974:853) for Orobanche {dhlb given by her as Egyptian colloquial "deeb"). Orobanche aegyptiaca Pers. BM 1474, BM 1717, 7711. Erect, leafless parasitic herb, arising as a spike of flowers, sometimes branched from 383 near base. Flowers in rather loose and broad spikes, 5-20 cm long. Corollas blue-violet except at base and lower lip, 25-35 mm long with tube cylindrical below, funnel-shaped above, deflexed. Capsule long-ovoid, 68 mm long. Often growing on Rhanterium epapposum. Orobanche cernua Loefl. BM 1726, BM 4068, 8060. Of similar aspect to the last, 10-35 cm high, with flowers 15-20 mm long. Corolla tube cylindrical, hardly widening above, constricted above fruit, yellowish or pale violet above, with pale to dark violet limb. Capsule ovoid to ellipsoid, 6-12 mm long. Found on Lycium and Artemisia. Orobanche mutelii F. W. Schultz. BM 1738, BM 1760, 8067. A dwarfish plant, 5-10(15) cm high, often with no stem visible beneath the flowers. Flowers 12-22 mm long; corollas dirty white, often tinged with pale violet, the tube narrowly funnel-shaped. Capsule ovoid, 6-8 mm long. tarthuth (gen.) Synonyms are zibb al-ard, from zibb, "penis" -i- al-ard, "the earth," thus "earth penis," and zibb al-hamdd, from zibb + hamdd, "flat plains," thus "penis of the plains," both referring to the phalloid form of the plant. Cynomorium coccineum L. Cynomoriaceae. 7685, 8652. Fleshy, reddish, club-shaped and leafless root parasite, to ca. 30 cm high arising from tubers near the roots of host plants. Stem simple, cylindrical, ca. 2 cm in diameter with imbricated scales. Flowers ca. 5 mm long, packed in a dense, very dark red terminal spadix 10-20 cm long. The lower stalks are edible, and the plant is also used to produce a crimson dye. 384 13. Generics of unknown life form status: shbekah (gen.) Variants shabbakah, shubbdk (Bam Hajir); all from shabakah, "net," referring to the way this plant covers and entangles its host shrubs. Applied to two species of Cuscuta (Cuscutaceae), C. planiflora being the more common. Cuscuta planiflora Ten. BM 540, BM 1704, 7053. Twining, filiform, leafless parasite growing upon, sometimes virtually covering, other plants with threadlike, usually yellow stems. Flowers 5-merous, in globose clusters 4-10 mm in diam. Corolla limb with triangular white or reddish lobes. Some flower parts sometimes purplish. Capsule depressed-globose. In our area found on a wide variety of hosts, including Astragalus spp., Horwoodia, Rhanterium, Helianthemum and Fagonia. Cuscuta pedicellata Ledeb. BM 2329. Similar to the last, distinguishable by its stigmas being capitate or subglobose rather than filiform as in C. planiflora. I have no data on the life form status of this anomalous generic, and further study may indicate that it is unaffiliated. Another species, Cuscuta campestris Yuncker (BM 1902, BM 2902, 7772) was found only in oasis cultivation, where it was named by a farmer of alQatlf as suyah, apparently a noun form from sd'a, "to be bad, evil, abominable." It is a serious pest of crops. 385 11. PLANTS AS VEGETATION AND PLACE 11.1. Vegetation Terminology Bedouins have a well developed common set of terms referring to vegetation. This displays some regional variation, but for the most part it cuts across tribal lines. The following list, although to some extent incomplete, will provide some feel for this specialized language. Pertaining to all life forms: waragah. This is a metaphorical term, literally meaning "leaf," applied to new growth of plants. It is used primarily in reference to annuals and is frequently used in passing news of new spring growth from recent rains. "Do you have any waragahT "Is there any "leaf over there? haydh. This is another metaphorical usage, meaning literally "life," also used in the sense of new growth, primarily annuals, and used in the same way as the foregoing. sahh. A term used among Al Murrah (and perhaps other groups) for new plants, just emerging from the ground, after germination following rain. Tribesmen from northern Arabia said the term for them meant "dry, tough dates." Pertaining to 'ishb, "annuals:" dafin. Annuals that germinated from wasm (autumn) rains, as seen in winter. The word is from the root dfn, with the basic meaning of "to bury," "to be buried" and refers to 386 growth from early-germinating seeds that is held back in development by the cold weather of winter, remaining nearly buried until the warmth of spring allows further development. dawdwlr. Literally "those that go in circles." It refers to the denser and better developed circular patches of annual plants growing in the shelter of shrublets as compared to annuals out in the open, which are smaller and less dense. This is a very perceptible characteristic of desert vegetation, and my consultants presented a plausible explanation: "The bush catches more rain and protects the annuals, so they grow bigger." rmdm. Cf. classical ramma, "to be decayed, worn out." This refers to annuals that have died and dried out from the seasonal drought of early summer or from lack of rain earlier in the season. There are several widely known synonyms for rmdm: hamls (something "fried"), hamti (referring to the color red or red-brown),(something become "hard, solid") and sd'irah (something "burning up"). ghamlr. Patches of annuals that have died back once from lack of rain but then have sprung up again green after new, delayed rainfall. Pertaining to shajar ("all perennials"), but mainly shima' ("bushes"): mnammalah. An adjective, with the literal meaning of "anting, covered with ants," referring to bushes that have the first rudiments of leaves appearing early in the rainy season. The visual likeness to ants is particularly apt, I found, with respect to 'arfaj, the composite shrublet Rhanterium epapposum. khudddr ("those becoming green"). Bushes which are in green leaf and good new growth. najll. Bushes in green leaf, thus appearing dark when viewed from a distance. 387 jaldyil (a plural with singulars jaltlah or jalulah, the latter used more often among northern tribes). From the root j 11, connoting the idea of being "high, great" (as in social status). This term is somewhat problematic. I at first took it almost as a specialized life form category specifying some kind of shima', "bushes." Further discussions proved that it had the following characteristics: it is applied only to generics of the shima' (bush) life form that are important for grazing, and its use seemed to imply good condition (green and leafy). It cuts across the hamd/khillah boundary and can be used for either. The following generics were offered as possible examples of the category: 'arfaj, sabat, rimth, thmdm, and 'andab. These are all important grazing plants. I can gloss it only as something like "good grazing plants in good condition." The term could obviously be useful to a herdsman returning from a vegetation scouting expedition. lif. The linguistic root, ryf, is associated with ideas of "fertility, fruitfulness." Explanations for this term were rather variable, but it appeared to be a collective for perennial plants, particularly grasses, that provide grazing into the rainless period of early summer. Some consultants said referred to dry plants, particularly dry grasses; others allowed the plants could be still green. Generics particularly associated with the term are the grasses nusT {Stipagrostis plumosa) and sabat (Stipagrostis drarii). Both are important early summer grazing species. 11.2. Plants in Topography The Bedouin describes his desert lands with a rich repertoire of topographic terms, and vegetation often plays an important role in defining or characterizing them. Sometimes the two factors are so closely related that it is difficult to decide whether words are 388 basically topographic terms characterized by certain plants, or plant community names associated with particular land forms. A gdz (pi. glzdn), for example, is defined as an area of sand terrain having ghadd shrubs {Haloxylon persicum) as the dominant perennial. Tribes in northern Arabia use gaslmah (pi. gsdyim) for the same feature. Ghada is one of the largest shrubs found in the deep sands, and stands of it are always characterized by unusually large, wind-blown sand hummocks that accumulate around the shrub bases. The shrubs are also fairly wide spaced compared to the situation in areas carrying other perennials. The term thus immediately conjures up a specific terrain type known by all Bedouins. A stand of ghadd is distinguished by a special term presumably not only because the terrain is distinctive but because of the importance of the shrub for both saltbush grazing and for firewood supply. For reference to a place characterized by one dominant shrub I also once heard the plant name put into the special Arabic grammatical form called the "noun of place or abundance". Thus the term mirmdth was applied to a "place abounding in rimth shrubs" {Haloxylon salicornicum). Other terms may be less specific but nevertheless associated with individual classes of plants. They usually can also be considered names for grazing, or range types. BanI Hajir apply the term 'afjah (pi. 'ifdj) to an area with mixed hamd (saltbush) vegetation. For a hamd area particularly good for camels, with such species as rimth {Haloxylon salicornicum) and dumrdn {Traganum nudatum), southern tribes including Al Murrah and Qahtan use the term msds. A synonym used in the north among the Ruwalah is mara'. The opposite of a msds is a wakhmah (pi. wkhum) an area without hamd and usually with poor grazing of other sorts. Bani Hajir and Al Murrah use the term hamrur (pi. hmdrir) for areas of sand terrain that carry perennials said to be khafifah ("light weight"), such as grasses or the 389 sedge 'andab {Cyperus conglomeratus). A more general term is marbakh (pi. mrdbikh), applied to an area dotted (and usually hummocked) with bushes, sometimes of any type but often of the class called khillah, "non-saltbushes." A consultant of BanI Hajir used the term 'afsh in much the same sense: "ground with many bushes." An area virtually without any perennial vegetation at all, particularly in the northern plains where shrubs are overall fairly plentiful, is called a gra'ah ("baldland"). The same word, with definite article, is also the name of a specific shrubless area in the northern plains of Saudi Arabia's Eastern Province. As an aside I will mention the topographic term "dikakah," which appears in the glossaries of some maps of eastern Saudi Arabia prepared by the Arabian American Oil Company (now the Saudi Arabian Oil Company). The meaning given for this on map legends is always something like "ground with dense sand hummocks around shrubs, difficult to traverse by motor vehicles". Early American geologists picked up this term in the 1930s from some unknown source, and having obvious utility it has been passed on through several generations of American field personnel to the present day. To be an "experienced desert hand" one had to know and use the term, "dikakah." I questioned numerous Bedouins, of different tribes, about this term, but none of them knew it as a terrain type (although some Bedouin guides learned to use it, once it had become part of oil company lore, "because that's what my boss calls it.") Among themselves Bedouins usually simply use the word wa'r ("rough place") for such terrain. "Ad-Dikakah" does occur as the name of a specific area in the southern Rub' al-Khall, but the explorer Bertram Thomas' description of this region, both in words and photographs (Thomas 1932:188-203) indicates nothing of close-spaced bushes and much of rolling sand terrain only dotted here and there as usual with occasional shrubs. Thesiger (1949:44) goes as far as putting this into a list of topographical terms (spelled "dakaka") which he defines as 390 "Undulating ground consisting largely of hard packed sand," but he appears to use it in his writings only as the proper name of the region traversed by Thomas. In any case, the geologists' "dikakah" was in use before Thesiger's travels and before they themselves had penetrated that deeply into the southern sands. Its origin is still a mystery. Bedouins will often give directions to travelers in terms of the boundaries of plant communities. For example: "Go north until you come to the end of the rimth [rimth being the dominant bush in a well-known community type] and reach the gra'ah [meaning an area without any bushes at all], then turn right and go for about an hour along the edge until you see some 'osaj [a kind of large, dark, shrub]. The camp is just beyond those." Boundaries of area place names are often marked by shifts in vegetation. The well known and important grazing tract called al-Habl (centered some 80 km westnorthwest of ad-Dammam) has its boundaries with other named areas both to its south and west marked by a shift in dominant bush type from khillah to hamd. The northeastem coastal tract called as-Sudah is defined by the presence of hamd (saltbush) vegetation), in contrast to surrounding areas without it. The name refers to the "blackness" of such bushes when they are in winter dormancy and/or the dark color of their succulent foliage in summer. Individual plant species may also provide guidance in choosing routes through difficult terrain. A1 Murrah guides taught me to avoid spots with gasbd, the bushy perennial grass Centropodia forsskalii, while driving motor vehicles in heavy dune country; that plant marks places where dune sand stratification of former slip faces is nearly vertical, leading to very soft spots in which cars are liable to get stuck. This is doubtless a bit of plant-topographical lore that has been passed on from a time when travel was exclusively by camels, where it would have been equally useful. 391 Plant names also occur rather frequently in the specific names of places, sometimes referring to an area where the plant referent is widely abundant, but sometimes to where it is rare and unusual, and thus noteworthy. A common formula for such names is the creation of a feminine noun through attachment to the plant name of the relative adjective (nisbah) suffix -ly, in turn linked to the marker of the feminine singular -ah or plural -at. Following are some examples from our study area: al-Harmaliyah, from harmal, the shrublet Rhazya stricta (Apocynaceae). A hill and settlement about 80 km south of the al-Hasa Oasis. al-Huwaydhlyah, from the diminutive of hddh, the shrublet Cornulaca monacantha (Chenopodiaceae). A group of hills 50 km south of the al-Hasa Oasis. al-Hamatlyat, from hamdt, the small perennial Moltkiopsis ciliata (Boraginaceae). A series of seasonal water courses in the vicinity of the Saudi Arabia-Kuwait border. The masculine adjectival form is less common, an example being: al -KhuzamI, from khzdmd, the annual Horwoodia dicksoniae (Cruciferae). A well about 170 km west of Dhahran. Plant names may also be coupled with the parental terms abU, aba, "father," or umm, "mother" to form a name denoting a place where a certain plant is found. Thus: 392 Aba al-'Abal, from aba, "father [of]," + al-'abal, "the 'abal shrubs," Calligonum comosum (Polygonaceae). A well 50 km west of Dhahran. Umm al-'Adhir, from umm, "mother [of]," + al-'ddhir, "the 'ddhir hushes," Artemisia monosperma (Compositae). A well in the same general area as the last. Plant names may also be linked with a topographic term to make a specific place name, as in; Barqa' ad-Dumran, from bargd, meaning "a broad hill with sand banked along its sides" + ad-dumran, the shrublet Traganum nudatum (Chenopodiaceae), with definite article. An elevated area 55 km southwest of the al-Hasa Oasis. Mishash Abu al-'Ikrish, from mishdsh, meaning "shallow, hand-dug water well" + abii, "father [of]" + Hkrish, the grass Aeluropus lagopoides. A well 105 km southwest of al-Hasa Oasis. Ras Abu Muraykhah, from ras, "headland, cape" -i- abii, "father [of]" + muraykhah, diminutive singular of markh, the shrub Leptadenia pyrotechnica (Asclepiadaceae). A Gulf coastal headland 12 km northwest of Ras Tanura. Rijm ash-Shinanah, from rijm, "stone marker cairn," + ash-shinanah, "the shindn bush," Seidlitzia rosmarinus (Chenopodiaceae). A high point on the eastern edge of the Dahna' sand belt near the Khurais oil field. Jabal Dawmat al-'Arad, from jabal, "hill," + ddmah{t) (meaning uncertain) -i- al'ardd, "the 'ararf bushes," Salsola cyclophylla (Chenopodiaceae). A rocky hill 70 km southwest of an-Nu'ayrlyah. 393 Jabal Nufayl, from jabal, "hill" + nufayl, diminutive of nafl, the leguminous annual Trigonella stellata. A hill 50 km west of al-Jubayl. Jaww ash-Shanayin, from jaww, "valley, hollow," + ash-shandyin, plural, of shindn, the chenopodiaceous shrublet Seidlitzia rosmarinus. A low area 35 km southwest of Abqaiq. A few place names are simply a plant name, usually in singular form, without additions except the definite article: al-Qaysumah, al-gesumah, "the gesiim bush," Achillea fragrantissima (Compositae). A pump station and settlement on the Trans-Arabian Pipeline, near the northwestern edge of our core study area. It was originally the name of a slight depression in the vicinity that had gesiim bushes on its silty floor. The name was applied there because this was an exceptional occurrence of a plant commonly found only well northwest of this area. as-Sudayrah, as-sudayrah, "the little sidr tree" (singular diminutive), Ziziphus spina-christi (Rhamnaceae). A well 25 km south of an-Nu'ayriyah. Ar-Rakah, ar-rdkah, "the rdk shrub" (singular), the shrub Salvadora persica (Salvadoraceae), in this case marking "the place where rdk grows." A suburban area between ad-Dammam and al-Khubar. The name refers to the growth there in former times of rdk, used to make tooth brushes. Plant-related topographic terms may also be coupled with a non-plant designator acting something like a specific epithet in naming a place or area. Thus: 394 Marbakh al-faras, from marbakh, "sand area with many bushes" + al-faras, "the mare," forming a name meaning "marbakh of the mare." An area in the northern Rub' al-Khall. Qlzan al-Maqran, from glzdn, pi. of gdz, "sand area with ghadd shrubs," Haloxylon persicum (Chenopodiaceae) + al-magran, "place of hom-like knobs". An area in the northern Rub' al-Khali. 395 12. PLANTS AND THE SUPERNATURAL I would hesitate to describe the Bedouins of our study area as "superstitious." They are of an eminently practical nature and smile at ghost stories. At the same time, however, they do generally avoid some places and things considered to be of bad omen and the abode of the creatures called jinn (classically jdnn), sing. jinm. The jinn are not treated as supernatural beings in the sense of "unexplained." Their existence is quite accepted in orthodox Islam, where they are considered a third class of intelligent beings, the other two being mankind and angels (Macdonald 1953:90). Their acceptance is near universal in Arabia among the untutored and even (as an Islamic belief) among many of today's college graduates. The jinn are not considered to be intrinsically evil. They may be harmless or even sometimes helpful, but they are also mischievous and may play tricks on mankind that may be harmful, or at least frightening. They are thought of as having a form similar to humans but are capable of assuming the shape of other creatures to suit their designs. The places they frequent are often old ruin sites, remote desert wells or unusual rock formations. They are also associated with certain kinds of desert plants, which tend to be large, dense, dark colored shrubs. Prominent among these in our east Arabian study area (and also in the north, according to Musil 1928a:416), is the 'osaj ( also called 'dshaj, 'dshaz), Lycium shawii Roem. et Schult. and L. depressum Stocks. This densely and intricately stiff-branched shrub, usually 1.5-2.5 m high, tends to occur in discrete groves of about 5-50 individuals. I have seen it on several occasions around abandoned ruins or graveyards in rural areas, which might account in part for its general spookiness. Dickson (1951:537-538) says that Bedouins will never cut wood from an 'oso/bush and 396 when approaching it will always invoke God's protection by saying the bismilldh formula ("In the Name of God, the Merciful, the Compassionate"). They will then throw a stone into the bush to appease the spirits. I have never seen this little ceremony performed, but I have seldom been near these shrubs in Bedouin company and have seen 'osaj bushes with otherwise unexplainable piles of stones in their bases. All Bedouins know that the small round, reddish berries of 'osaj are edible (section 6.3, above), but I have never seen them collecting or eating them. Another shrub associated with jinn among the Ruwalah, according to Musil (1928a:416) is the sidr {Ziziphus nummularia (Burm. f.) Wight et Am. The sidr is a large, quite woody shrub of silt basins in the inland Summan region of our study area and farther north. The Ruwalah, according to Musil, believe there is a spirit in each bush and that jinn have their gardens where the shrub occurs in groves (as it usually does). I have traveled with Bedouins in the Summan sidr country of our study area and never noted any particular respect given this plant. Dickson (1951:652) says that the chiefs of the Mutayr tribe prize and guard the sidr trees of the Summan and that the form of camel stick called the mish'db is cut from it. The jinn association with the sidr may thus be restricted to the Ruwalah country farther to the north and west. In the northwestern part of the Rub' al-Khall is a place called Jawb al-'Asal ("Basin of the 'asal Bushes"), a low place surrounded by dunes dotted with large, dark shrubs of ^asal {Suaeda monoica Forssk. ex J. F. Gmel., Chenopodiaceae). This big, succulent saltbush grows 1-3 m high. It grows nowhere else in our study area, and I consider the stand a relic of a wider population that extended from the southwest in earlier, pluvial times (Mandaville 1990:83). I passed through Jawb al-'Asal in a motor convoy in 1965, and our Marri guide obviously preferred not to spend the night there although I had heard of the place and wanted to stop. He had explained the day before 397 how this place was considered haunted, a situation he connected with the unusual 'asal shrubs growing there. He was not in the least surprised when our main supply truck broke down with a rear-end differential problem amid the 'ami bushes, interrupting the trip with two days of repair work, the only mechanical mishap of a 10-day expedition. Charles Doughty, traveling in northwestern Arabia in 1876-78, was stopped by his Arab traveling companions from cutting some pieces off an Acacia tree for tent pegs. One of the defenders said the tree was y/nn-possessed and that one of his fellows had broken just one branch, after which he had died along with all his livestock. It was said that a little girl who had gathered only a fallen stick for firewood had her arm paralyzed (Doughty 1936:1:411 ). Trees and shrubs. Doughty found, were often thought to be mandhil (sing, manhal), the camping or descending places of angels or jinn, magical places where travelers would place offerings of beads and cloth pieces, and he wondered if such places were hangovers from ancient tree-worship in pre-Islamic Arabia (ibid.:497). One cannot help speculating also about possible conservation functions. Such ideas have indeed been around for a long time. W. Robertson Smith (whose data remain useful despite the general discrediting of his totemic theory) recounts from classical Arabic literature the story of Harb ibn 'Umayyah and Mirdas ibn Abi 'Amir, historical personages of the generation before the prophet Muhammad. They set fire to a shrub thicket to clear it for cultivation. The jinn of the place flew away in the form of white snakes, and the two men died soon after. "Here the spirits of the trees take serpent form when they leave their natural seats, and similarly in Moslem superstition the jinn of the 'oshr and the hamdta are serpents which frequent trees of these species" (Smith 1894:133). The "'oshr" here is our friend Calotropis procera (sections 6.4, 6.7); the "hamdta" is the wild fig of the Hijaz mountains. Henri Lammens, in his most valuable account of Western Arabia at the time of the birth of Islam, speaks of the pre-Islamic 398 sanctuaries of the Hijaz and their cult trees with votive offerings, as well as how the Prophet himself tolerated the sacred samrah (Acacia tortilis) of al-Hudaybiyah (Lammens 1914:70-71). With respect to the apparent, present-day bans sometimes observed on the cutting of 'osaj or (by some) of sidr, I would note that both of these shrubs are in any case hardly prime candidates for fuel. The 'osaj has short, stiff, almost spinescent branches, tough and hard to cut; sidr is armed with vicious hooked spines that leave anyone, once they have tried to release themselves from its bite, hesitant ever again to approach too closely. 399 13. BEDOUIN PLANT LORE IN SPACE AND TIME Use of our system of Bedouin plant names and classification is not restricted to eastern or central Saudi Arabia, nor even to the Arabian Peninsula. It in fact extends westward for some 5,000 kilometers, over 55 degrees of longitude and at least seven present nationstates, to the far western edge of the Sahara and within a stone's throw of Atlantic beaches. This is the great western part of the Saharo-Arabian floristic region, where the desert flora largely reproduces that of the Arabian Peninsula. There, wherever Arabic speaking tribes are found, our Bedouin plant language is in current use, existing side-byside with one or more parallel sets of terms used by the original Berber inhabitants. It was carried there by westward-spreading Arab tribes beginning mainly in the middle of the eleventh century. i The leading groups were the BanI Hilal and the Sulaym, who had moved from the Arabian Peninsula into Egypt in the eighth century (Abun-Nasr 1987:69) and who were unleashed on the countrysides to the west about 1050, by the Fatimid ruler al-Mustansir, carrying with them Bedouin Arabic (Julien 1970:72-73). Today's North African plant vocabulary is not exactly the same as that used by our east Arabian consultants. There are dialectal shifts and a mixture of Berber and other loan words. But much remains that is familiar. Writing in the middle of the twentieth century, French botanists working in territories now part of Mauritania prefaced their collection of vernacular plant names with the observation that (here in translation): The Maures classify plants into two categories: woody plants and ephemeral herbaceous plants. ... A. The woody plants, trees, bushes and shrubs are called "ssdar" (in the collective). This word is the Maure representation of the ^ I thank Prof. Michael Bonine for pointing out the comparatively late (relative to the initial Muslim conquest of the seventh century) spread of Bedouin Arabic into the North African hinterland. 400 classical [Arabic] Sagar.... B. The ephemeral herbaceous plants. These are the therophytes, that is to say "the ephemeral vegetation of annual herbaceous plants appearing after rain" (Monod)... as a group the acheb .... (Monteil and Sauvage 1949:27) Hilda Gauthier-Pilters, who in course of her unique studies of camel grazing practices in this same area acquired an intimate knowledge of the flora and its vernacular nomenclature, records the following names (Table 13.1), selected by me from two separate lists (Gauthier-Pilters 1961, 1965). I add my own Najdi Arabic records beside them. Table 13.1 Comparison of Western Saharan and NajdT Arabic Plant Names Western Saharan akrich alenda shot nsi art hammouidh had damran remt souit talha sder ethl tarfa chagar goulglane choubrek relga rerdag djada neggoud mkar arfedg Aeluropus littoralis Ephedra alata Stipagrostis pungens Stipagrostis plumosa Calligonum comosum Rumex vesicarius Cornulaca monacantha Traganum nudatum Haloxylon scoparium Suaeda mollis Acacia raddiana Ziziphus Tamarix aphylla Tamarix pauciovulata Matthiola livida Savignya parviflora Zilla macroptera Pergularia tomentosa Periploca laevigata Merrubium deserti Anvillea radiata Launaea resedifolia Rhanterium adpressum Naidi Arabic 'ikrish 'alandd sabat nusi artd hummed hddh 4umrdn rimth suwwdd talh sidr athl tarfa shgdrd glegilan shibrig ghalga ghardag ja'dah nigd makar 'arfaj Aeluropus litoralis Ephedra alata Stipagrostis drarii Stipagrostis plumosa Calligonum comosum Rumex vesicarius Cornulaca monacantha Traganum nudatum Haloxylon salicornicum Suaeda vermiculata Acacia raddiana Ziziphus (2 spp.) Tamarix aphylla Tamarix spp. Matthiola longipetala Savignya parviflora Zilla spinosa Pergularia tomentosa Nitraria retusa Teucrium polium Anvillea garcinii Polycarpaea repens Rhanterium epapposum Even in this author's informal French-style transliteration, the near identity of her names and their applications with ours are clearly evident. Similar examples can be found in 401 botanical works dealing with regions stretching back eastward to the Red Sea (e.g. Quezal and Santa 1962-1963; Tackholm 1974). Bedouin Arabic plant nomenclature also has great depth in time. Few ethnobotanists have the luxury of viewing the diachronic development of their folk nomenclature and classifications back beyond one or two hundred years, if that. Some quirks in the development of Arabic as a literary language, however, give us the opportunity to view Bedouin plant names and plant classification as they were over 1100 years ago and to compare that state of affairs with today's practice. This possibility arises from several factors. First, among the Islamic scholars of the first two centuries after the Prophet Muhammad, there was overwhelming concern for the exploration and analysis of what was becoming classical Arabic, essentially the language of the Prophet's revelation. Meanwhile, the highest form of art continued to be that fund of Bedouin poetry, couched in similar classical style but as yet largely unwritten, that had developed in the century or two immediately preceding the time of Muhammad. At the same time, the Islamic empire was expanding at an explosive pace, bringing into its fold peoples whose native languages were not Arabic. Early scholars, some of them of non-Arab origin themselves, were thus greatly concerned with the codification of Arabic grammar to establish a firm base for study of the Qur'an and classical verse, and for the development of dictionaries to maintain Arabic vocabulary. These concems were particularly acute in the urban milieu of Iraq after the move of the Islamic capital to Baghdad in the mid-eighth century A.D. Here the life of Arabs, amid an increasingly foreign population, was already becoming disconnected from the Peninsular homeland (Fiick 1955:47). Schools of grammar and philology became established at Basra and Kufa in Iraq and vied with each other in the collection and analysis of Arabic linguistic materials. 402 For us the significant aspect of all these developments was the fact that the ideal standard for the Arabic speech under study was held to be not that of the cities or of the working scholars themselves. Rather, it was the speech of Bedouins — preferably those from the midsection of the Arabian Peninsula (Blachere 1950:38) — that was held to be closest to poetic Arabic and as yet unsullied by contact with non-Arabs in the burgeoning city culture of Baghdad. The approach taken by the philologists was to enlist Bedouin informants and consultants, much as a linguist or ethnobiologist might do today, in their study and collection of the vocabulary of desert nomadism that was essential to the full understanding of pre-Islamic and early Islamic Arabic poetry (Fiick 1955, Veersteegh 1997). Thus Blachere titles his sketch of this unique scholarly relationship "Les Savants c c Iraqiens et Leurs Informateurs Bedouins aux II - IV Siecles de L'Hegire" (Blachere 1950). Blau (1963) has shown that some of the traditional lore associated with the use of these Bedouin consultants is probably apocryphal, particularly the stories of Bedouin arbitrators being called in to settle disputes of specialists in issues of classical grammar. He concludes, however, that in matters of lexicography Bedouins were indeed consulted and played an important role. These Bedouin consultants were called ruwdt (sing, rdwl), literally "reciters". Primarily this term referred to those who had committed to memory great stores of classical poetry and who could recite these with proper classical vocalization. It also applied to informants who provided general linguistic information, such as the vocabulary that figured in such verse (Jacobi 1995). Inasmuch as descriptions of desert plants and animals figured prominently in the classical oral poetry tradition, the works of early philologists often included specialized vocabularies, derived from Bedouin consultants, in various fields of natural history. Of the various works entitled kitdb an-nabdt or kitdb an-nabdt wash-shajar ("The Book of Plants" or "The Book of Plants and Trees") compiled by the early philologists 403 (many of which are no longer known to exist even in manuscript), by far the most important was that by Abu Hanlfah ad-Dinawarl (d. 895 A.D.). Lewin says of it: Of all the learned works of Abu Hanlfa ad-Dlnawarl (d. about 282/895) the most popular one is undoubtedly his Kitdb an-nabdt. At all times it has been linked with the name of Dinawari, who, down to this day, is known in the Orient simply as "the Author of the Book of Plants". In fact, the rich botanical nomenclature of the classical Arabic language was known to later generations of philologists, lexicographers and writers on botanical and pharmacological matters essentially through this work of Dinawari, considered also by Western orientalists as one of the very great contributions in the field of Arabic philology and as a specimen of genuine scholarship (Lewin 1953:1). Lewin has shown that this work consisted of two sections, one a series of monograph discussions about various aspects and uses of plants, the other a listing of plant names and descriptions in alphabetical order. Parts of the work have been widely quoted in early Arabic dictionaries, but no manuscript of the original text was known until 1947, with the discovery in Medina of a fragment (40 manuscript leaves) of the book (Lewin 1953). A manuscript volume was found about a year later at the University Library in Istanbul. This was the beginning of the alphabetical section, covering the initial letters alifio zdy. Lewin edited this into a printed Arabic text (Lewin 1953). The source material used by ad-Dlnawarl was both written and oral. L. Kopf, in his review of Lewin's publication, made particular note of the use of Bedouin informants: Remarkable is the wealth of information which Abu Hanifa derived directly from the mouth of Bedouins. He was one of the last representatives of that epoch in which practically all philologists extensively and systematically used the Arabs of the desert for their researches. Later on, only few ones are reported to have followed this method, which completely fell into disuse after the time of alCauharl. Although Abu Hanlfa derived his information from Bedouins who belonged to various tribes and who stemmed from different parts of the Arabian Peninsula ... the tribe of Asad is mentioned ... a Bedouin from 'Uman ... another from aqdsi ard al-'arab ... it need not be assumed that he had visited all these 404 places himself. He probably met the Bedouins, as did practically all his predecessors ... in or near his various places of domicile (Kopf 1955:150). Yet another part of Kitdb an-nabdt was later discovered among Arabic manuscripts of the Yale University Library and published in Arabic text by Lewin (1974). This was the third part of the overall work, consisting of monographs on specific groups of plants or uses. Meanwhile, in 1973, Muhammad Hamidullah published a reconstitution of the remainder of the alphabetical section (letters sin through yd) by compiling quotations attributed to adDinawari from the later major Arabic dictionaries (Hamidullah 1973). It is known from references in extant portions of the Kitdb an-nabdt that one of Abu Hanlfah's monographs was titled Bdb tajnls an-nabdt, "Section on the Classification of Plants" (Lewin 1953:3). Unfortunately the text of this, which would have provided an invaluable point of comparison for our present-day Bedouin plant classification, is not among the parts so far discovered. Nevertheless, some aspects of this framework can be gleaned from remarks in other sections and in other words, and will be discussed below. I have chosen mainly the alphabetic section of Kitdb an-nabdt, using Lewin's edition of the first part and Hamidullah's reconstitution of the remainder, as a point of comparison with the plant names recorded from Bedouin consultants today. The results are shown in Appendix A. This tabulation shows that of 251 present-day names, 179 (71 percent) have, in the ninth century texts, either exact equivalents or very close cognates of the same linguistic root. Of these 179, 120 (67 percent) are accompanied by at least some evidence that they were applied to the same scientific species that they label today, while 31 (17 percent) appeared to differ. The remainder (16 percent) lacked sufficient description to be assigned either way. Such early works also list many of the same uses, of the same plants, that are made of them by Bedouins today, such as for food, dyeing. 405 tanning and medicines. The shrublet ramram, for example was used to treat snakebite, as it is today, at least as early as the ninth century A.D. (Lewin 1953:193). Of the present-day generics without such early historical cognates, the majority tend to be productives, otherwise complex lexemes or descriptives, rather than the simple, unanalyzable names that form the core of the Bedouin classification — core in the sense of referring to those perennial plants that make up the great bulk of the visually prominent and economically useful desert vegetation. This core group, including such generics as rimth, 'arfaj, thmdm, sabat, nasi, artd, harm, ghadd, hddh, sidr, tarfd, salam, samur and talh, have carried their names without change for over 1100 years. The same can be said of the more common annuals of the desert landscape, such as yanam, gahwlydn, hodhdn, and huwwd. The early existence of what I call "growth stage generics" (section 9.7) is proved in the lexicographical literature. At least one example involves exactly the names and applications used today: The philologist al-Asma'I (d. 831 A.D.) points out that halam, after it has dried out, is called hamdt (Al-Ghunaym 1972:19). He also, as do Bedouins today, provides various growth stage or condition names for nusl, the important grazing grass Stipagrostis plumosa. Thus nusl, when it has gone dry, is called haly, after it has darkened and broken up it is called dawll (ibid.:22). There are a few unexpected absences in the old data. We find no ruth saltbush, so important to the northern tribes today, but that species probably lies in one of the few old hamd plant (saltbush) names listed which we have not yet identified. Samh, the Mesembryanthemum so important, at least until relatively recently, for its edible seeds, carried the namt fathth in those early times, although the names of two of its seedproducing close relatives have not changed. We also look in vain for two important annuals with edible rootstock: rubahlah and hambizdn. These, and others, might be 406 identifiable upon closer study of differently named edible plants listed by Abu Hanlfah. The mm&faq', for desert truffles, seems to have been used in those times for a non-edible, even poisonous toadstool, while kama' was the truffle designator. The question of early terms for the more inclusive categories of plants, and the overall matter of classification, is less straightforward. Our classes of shajar and Hshb were obviously well known to Abu Hanlfah and his near contemporaries. Shajar seems to be accepted as a word needing no definition, although remarks by AbU Hanlfah on other plant classes as compared to shajar make it clear that shajar are plants whose main stem is not destroyed by the winter cold (Lewin 1953:90), thus referring to both trees and shrubs, and even perennial herbs. Abu Hanifah's several references to changes in different plant classes as effects of winter indicate he is viewing these classes not as a Bedouin of the Arabian Peninsula but rather as a more general quasi-botanist familiar with more temperate climes inluding the sometimes frosty mountains of his native Iran. Thus he defines 'ushb (the Bedouin Hshb) as (my translations) "whatever [plants] are destroyed by winter [cold] and that grow forth again from [buried] rootstock or seeds" (Hamidullah 1973:133) rather than as "those killed by summer drought", as Bedouins say today. He uses baql as a general term for "herbs" (as opposed to shrubs or trees), and divides these into two classes, one called adh-dhukur (lit. "the male ones"), that are thicker and harder, the other called al-ahrdr (literally "the 'free' or 'true' ones") that are softer and finer (Lewin 1953:182). It is unclear to what extent these terms were actually used by the Bedouins of that time. My modem Bedouin consultants did not recognize the terms adh-dhukur or alahrdr. The term baql is understood as a general Arabic word referring to "herbs" or "greens" and is used in some Arab countries today in specific reference to the salad herb, Portulaca oleracea. 407 Abu Hanlfah's work, as we know from an entry in his alphabetic section, included a monograph on the 'idah, the class of spiny trees given the same name by our Bedouin consultants today. That section is not included in the monograph material known to be extant, but use of the term by other early philologists provided a clear account of its use. Al-Asma'I defines the class as "all trees that have thorns and which grow big" (AlGhunaym 1972:23). The examples he gives of this class, beginning with talk, salam, sayydl, 'urfut and samur, show that its focus was then, as now, on the genus Acacia. Ibn Khalawayh divides the class into two subgroups; al-'iddh al-khdlis ("the true Hddh) being the large thorny trees, while the small ones are called al-'idd or ash-shirs (Nagelberg 1909:1). Acacias are given as examples of the first; of the second the majority are bushes of western Arabia and the Hijaz mountains although he includes our shubrum (Zilla spinosa). Our present-day common Bedouin word for bush, shima', is rather surprisingly quite absent from these early botanical works, as is its equivalent among today's northern tribes, qisha'. Nor does there appear to be any other life form name referring only to "bush." Abu Hanifah describes a life form class called janbah, intermediate between herbs and shajar, but this appears to refer to perennials that die back to ground level and maintain a persistent rootstock while (unlike a tree or the majority of bushes) losing its upper stem (Lewin 1953:90). Among my consultants, some northern tribesmen used the term janbah, but only as a generic name for the low zygophyllaceous perennial Fagonia bruguieri which, interestingly, is in fact intermediate in growth form between an herb and a shrublet. The apparent absence of a Bedouin term for "bush" a millennium ago is of interest, as discussed in section 9.2, with respect to Brown's (1977,1984a) universal evolutionary scheme for the development of life form terms. The apparent late addition of 408 "bush" supports his hypothesis that "tree" and "grerb" (or "grass") would be encoded first. Abu Hanlfah did not originate these classes that are not recognized today by the Bedouins. As pointed out by Lewin (1953:intro.:6), he quotes Abu 'Amr ash-ShaybanI (d. 821 A.D.) concerning the division of plants into dhukur, ahrdr, and janbah. He also quotes lines of poetry, including some by Dhu ar-Rummah of the Omayyad period (661750 A.D.), referring to baql of the dhukur and ahrdr classes (ibid.: 182). As shown in AlGhunaym (1972), the same terms, sometimes with identical identifying phrases, are found in the Kitdb an-nabdt of al-Asma'i (d. 831 A.D.), who groups his lists of herbs under these headings. The later writer Ibn Khalawayh (d. 980 A.D.) provides a somewhat different picture, dividing all vegetation between shajar and kald' ("herbage"), the latter subdivided into 'ushb, the "male" type that is big and thickish and baql, that are "fine" and "soft" (Nagelberg 1909:10). He goes on to list many kinds of annuals, virtually all of which are individually designated with the term 'ushbah, just as a Bedouin would do today, and perhaps as Bedouin consultants did then. Today's Bedouin division of grazing plants into hamd and khillah based on nutritional requirements of the camel was also clearly recognized in Abu Hanlfah's time, and no doubt before. He seems to have come to about the same conclusion we have with regard to the nature of khillah. Under the heading "khallah or khullah" in his alphabetical section, Abu Hanlfah defines that word as meaning "pasturage in which there is no saltiness in its bushes or other" [plants, or perhaps even ground]. He notes that khullah may be said to be a kind of "land" while hamd is not so used, implying that hamd can refer only to plants themselves (Lewin 1953:154). Al-Asma'i had earlier described the hamdikhillah contrast, quoting 1100 years ago the same saying that Bedouins repeat today: "khullah for camels is like (lit."of the rank of) bread, while hamd [for them] is like meat" 409 (Al-Ghunaym 1972:17). "Hamd" he says, "is that which is saline, while khullah has no saltiness in it" (ibid.:17). He goes on to list the plants classed as hamd, the majority of which carry precisely the same saltbush names used by Bedouins today. A full comparative analysis of early Islamic plant classification is outside the scope of this study. We may say from our brief survey here that much is very similar to Bedouin usage today, while some, such as the grouping of baql into dhukur and ahrdr, seems quite different. We seem to have an underlying folk system with terms much like those found today overlain by a rationalized view of plants added by writers familiar with more termperate areas and a wider range of plant growth forms. The early philologists were scholars well versed in formal, written grammar, which has a strong transitive taxonomic structure ("a noun of kind is a kind of collective, which is a kind of noun which is a kind of word"). A tendency toward "overdifferentiation" might not be unexpected. Overall, however, considering both our comparison of generic names and the remarks above on terms of classification, our data suggests that a Bedouin of east-central Arabia would feel quite at home in discussing desert plants with his counterpart of 1100 years ago. The terminological differences would hardly exceed that variation experienced today between Bedouins of different geographical parts of the Najdl Arabic dialect territory ~ another testimony to the conservatism and endurance of oral tradition among these pastoralists. 410 14. INDIGENOUS BOTANICAL KNOWLEDGE IN A CHANGING WORLD As indicated by remarks in the introduction to this study, Bedouin life style and practices at the time of my data collection between 1960 and the early 1970s were still much as they had been at the time of Musil's travels, early in the last century. Beginning with the following decade and its flood of "petrodollars," however, the central Arabian Peninsula fairly plunged into change, with strong consequences for both the settled and nomadic populations. My brief remarks here concem only the impact on traditional plant knowledge; other writers (see particularly Lancaster 1997) have dealt with the broader scope of Bedouin adaptations to modemism. The Saudi Arabian boom years took me away from the Bedouins as new oil company projects, just like the govemment ones, soaked up all available manpower, then recruited thousands of additional people from outside the country. But even chance encounters told me that Bedouin life was no longer what it had been. I remember my shock while out on a weekend desert camping trip I stopped to inquire directions from a camel herder. He had looked slightly unusual from a distance; face-to-face he was smiling but spoke little Arabic and knew nothing of the country beyond the horizon. He was from Pakistan. A few months later I had another such encounter, this time with a Sudani who, while voluble in his brand of Arabic and happy to talk with me all day, was of little help with local topography and had obviously been instructed by his employer not to talk to strangers about where the family camp was. At least some Bedouins were now hiring foreigners to herd their camels. I wondered if "checking on the herd" was becoming, for its owners, not much more than an excuse for weekend picnics. 411 At the time of my last visit to Saudi Arabia, in 1998,1 hired a four-wheel-drive vehicle and drove out to the 'Ayn Dar camel trough area hoping to find some members (or at least their descendants) of the Ghayathin A1 Murrah I had known there 35 years earlier. It was summer camp time, but not a single black tent was to be seen. I finally stopped at a drilled water well where off at a distance I could see a modem, concrete block house and walled courtyard. Inquiring at the door I discovered that the owners were indeed Ghayathin and that they recognized the names of my old friends. The house had air conditioning units in two of the windows, and a motor generator^ sat outside, providing electricity for those as well as a refrigerator, lights, and television. I was invited to sit on rugs in the courtyard where coffee, dates and a large bowl of camel milk were served. Near sunset dust appeared on the horizon and a herd of fine, black majdhlm camels were driven in to the electrically-pumped well, all herded by a youth driving slowly in a Datsun mini-pickup, skillfully managing the herd with his maneuvers around the back of the large camel group. There are indeed fewer Bedouins out on the land now even though the herds themselves seem hardly to have diminished. Hired labor accounts for part of this, and today's universal mechanization of herding life means fewer people are required to maintain the same numbers of stock. One of the great benefits of the oil boom was the extension of the basic education system to all comers of the Kingdom, and the country now has several universities. Jobs in government or business require at least a secondary education, and a college degree is often considered essential. Education, with its required regular attendance, is very difficult to universalize in a nomadic pastoral setting, and town ' The Bedouin term for an electrical generator (which is used also in other dialects of Arabic) is mwallid. It is a present participle meaning literally "that which gives birth" or "that which causes to give birth" and is a good example of Arabic's facility for coining new terminology through lexical extension. The use of the common participial "m-" prefix here does not occur in Bedouin plant names, a fact which underscores their basicly substantive nature (see section 9.5). 412 populations have been growing at the expense of the countryside. The 1998 telephone directory of the Saudi Arabian Oil Company lists 75 employees with the surname "A1 Hajri" and 23 with "A1 Marri", indicating their membership in the tribes of Bani Hajir and A1 Murrah. There are doubtless many others, who use family or clan names instead of the tribal designation for directory purposes. These are not drivers or clerks; they are responsible staff with technical and supervisory responsibilities that presuppose, in many cases, a college education. The trend toward universal primary and secondary education will of course have some effects on folk botanical nomenclature. School graduates are doubtless already prepared to argue for the existence of a labeled plant class of kingdom rank. The prototypical shajarah is already becoming, for first graders, the very un-Arabian, redfruited apple tree portrayed with "shin for shajarah" in some ABC books patterned after Egyptian and Lebanese models. But these are of minor consequence. More significant would be the loss of desert ecological knowledge associated with the more detailed structure and content of plant classification and nomenclature. There would appear to be some reasons for optimism. Bedouin plant talk is closely involved with the wider aspects of the pastoral tradition and with general poetic literature. One can foresee, in Saudi Arabia, a trend toward ranch-style meat production using concentrated feeds rather than desert grazing. But this would probably involve sheep rather than camels. Nor are camels going out of style. They are still being kept in large herds over large areas, and as long as there are Saudi nationals owning and managing them - even if as today at greater arm's length — there will be some talk of grazing and plants. Also, unlike the case with many plant-using groups with shrinking populations of native speakers, Najdi Arabic speakers are widespread, growing in numbers, and have a highly developed oral and written literature. This, just as it has preserved for us the outline 413 of Bedouin plant terminology in use a millennium ago, might continue to enlighten, or at least entertain, generations to come. Without first-hand observation and hands-on use of plants by the younger generation, however, there seems bound to be a loss of practical field lore ~ some withering of that facility for placing plants in the scheme of a world where leafy things, except in the rare instant of a rabl', are both few and far-between. 414 15. SUMMARY AND CONCLUSIONS We have examined here utilitarian and cognitive aspects of the man-plant relationship among representatives of several tribes of pastoral nomads in the east-central Arabian Peninsula. The core study area, of 500,000 square kilometers, is characterized by a hyper-arid climate with rainfall limited to the cool season and annual precipitation ranging from about 100 mm in the north to less than 50 mm in the south. The vegetation consists largely of open shrublet communities, often led by a single perennial species, and with cover values rarely exceeding 8 percent. Tree forms are virtually absent. A dense ground layer of ephemeral annual species may appear locally in years favored by good rainfall, but periods of several years may pass without significant growth of therophytes. Consultants providing data for this study were some 20 Bedouins, all male and in the age group 35-75, representing about 10 tribes speaking the Najdi dialect of Arabic. The major portion of the data was from members of the tribes of A1 Murrah and Barn Hajir. All but one of the consultants were nonliterate; all had spent at least half of their lives as desert herdsmen, and none had engaged in any form of horticulture. All were found to use essentially the same plant terminology and folk classification system although some geographical variation was apparent. Data were collected between the years 1960 and 1975, before major economic changes in Saudi Arabia had affected Bedouin life to a significant extent. Uses of Wild Plants. The Bedouins use plants primarily as a grazing resource for their livestock, which among our consultants comprised primarily camels kept mainly for their milk. Bedouin herds consist mainly of female animals; the use of camels as work 415 animals, such as for goods transport or household baggage carrying, has declined greatly with the near-universal use of motor vehicles. Camels have a unique dietary requirement for relatively large quantities of salt. Meeting salt requirements plays an important part in Bedouin grazing practice, requiring alternation between plant communities led by perennial, salt-rich Chenopodiaceae and non-saltbush grazing. Annual herbaceous plants develop well only in years of above-average rainfall, leading to the ideal pasture condition known as rabV, when camels can go for periods of 1-3 months without free water. Another important use of plants by Bedouins is for firewood. Portable stoves using petroleum gas have come into increasing use for cooking purposes, but use of woody shrub fuel, hatab, is still preferred for the fire used in coffee-making for the entertainment of guests. Plants preferred for firewood are those larger and more woody shrubs such as 'abal {Calligonum comosum) and ghadd {Haloxylon persicum). Plant materials provided tinder for the striking of fires by flint and steel in earlier times. Wild food plants used by the Bedouins contribute a very small proportion of their total caloric intake, but a total of some 38 plants (including some noted only in literature) are listed as being collected and eaten, at least historically. The most important food plants are the desert truffles,/ag', which are still collected and consumed whenever they appear, usually only at intervals of several years after good and well-timed rains. Flowering plants of the genus Helianthemum (Cistaceae) are well-known as indicator plants for spots prospective of truffle growth. Another important food plant, but only in northern Arabia, has been samh, seeds collected from three aizoaceous annuals (but chiefly Mesembryanthemum forsskalei). Several annuals are well-known for their edible rootstock or tubers, and others are collected for their leaves, eaten raw as salad greens. In general, the primary function of wild food plants is to relieve an otherwise bland diet consisting of dairy products and a starch staple. They may also contribute vitamins and 416 trace elements. Inasmuch as the same drought conditions that lead to livestock losses also limit the growth of wild food plants, plant gathering has generally not played an important role in relieving famine. In northern Arabia, the collection of storable samh seeds was an exception to this limitation, and there is some indication that the grains of the grass thmdm (Panicum turgidum) may have been used historically in similar fashion in our more southerly study area. Some 30 wild plants were listed as medicinals by our consultants or found in the literature, but not much use was made of these even in the 1960s, when modem medical treatment was still outside the reach of the majority of Bedouins. Bedouins, rather, seemed to participate in the same herbalist tradition followed by people of the towns, which depended mainly on remedies imported to the Gulf from other countries. A collection of such traditional botanicals sold by town shops totaled some 57 species, of which 12 were obtained from wild plants in Arabia and were known in the field by consultants. Medicinal plants were also used by the Bedouins for veterinary purposes. The use of plant material for tanning and dyeing has declined greatly with the ready availability of chemical agents for these purposes, but Bedouins are generally familiar with the former use of several wild plants, such as the 'abal or artd shrub {Calligonum spp., Polygonaceae) for tanning hides. Dyes were obtained from the root parasite tarthuth (Cynomorium coccineum, Cynomoriaceae), the 'arjiin toadstool {Podaxis pistillaris) and several other plants. The leaves and shoots of several chenopodiaceous shmblets (but mainly shindn, Seidlitzia rosmarinus) provided alkaline substances used as a soap substitute. The powdered dried leaves of sidr (Ziziphus spina-christi, Rhamnaceae) are still used as a hair wash. The use of rdk twigs and roots {Salvadora persica, Salvadoraceae) as toothbrushes is still widespread. 417 Bedouins make little use of wood for construction or in crafts, and the majority of their wooden implements such as tent poles, saddle frames, and camel sticks, as well as mats and baskets, are purchased ready-made from village craftsmen. Some use is made of date palm fiber, llf, for cordage, but most rope requirements are also met by purchase of ready-made materials. Consultants were familiar with the use of fleecy materials taken from wild plants for the stuffing of saddle pads and pillows. A specialized historical use was the making of charcoal from the stems of 'ushar {Calotropis procera, Asclepiadaceae) for use in the formulation of black gunpowder. Non-Material Cultural Aspects. Consultants seemed rather insensitive to the intrinsic beauty of wild plants, but plants — particularly the life form category Hshb, denoting annuals - do figure in folk literature as symbols of grazing conditions (and the consequent situations of want or plenty) and as metaphors for describing color or other attributes of other things. Some plants have supernatural associations and a few have traditionally been avoided as the abodes of the mischievous, sometimes malevolent, spirits known as jinn. Overall, however, the Bedouin view of plants reflects the teaching of orthodox Islam: that they are a most valuable gift of God to mankind, providing both grazing for livestock and food products of more direct use. Classification and Nomenclature. The Bedouins, like many pre-scientific societies, do not have a label for plants at the kingdom level. Classification at the life form level is marked by a strong binary contrast between shajar, "perermial plants" and Hshb "annuals." This mirrors the clear contrast in desert plant ecology between the "drought withstanding" perennials and "drought evading" annuals, the latter emerging only in years of good rains and having an ephemeral existence of generally less than 10 weeks. Shajar (perennials) includes true trees, bushes, non-woody perennials and perennial grasses. It 418 is inclusive of another labeled life form, shima', denoting bushes smaller than man-height (and usually considerably smaller). Shima' are considered to be "a kind of shajar^" (all perennials) and contrast with a group, shajar^, that is homonymous with shajar^ and probably prototypical for it, consisting of true tree forms and shrubs larger than manheight. They contrast also with an unlabled residual group: those non-woody perennials of shajar^ that are neither shima' nor shajar2 • The Bedouins have no life forms corresponding to true grasses or to vines. Some data supplied by consultants of tribes in northwestern Arabia hinted at the existence of another labeled Bedouin life form: a category called at-tawaW, denoting perennial but non-woody plants (the "residual group" mentioned in the paragraph above). Insufficient data is available, however, to substantiate this, and the same consultants did not deny the validity of the basic scheme presented above. There are several labeled Bedouin plant classes at the intermediate level (between life forms and generics). The most important of these is the category hamd, which maps almost perfectly on the scientific family Chenopodiaceae. Its significance is essentially utilitarian, encompassing shrublets of vital importance for providing salt nutrients for grazing camels. There is good evidence that hamd is a term classifying plants and is not just a "pasture type." It contrasts directly with khillah, denoting grazed perennial plants that are not halophytes. A third intermediate category is 'iddh, which includes those trees and large shrubs that are markedly spiny. Its apparent focus is on the genus Acacia, and it appears to be a vestige of plant classification in western Arabia, to which several of our important consultant tribes trace their origins. One unaffiliated generic cluster has some characteristics of an incipient life form, including conspicuous but anomalous plants without green stems or leaves: truffles, mushrooms, and flowering root parasites. 419 Generic level Bedouin plant names referring to shajar (perennial plants) are highly salient, and a higher proportion of scientific perermial species are labeled than are annual species (Table 15.1). Annual plants, as generics, are less salient, and there is a Bedouin tendency to think of annuals en masse rather than as individual kinds. This reflects the mode of use of annuals for grazing as well as their closely grouped and ephemeral nature. The life form name, Hshb, is much more common in speech than the generics of that category Only three generics are clearly polytypic, all of them plants of high cultural salience: nakhl (the date palm, Phoenix dactylifera, with at least 5 folk specifics), fag' (edible desert truffles with 4-5 specifics) and samh (aizoaceous plants providing edible seeds, with 3 specifics). Of these, nakhl and/erg' are also unaffiliated with respect to life form. One other generic or quasi-generic, hurbuth (referring to several genera of annual legumes with a focus on Astragalus) includes one (questionable) folk specific and several individually unlabeled scientific species. With respect to nomenclature, the names of both generics and more inclusive categories generally take the Arabic grammatical collective form used for the names of plants and of animals found in groups. The names are predominantly simple primary lexemes although complex forms also occur. Many of the simple lexemes are essentially opaque semantically. Those transparent in meaning tend to refer to physical attributes of the plants concerned, such as shape, color and texture, although associations with animals and other attributes are also found. The great majority of the generic names are perceptual, rather than utilitarian, in nature. None of the names of the few folk specifics are secondary lexemes in a formal sense. The unique forms of some of them, however, indicate that they are conceptually abbreviated secondaries. 420 Table 15.1 Statistical Summary of Scientific and Folk Taxa Scientific Species in Core Study Area Vascular Perennials Vascular Annuals Fungi Total Species Life Forms Intermediates: Generics: Generic synonyms: Specifics Varietals 188^ 205 of which 142 (76 percent) are labeled of which 109 (53 percent) are labeled 7 of which 7 (100 percent) are labeled 400 4 3 209 88 13 0 of which 258 (65 percent) are labeled of which 1 includes 2 of the others of which 3 are labeled of which 3 (1.4 percent) are polytypic and 7 (3 percent) are unaffiliated approximately Bedouins use, in addition to general purpose plant names, a number of "growth stage generics" applied to particular plants of grazing importance. These denote stages of plant development or condition and are useful in the reporting of general plant and grazing conditions. Bedouins also have an extensive vocabulary related to vegetation in general, as opposed to particular kinds of plants, and vegetation types are important in defining some topographic terms and geographic areas. ^ Includes one species of important use in the far north but not found in the core study area. Note also that generic names sometimes label more than one scientific species. 2 Macrofungi, particularly mushrooms, are poorly studied in our area; the ultimate total will somewhat exceed this number. 3 Does not include one generic of as yet undetermined life form. 421 In general, many features of Bedouin Arabic plant classification can be accounted for by Berlin's (1992) generalized model. There are, however, some conspicuous anomalies: 1. The use of "perennial" vs. "annual" as an all-encompassing life form criterion. This is a perceptually based opposition reflecting plant ecological facts in a hyperarid habitat with rainfall strongly restricted seasonally. 2. The presence (resulting from 1, above) of a two-tiered life form structure in which "true trees", "bushes" and an unlabeled residuum of non-woody perennials are included in the broader category, "perennials." 3. Intermediate taxa are labeled rather than covert as is generally, but not universally, the case (Berlin 1992:27). Plant Classification and Subsistence Type. Comparative ethnobotanical data for other pastoral societies is scanty, but plant classification descriptions for some herding groups in East Africa show some points in common with our Bedouin Arabic system. One such feature is a tendency to a bipolar break at the life form level between tree/shrub (or perennial) forms and herbaceous plants. This, however, appears to be simply a reflection of the physical life forms of plants in the two regions, both of which exhibit such a perceptual dichotomy. Two of the African systems have large numbers of generics — in one case apparently exceeding 500 ~ suggesting that pastoral societies in general may not necessarily be characterized, as is the Bedouins', by a low number of generic names as compared to cultivator groups. Another point in common, however, the low degree of polytypy among generics, may in fact prove upon further study to be a general characteristic of the pastoral subsistence mode. The reasons for such a situation may lie in the very limited degree of plant manipulation exercised by pastoralists ~ even less than with hunter-gatherers — as compared to small-scale agriculturists. 422 Geographical and Historical Considerations. A review of data from North Africa shows that a system of plant classification and nomenclature very similar to ours is followed by Arabic-speaking tribes of the Sahara as far west as the Atlantic coast of the African continent. This resulted from westward movements of Arabic-speaking Bedouin tribes beginning in the mid-eleventh century. Evidence from early Arabic literature shows that Bedouin plant classification and nomenclature has undergone little change over some 1100 years. Many plant names used by Bedouins today are identical to those recorded by philologists from desert Arab informants in the ninth and tenth centuries A.D. Plant descriptions from this early period suggest also that many of these names were applied to the same plants labeled by them today. Major developments since the later 1970s in the now oil-based economy of Saudi Arabia have led to changes in the Bedouin way of life that could have repercussions for the transmission of indigenous plant knowledge to younger generations. Younger people are leaving the land for formal schooling and city-based employment. Foreigners are being hired as camel herdsmen. This threatens the maintenance of indigenous plant knowledge despite the continued importance of camel herding and the figuring of some plant lore in both oral and written literature. 423 APPENDIX A PRESENT-DAY AND EARLY ISLAMIC PLANT NAMES Thie following table compares the Bedouin plant names in our data with those in the classical text of Kitdb an-nabdt, "The Book of Plants," of Abu Hanifah ad-Dinawarl (d. 895 A.D.). The abbreviations before page numbers refer to (L) Lewin 1953 and (H) Hamidullah 1973. References were also made to two other early classical works when, in a few cases, our names were not found in Abu Hanifah. These are: (A) the edition of alAsma'I's (d. 831 A.D) Kitdb an-nabdt edited by 'Abd Allah Yusuf al-Ghunaym (AlGhunaym 1972) and (IK) Ibn Khalawayh's (d. 980 A.D.) Kitdb ash-shajar, "The Book of Trees and Shrubs," edited by Nagelberg (1909). The first column comprises our Bedouin names, the second the same names rewritten in the modified BGN/PCGN transliteration I follow for classical Arabic, and the third the names as written in the sources indicated, again in BGN/PCGN format. The fourth column is an attempt to assess, if only very roughly, the applications of our names in the ninth or tenth centuries. Here, I have reviewed the plant descriptions provided by the original authors and use a "+" symbol if the description suggests the plant so named today, a "0" if the description is essentially neutral, and a if the description seems to indicate a different species. The absence of any symbol indicates a lack of descriptive information. The early classical descriptions are incomplete and seldom conclusive. Needless to say, the decisions on these indicators involve a large measure of personal judgment on my part, but I think the results will have some usefulness given my relatively long field experience with the Arabian flora. 424 The main body of the table comprises all folk generics, including the majority of names listed as synonyms in my descriptive list (Chapter 10); the second, shorter, part lists terms of greater inclusiveness. GENERICS Present-dav Names 'abal abu nashr abu threb 'addm 'adhir 'adid 'adris 'agrabdn 'dgiil aldl 'alandd 'alga 'andab 'ansaldn 'ardd 'arfaj arga artd 'asal athl bdbunaj barwag basbds bardl b'ethirdn birkdn bwedd da'ah dabghah ^byah dha'lug dhanabdn dhdnun, dhnun dimdgh al-jarbW dremd da'd' dumrdn duwwed fag' fam gadgdd gafa gahwiyan garmal garnuwah 9th Cent. A.D 'abal abu nashr abu thurayb 'adam 'adhir 'adId 'adris 'agraban 'aqul alal 'alanda 'alqa 'andab 'ansalan 'arad 'arfaj arqa arta 'asal athl babunaj barwaq basbas bardl bu'aythiran birkan buwayda toah dabghah zabyah dha'luq dhanaban dhanun dimagh al-jarbu' durayma da'a' dumran duwwayd faq' fan! qadqad qafa qahwiyan qarmal qamuwah Reference 'abal HllSff - 'udhar ya'did 'adras A19 H348-349 H141-143 + 'alanda 'alqa 'andam 'unsalan 'arad 'arfaj H151 H150-151 H156 H156-157 H127 H129-130 + + arta 'asal athl babunaj barwaq basbas bardl 'abaythiran birkan L23-25 H139-140 L13ff L30 L60-61 L59-60 L50-51 H120-121 L62 + + + + + + + + da'dh HlOl + dhu'luq dhanaban dhu'nun L181 L181-182 L180-181 + darma' du'a' dumran L174 L173 H103 0 faq'ah afiLni qadqad qafa' uqhuwan qarmal qamuwah H191 L27-29 H215 H219-20 L29-30 H205 H207 - 0 0 + + + 0 - + + + - 0 + + + + - gasba gafaf gatb gemm ghada ghdf ghalgah gharaz ghardag ghrera girdl gitt gnefidhah gulegilan, gulgulan gurhan gurm gurres, garras gtenah hddh haltd hambasTs, hamsis hambizdn hamd al-arnab handal hanwah hards hardhd harm harmal hdrrah hartabll hartallas hasdd hasal hashmah hatharah hatlas hazzd, hazzaz hillab hintah hodhdn hsekah, hasak hlewah hulbah hummed, hammad hurbuth hurtumdn huwedhdn huwwd 'idat al-hdyish idhkhir idhn al-himdr 'ifenah iftarrah, futur Hjlah 'ikrish 'arjun qasba qataf qatb qaysum ghada ghaf ghalqah gharaz ghardaq ghurayra qirdi qitt qunayfidhah qulqulan qurhan qurm qurrays, qarras qutaynah hadh halta hambasis, hamsls hambizan hamd al-amab hanzal hanwah haras hardha harm harmal harrah hartabll hartallas hasad hasal hashmah hatharah hatlas hazza, hazzaz hillab hintah hawdhan husaykah, hasak hulaywa hulbah hummayd hurbuth hurtuman huwaydhan huwwa 'idat al-ha'ish idhkhir idhn al-himar 'ufaynah iftarrah, futur 'ijlah 'ikrish 'arjun qasab qataf qutb qaysum ghada ghaf ghalqah gharaz gharqad ghurayra' qirdi' qatt A30 H216 H215 H227 H176-177 H166 H178-179 H169-170 H171 H168 H201 H188ff qulqulan H223-224 qurm qurras qutn hadh halta hamasls H204-205 Hi 99-200 H217-218 L118-119 H343 L115 hanzal hanwah haras L134-139 L107-108 H341 harm harmal H342 L102-104 hasad hasal L113-114 L128 haza' hullab hintah hawdhan hasak Llllgll2 L104-105 L125 L108-109 L112-113 hulbah hummad hurbuth L106-107 L115-116 L122 huwwa' L109-110 idhkhir udhun al-himar L33 L44 futr 'ijiah 'ikrish 'arajln (pi.) H190 H126 H146-147 H246 'ishar 'ishbat umm salim Hshrig Htr ja'dah jahag \anbah jathjath jbey,jibd jirjir jirred jrebd jurres kaftah, kafn kahll, kahld kari karrdth khadir khafsh kharshaf khasdb khatml khidrdf khifjJ khinnez khirret khirrez khirwa' khiyyes khubbez khushshen khzdmd kiddd kirsh kitd'ah krd' al-ghrdb kurresh labnah lihyat at-tes makar makndn mardr markh mharUt misht adh-dhlb mlelah msa' msekah mulleh musse' nabag nafal nagl', naggr najil nakhl namas nigd 'ishar 'ushbat umm salim 'ishriq 'itr ja'dah jahaq janbah jathjath jubayy, jiba' jirjir jurrayd jurayba' jurrays kaftah, kafn kahll, kahla kan karrath khadir khafsh kharshaf khasab khatml khidraf khifjl khunnayz khurrayt khurrayz khirwa' khiyyays khubbayz khushshayn khazama kidad kirsh kita'ah kura' al-ghurab kurraysh labnah lihyat at-tays makar maknan marar markh mahrut misht adh-dhi'b mulaylah masa' musaykah mullayh mussay' nabaq nafal naql' najil nakhl namas niqd 'ushar H133-136 + 'ishriq 'itr ja'dah H136-138 H121-122 L88 + + + janbah jathjath jab'ah jirjir ijrid L90 L87-188 H246-247 L96 L32 -1-10 -H kaftiah kahla' kan kurrath khadir H245 H234-235 H240 IK13 L149 khasbah khatml khidhraf khafaj L143 L161-162 A18 LI 64 khurat kharazah khirwa' khis khubbaz khushayna' khuzama kudad karish L164 L159 L145-146 L156 L162 L163 L156-158 IK24 H237-238 karish H237ff - lihyat at-tays makr maknan murar markh mahrut H256 H280-281 H281 H266-267 H269-270 H264-265 -1-t-1-1-1-1- masa' H274 - mullah H282-283 H- nabaq nafal H33 H328-329 -1-t- najil nakhl namas nuqud H291-293 L293ff H331 H330 -1-10 - 0 0 G 0 - 0 -10 - -1-t0 0 0 -1- - 427 nusl 'osaj ra ragam ragrug rdk ramram rashad rgeyigah ribl rimth rkhema Tubahlah rughl ruth sabat sa'ddn saham sakhbar salam salih sam'd samh samnah samur shafallah sha'lr shajarat ad-ddbb shajarat an-na'dm sha'rdn sharl shbeka, shubbdk sheyyukh shgdrd shhebd shibhdn shibrig shidd al-jamal shi'eyyirah shlh shilwah shirshir, sharshir shndn sholah shU' shubrum shuwwel sidr siffdr sillaj smemd sulleyan suwwdd swegah talh tahmd tannum nusl 'awsaj ra raqam raqruq rak ramr^ rashad ruqayyiqah ribl rimth rukhayma rubahlah rughl ruth sabat sa'dan saham sakhbar salam salih sam'a samh samnah samur shafallah sha'lr shajarat ad-dabb shajarat an-na'am sha'ran shary shubaykah, shubbak shayyukh shiqara shuhayba shibhan shibriq shidd al-jamal shu'ayyirah shih shilwah shirshir, sharshir shinan shawlah shu' shubrum shuwwayl sidr saffar sillaj sumayma' sullayan suwwad suwayqah talh tahma' tannOm nasi 'awsaj ra' raqamah H326 HI60-162 L190-191 IK18 + + + + arak ramram L2-12 LI 92-193 + -t- rabl rimth rukhama L195-196 L187-190 L183-184 h rughl L191-192 -i- sabat sa'dan saham sakhbar salam islih sam'a' H27-28 H38-39 H30 H31-32 H45-46 L31-32 A4 -i+ + -i-i0 0 sumnah samur shafallah sha'Ir IK 11 H46-47 H231 H68 -ih- sha'ran shary shubbak H67 H65 H59 -i-i- shuqqara H68-70 + shabahan shibriq H62 H60-61 -I- sha'ir shih H68 H77 + shirshir ushnan H65 L41 -t-i- shu' shubrum shuwayla' sidr saffar, safra' sullaj sumayma' sillayan H75-76 H61-62 H76 H32-33 H86 H42-43 H87-88 H87 talh tahma' tannum HI 11-112 HI 08 L73 - h 4-i-i+ 0 h -I+ -i- 428 tarbah tarfd tarte' tarthuth theyyil thilleth thmdm, themum thundd firf tubbag tummer 'ujerimdn 'ujrum umm at-trdb umm ath-threb umm gtenah 'unsel 'uwMhirdn 'uwenah wasal wberah yanam yanbut zahr zamlug zarri' zwdn tarabah tarfa tartay' tarthuth thayyil thullayth thamam thunda tirf tubbaq tummayr 'ujayriman 'ujrum umm at-turab umm ath-thurayb umm qutaynah 'unsayl 'uwaydhiran 'uwaynah wasai wubayrah yanam yanbut zahr zamluq zarn' zawan taribah tarfU' L74 HllO-111 + + turthuth thayyil H108-110 A15 + thumam thudda' L78-80 L77 + tubbaq H106-107 - 'ujrum 'ujrum H125-126 H125-126 'unsul 'udhar H156-I57 A19 wabra' yanam yanbut zahr IK14-15 H351-352 H349-351 L204-205 zuwan L203-204 + - - 0 + + - - LIFE FORMS AND INTERMEDIATE CATEGORIES hamd khillah tahdmlj Hshb shajar 'idah, Hddh sfiima' qish' hamd khillah tahamlj 'ushb shajar 'idah shima' qish' hamd khuliah LI54 L154 + + 'ushb shajar 'idah H133 gen. A23 + + + 429 APPENDIX B BERLIN'S 1992 GENERAL PRINCIPLES OF ETHNOBIOLOGICAL CLASSIFICATION AND NOMENCLATURE Summary of General Principles I. Categorization 1. In ethnobiological systems of classification, conceptual recognition will be given to a subset of the existing flora and fauna. This subset will be comprised of the biologically most distinctive (hence, salient) species of the local habitat. 2. Ethnobiological systems of classification are based primarily on the affinities that humans observe among the taxa themselves, quite independent of the actual or potential cultural significance of these taxa. 3. Ethnobiological systems of classification are organized conceptually into a shallow hierarchic structure. 4. Recognized taxa will be distributed among from four to six mutually exclusive ethnobiological ranks, with taxa of each rank sharing similar degrees of internal variation and separated from each other by comparably sized perceptual gaps. The six universal ranks are the kingdom, life form, intermediate, generic, specific, and varietal. There is some evidence that foraging societies have poorly developed, or lack entirely, taxa of specific rank. No foraging society will exhibit taxa of varietal rank. 5. Across systems of ethnobiological classification, taxa of each rank show marked similarities as to their relative numbers and biological ranges. a. Taxa of generic rank are the most numerous in every system, with rare exceptions, number no more than five hundred classes in each kingdom, are largely monotypic (roughly 80 percent in typical systems), and, with notable exceptions, are included in taxa of life-form rank. 430 b. Taxa of life-form rank are few in number, probably no more than ten or fifteen, are broadly polytypic, and include among them the majority of taxa of lesser rank. Substantively, life-form taxa designate a small number of morphotypes of plants and animals that share obvious gross patterns of stem habit and bodily form. c. Taxa of intermediate rank generally group small numbers of generic taxa on the basis of their perceived affinities in overall morphology (and behavior). Intermediate taxa are included in taxa of life-form rank. d. Specific taxa subdivide generic taxa but are fewer in absolute number. Folk varietals are rare; when they occur, they subdivide folk species. Unlike taxa of superordinate rank, a major portion of subgeneric taxa in ethnobotanical systems of classification is recognized primarily as a result of cultural considerations, in that such taxa represent domesticated or otherwise economically important species. e. The taxon marking the rank of kingdom in ethnobotanical as well as ethnozoological systems of classification is comprised of a single member. 6. Ethnobiological taxa of generic and specific rank exhibit an internal structure in which some members are thought of as prototypical of the taxon while others are seen as less typical of the category. 7. A substantial majority of ethnobiological taxa will correspond closely in content with taxa recognized independently by Western botany and zoology, with the highest degree of correspondence occurring with taxa of generic rank. Taxa of intermediate rank often correspond to portions of recognized biological families. Taxa of life-form and subgeneric rank exhibit the lowest correspondence with recognized biological taxa. II. Nomenclature 1. Taxa of the ranks of kingdom and intermediate are generally not named. There is growing evidence that some covert life-form may also be found. When such taxa are labeled, they often show polysemous relations with taxa of subordinate rank. 2. Names for plants and animals exhibit a lexical structure of one of two universal lexical types that can be called primary and secondary plant and animal names. These types can be recognized by recourse to linguistic, semantic, and taxonomic 431 criteria. Primary names are of three subtypes: simple {e.g., fish), productive {e.g., catfish) and unproductive {e.g., silverfish). Secondary names {e.g., red maple, silver maple), with generally specifiable exceptions, occur only in contrast sets whose members share a constituent that refers to the taxon that immediately includes them {e.g., maple). 3. A specifiable relationship can be observed between the names of taxa and their rank. Life-form and generic taxa are labeled by primary names; subgeneric taxa are labeled, in general, with secondary names. 4. There are two well-understood conditions under which subgeneric taxa may be labeled by primary names, although these two conditions do not account for all of the empirically observed data. The first condition (4a) occurs when the name of the prototypical subgeneric is polysemous with its superordinate generic. Disambiguation of polysemy is accomplished by the optional occurrence of a modifier glossed as 'genuine' or 'ideal type'. The second condition (4b) occurs when nonprototypical subgenerics refer to subgeneric taxa of great cultural importance. 5. Ethnobiological nomenclature is semantically active in that the linguistic constituents of plant and animal names often metaphorically allude to morphological, behavioral, or ecological features that are nonarbitrarily associated with their biological referrants. Source: full text from Berlin (1992:31-35). 432 WORKS CITED Abun-Nasr, Jamil M. 1987. A History of the Maghrib in the Islamic Period. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press. Al-Ghunaym, 'Abd Allah Yiisuf, ed. 1972. Kitdb an-nabdt 'an Abl Sa'id 'Abd al-Malik bin Qurayb al-Asmal [The Book of Plants by Abu Sa'Id 'Abd al-Malik bin Qurayb al-Asma'I]. Arabic text. 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