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DRYLAND CONSERVATION AREAS, INDIGENOUS PEOPLE, LIVELIHOODS AND<br />
NATURAL RESOURCE VALUES IN SOUTH AFRICA. THE CASE OF KGALAGADI<br />
TRANSFRONTIER PARK<br />
GLADMAN THONDHLANA<br />
A THESIS SUBMITTED IN FULFILMENT OF THE REQUIREMENTS OF A PHD IN<br />
SCIENCE<br />
DEPARTMENT OF ENVIRONMENTAL SCIENCE<br />
FACULTY OF SCIENCE<br />
RHODES UNIVERSITY<br />
NOVEMBER 2011
ABSTRACT<br />
Contemporary conservation and development understanding in both policy and academic circles<br />
espouses that natural resources have a significant contribution to the livelihoods of local people<br />
and that knowledge of this can better foster conservation policies that are consistent with<br />
livelihood and ecological needs. This thesis is based on research conducted in the southern<br />
Kalahari region, South Africa among the San and Mier communities bordering Kgalagadi<br />
Transfrontier Park. It looks at the importance of natural resources to the San and Mier<br />
community groups and ascertains the extent of resource use and its value within broader<br />
livelihood portfolios. It also focuses on the cultural values of natural resources and interactions<br />
among institutions and actors and how these shape natural resource governance and livelihood<br />
outcomes. Overall, natural resources represent an important livelihood source contributing up to<br />
32 % and 9 % of the total income of the San and Mier respectively or up to 46 % and 23 % if<br />
livestock incomes are included. However, the dependence on, diversification patterns and<br />
distribution of natural resource income vary substantially between and within the two<br />
communities. With regards to the cultural values attached to natural resources by the San and<br />
Mier, the findings show that these arise from an incredibly diverse and sometimes conflicting<br />
array of values that punctuate the two communities’ way of life and they are inextricably linked<br />
to resource use. Lastly, governance of natural resources in the co-managed Park and communitymanaged<br />
resettlement farms is characterised by complex institutional arrangements, compounded<br />
by the existence of multiple actors that have multiple and sometimes conflicting objectives – as<br />
shaped by different meanings and interpretations of natural resources. Heightened inter- and<br />
intra-community conflicts are common, notably resource use conflicts between the San and Mier<br />
and between the San ‘modernist’ and ‘traditionalist’ groups. This demonstrates that the<br />
communities’ livelihood dynamics in general and the dependence on natural resources in<br />
particular, are closely linked with ecological, economic and social factors including history,<br />
culture and present livelihood needs. By exploring the social-environment interactions, the study<br />
highlights the complexities and diversity of resource use for livelihoods that should be taken into<br />
consideration for both conservation and development policy interventions and research. The<br />
main argument of the study is that the contribution of natural resources to local livelihood<br />
portfolios in co- and community-managed areas, can be better understood through a<br />
consideration of cultural dynamics and institutional arrangements since these condition natural<br />
resource access, value and use.<br />
i
DECLARATION<br />
I, Gladman Thondhlana hereby declare that this thesis is my own original work, has not been<br />
submitted for any degree or examination at any other university, and that the sources I have used<br />
have been fully acknowledged by complete references. This thesis is submitted in fulfilment of a<br />
PhD in Environmental Science in the Faculty of Science at <strong>Rhodes</strong> <strong>University</strong>, South Africa.<br />
Signature: ____________________________ Date: _______________________<br />
ii
TABLE OF CONTENTS<br />
ABSTRACT .............................................................................................................................. i<br />
DECLARATION ....................................................................................................................... ii<br />
TABLE OF CONTENTS ............................................................................................................ iii<br />
LIST OF TABLES .................................................................................................................... vii<br />
LIST OF FIGURES .................................................................................................................. viii<br />
ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS ......................................................................................................... ix<br />
PART 1: BACKGROUND, RESEARCH OVERVIEW AND METHODS ................................. 1<br />
CHAPTER 1: INTRODUCTION: NATURAL RESOURCES, LIVELIHOODS AND PROTECTED AREAS .. 1<br />
1.1 INTRODUCTION................................................................................................................................... 1<br />
1.2RESEARCH GAPS AND PROBLEMS IN STUDIES LINKING CONSERVATION, LIVELIHOODS<br />
AND DEVELOPMENT................................................................................................................................ 3<br />
1.3 KGALAGADI TRANSFRONTIER PARK (KTP) AND THE LOCAL COMMUNITIES .................... 5<br />
1.4 AIMS AND KEY QUESTIONS UNDERLYING THE STUDY ............................................................ 6<br />
1.5 RESEARCH HYPOTHESES.................................................................................................................. 7<br />
1.6 THESIS OUTLINE ................................................................................................................................. 8<br />
CHAPTER 2: THEORETICAL AND CONCEPTUAL CONTEXT: PARKS, CONSERVATION AND<br />
LIVELIHOODS - FROM A GLOBAL TO A LOCAL PERSPECTIVE .................................................... 9<br />
2.1 INTRODUCTION................................................................................................................................... 9<br />
2.2 CONSERVATION AND DEVELOPMENT: AN INTERNATIONAL CONTEXT .............................. 9<br />
2.2.1 Key strands and switches in conservation thinking ............................................................................. 9<br />
2.2.2 Transfrontier Parks (TFPs) and Contract Parks ................................................................................. 13<br />
2.2.3 Conservation beyond park fences ...................................................................................................... 15<br />
2.2.4 Culture, institutional dynamics and natural resource governance...................................................... 16<br />
2.3 DRYLAND ECOSYSTEMS AND RURAL LIVELIHOODS ............................................................. 19<br />
2.4 A SOUTH AFRICAN CONTEXT ........................................................................................................ 20<br />
2.4.1 Conservation policy ........................................................................................................................... 20<br />
2.4.2 South African policy context on sustainable use in parks and surrounding landscapes .................... 21<br />
2.4.3 Drylands of South Africa ................................................................................................................... 22<br />
2.4.4 Land Reform in South Africa............................................................................................................. 23<br />
2.4.5 Land reform and poverty alleviation .................................................................................................. 24<br />
CHAPTER 3: RESEARCH APPROACH, CONCEPTUAL FRAMEWORKS AND METHODS ................ 26<br />
3.1 INTRODUCTION................................................................................................................................. 26<br />
3.2 CONTEXTUALISING VALUATION OF NATURAL RESOURCES IN LIVELIHOOD RESEARCH<br />
.................................................................................................................................................................... 27<br />
3.2.1 Natural resource valuation ............................................................................................................... 27<br />
3.2.1.1 Understanding value ....................................................................................................................... 27<br />
3.2.1.2 Economic valuation ........................................................................................................................ 28<br />
3.2.1.3 Criticism of economic valuation 29<br />
3.2.2 TEV framework for determining economic value ............................................................................. 32<br />
3.2.3 The Sustainable Livelihoods Framework (SLF) ................................................................................ 35<br />
3.2.4 Millennium Ecosystem Assessment (MA) framework ...................................................................... 37<br />
3.2.4.1 MA framework ................................................................................................................................ 38<br />
iii
3.3 CONCEPTUALISING INSTITUTIONS AND GOVERNANCE OF NATURAL RESOURCES ...... 39<br />
3.3.1 Understanding institutions ................................................................................................................. 39<br />
3.3.2 Understanding governance of natural resources ................................................................................ 41<br />
3.3.3 The Institutional Analysis and Development (IAD) framework ........................................................ 42<br />
3.4 IMPORTANCE OF CONTEXT IN NATURAL RESOURCES AND LIVELIHOOD STUDIES ....... 44<br />
3.5 OVERVIEW OF METHODS EMPLOYED IN THIS STUDY ............................................................ 48<br />
3.6 LIMITATIONS AND ASSUMPTIONS ............................................................................................... 50<br />
PART II: CONTEXTUAL ANALYSIS AND EMPIRICAL FINDINGS .................................. 51<br />
CHAPTER 4: STUDY AREA AND CONTEXTUAL SETTING: DESCRIPTION OF THE KALAHARI<br />
REGION AND HISTORICAL ANALYSIS OF THE KTP AND ITS LAND CLAIMANTS ........................ 51<br />
4.1 INTRODUCTION ..................................................................................................................... 51<br />
4.2. THE KALAHARI REGION, THE KGALAGADI TRANSFRONTIER PARK AND THE LOCAL<br />
COMMUNITIES BORDERING THE PARK .................................................................................... 51<br />
4.2.1 Biophysical characteristics of the Kalahari region ............................................................................. 51<br />
4.2.2 Kgalagadi Transfrontier Park ............................................................................................................. 53<br />
4.2.2.1 The pre-land restitution history of KTP (1865 to 1994) ................................................................. 54<br />
4.2.2.2 The post-land claim history of the Park (from 1994 to present) ..................................................... 57<br />
4.2.3 The local people and their socio-economic status.............................................................................. 61<br />
4.2.3.1 The San: Their lifestyle, dispossession from land and current socio-economic status ................... 62<br />
4.2.3.2 The Mier: Their lifestyle, dispossession from land and current socio-economic status ................. 65<br />
4.3 CONCLUSION .......................................................................................................................... 67<br />
CHAPTER 5: WILD NATURAL RESOURCE USE, INCOME AND DEPENDENCE AMONG THE SAN AND<br />
MIER COMMUNITIES ........................................................................................................... 68<br />
5.1 INTRODUCTION................................................................................................................................. 68<br />
5.2 RESEARCH METHODS ...................................................................................................................... 73<br />
5.2.1 Data collection ................................................................................................................................... 73<br />
5.2.2 Data analyses ..................................................................................................................................... 75<br />
5.3 RESULTS AND DISCUSSION ............................................................................................................ 76<br />
5.3.1 Characteristics of the San and Mier respondents and households ..................................................... 76<br />
5.3.2 Household livelihood diversification, dependence, incomes and values from different livelihood<br />
activities and sources of income ................................................................................................................. 76<br />
5.3.3 Household dependence on incomes from and value of different direct natural resource-based<br />
livelihood activities (excluding livestock) .................................................................................................. 81<br />
5.3.4 Households dependence on value of and incomes from livestock ..................................................... 84<br />
5.3.5 Natural resource income (direct natural resource and livestock and livestock products sales) for cash<br />
generation .................................................................................................................................................... 89<br />
5.3.6 The safety net function of natural resources (wild natural resources and livestock) ......................... 91<br />
5.3.7 Links between household characteristics and natural resource use ................................................... 93<br />
5.4 CONCLUSION ..................................................................................................................................... 98<br />
CHAPTER 6: CULTURE, CULTURAL VALUES OF NATURAL RESOURCES AND THE CONSERVATION<br />
LINK .................................................................................................................................... 99<br />
6.1 INTRODUCTION................................................................................................................................. 99<br />
6.2 CONCEPTUALISING CULTURE AND CULTURAL VALUES .................................................... 101<br />
6.2.1 Culture.............................................................................................................................................. 101<br />
iv
6.2.2 Elements of culture .......................................................................................................................... 102<br />
6.2.3. Cultural values ................................................................................................................................ 104<br />
6.3 RESEARCH METHODS .................................................................................................................... 105<br />
6.4 RESULTS AND DISCUSSION .......................................................................................................... 106<br />
6.4.1 Knowledge of culturally important plants and animals ................................................................... 106<br />
6.4.2 Cultural values related to direct-use (values) of plants and animals ................................................ 107<br />
6.4.2.1 Medicinal plants ............................................................................................................................ 107<br />
6.4.2.2. Wild food plants ........................................................................................................................... 109<br />
6.4.2.3 Wild animals ................................................................................................................................. 111<br />
6.4.2.4 Cultural tradition related to livestock production ......................................................................... 112<br />
6.4.3 Cultural values related to intangible elements in the landscape....................................................... 114<br />
6.4.3.1 Sacred sites .................................................................................................................................... 114<br />
6.4.3.2 Rituals and healing dances ............................................................................................................ 115<br />
6.4.4 Indigenous knowledge around biodiversity use ............................................................................... 116<br />
6.4.4.1 Indigenous knowledge of sustainable plant and animal use ......................................................... 116<br />
6.4.4.2 Traditional knowledge of sustainable livestock production .......................................................... 119<br />
6.4.5 The transmission of cultural knowledge from generation to generation .......................................... 120<br />
6.4.6 Imbiwe field school .......................................................................................................................... 122<br />
6.5 CONCLUSION ................................................................................................................................... 124<br />
CHAPTER 7: ACTORS AND INSTITUTIONS GOVERNING NATURAL RESOURCE ACCESS AND<br />
MANAGEMENT IN THE DIFFERENT LAND PARCELS ............................................................. 126<br />
7.1 INTRODUCTION............................................................................................................................... 126<br />
7.2 CONCEPTUAL DEVELOPMENT: PARKS, PEOPLE AND RESEARCH FRAMEWORKS ......... 128<br />
7.2.1 Transfrontier Parks (TFPs) and Contract Parks ............................................................................... 128<br />
7.2.2. Frameworks and approach .............................................................................................................. 128<br />
7.3 RESEARCH METHODS .................................................................................................................... 131<br />
7.4 RESULTS AND DISCUSSION .......................................................................................................... 132<br />
7.4.1 The actors: roles, constituencies and governance arrangements ...................................................... 132<br />
7.4.2 Park and Contract Park actors and institutions ................................................................................ 134<br />
7.4.2.1 SANParks and Kgalagadi Transfrontier Park Management (KTPM) ........................................... 134<br />
7.4.2.2 The Joint Management Board (JMB) ............................................................................................ 135<br />
7.4.3 Actors and institutions in the resettlement farms ............................................................................. 136<br />
7.4.3.1 The San Communal Property Association (CPA) ......................................................................... 136<br />
7.4.3.2 The Mier Municipality and community ........................................................................................ 137<br />
7.4.4 External organisations supporting institutional, development and governance arrangements ........ 138<br />
7.4.4.1 South African San Institute (SASI) ............................................................................................... 139<br />
7.4.4.2 San Technical Advisors and Africa Safari Lodge Foundation ...................................................... 140<br />
7.4.4.3 Peace Parks Foundation, Farm Africa and Private operator(s) ..................................................... 140<br />
7.4.5 Interactions among actors and governance of natural resources in the Park and resettlement farms<br />
.................................................................................................................................................................. 141<br />
7.4.5.1 Kgalagadi Transfrontier Park Management (KTPM) and resource governance in the Park ........ 142<br />
7.4.5.2 NGOs, interactions with community groups and natural resources governance .......................... 145<br />
7.4.6 Conflicting interests and heterogeneity within communities ........................................................... 147<br />
7.4.7 Accountability and benefit perceptions ............................................................................................ 152<br />
7.4.7.1 Accountability aspects within the San community ....................................................................... 153<br />
7.4.7.2 Accountability aspects within the Mier community ..................................................................... 156<br />
7.4.7.3 San and Mier perceptions of benefits ............................................................................................ 158<br />
v
7.5 CORE STRATEGIES FOR IMPROVING NATURAL RESOURCE GOVERNANCE IN THE PARK<br />
AND RESETTLEMENT FARMS ............................................................................................................ 161<br />
7.6 CONCLUSION ................................................................................................................................... 163<br />
PART III: INTEGRATION, ANALYSIS AND CONCLUSION ............................................. 165<br />
CHAPTER 8: NATURAL RESOURCES, LIVELIHOODS, GOVERNANCE AND COMPLEXITY IN THE<br />
KALAHARI: A SYNTHESIS OF FINDINGS ............................................................................... 165<br />
8.1 INTRODUCTION............................................................................................................................... 165<br />
8.2 UNDERSTANING THE SIGNIFICANCE OF NATURAL RESOURCES TO RURAL<br />
LIVELIHOODS IN THE KALAHARI ..................................................................................................... 166<br />
8.2.1 Introduction ...................................................................................................................................... 166<br />
8.2.2 The relationship between cultural values, institutional arrangements and the contribution of wild<br />
natural resources to rural livelihoods ........................................................................................................ 166<br />
8.2.1.1. Household attributes (B) .............................................................................................................. 167<br />
8.2.1.2. Cultural values (C) ....................................................................................................................... 168<br />
8.2.1.3 Institutions and actors (D) ............................................................................................................. 170<br />
8.2.1.4 Outcomes (E) ................................................................................................................................ 171<br />
8.2.1.5 Interactions amongst components of the model ............................................................................ 171<br />
8.3 SUGGESTIONS FOR ACHIEVING CONSERVATION AND DEVELOPMENT OUTCOMES IN<br />
THE PARK AND FARMS ....................................................................................................................... 172<br />
8.3.1 Information dissemination ............................................................................................................... 173<br />
8.3.2 Understanding preferences ............................................................................................................... 174<br />
8.3.3 Natural resources management in the Park and resettlement farms ................................................. 175<br />
8.4 IDEAS FOR ENSURING NATURAL RESOURCE AND LIVELIHOOD RESEARCH RELEVANT<br />
FOR CONSERVATION AND DEVELOPMENT POLICY AND PRACTICE ...................................... 177<br />
8.5 CONCLUSION ................................................................................................................................... 181<br />
REFERENCES AND PERSONAL COMMUNICATIONS .............................................................. 183<br />
APPENDICES ...................................................................................................................... 207<br />
APPENDIX 1: ALL PLANTS CITED BY THE SAN AND MIER SAMPLE RESPONDENTS. ............................... 207<br />
APPENDIX 2: PLANT USE BY PART USED BY SAN AND MIER (ADAPTED FROM MANNETTI, 2010) ........ 209<br />
APPENDIX 3: MEDICINAL PLANTS HARVESTED IN THE CONTRACT PARK ON A PERMIT SYSTEM .......... 211<br />
APPENDIX 4: LIST OF ALL WILD ANIMALS MENTIONED BY THE SAN AND MIER AND THEIR USES......... 212<br />
APPENDIX 5: RESOURCE VALUATION HOUSEHOLD SURVEY .................................................................. 213<br />
PLACE: SOUTHERN KALAHARI, SOUTH AFRICA<br />
.................................................................................................................................................................. 213<br />
APPENDIX 6: STANDARDISED QUALITATIVE QUESTIONS FOR KEY INFORMANT INTERVIEWS (ADOPTED<br />
FROM REID ET AL., 2004) .......................................................................................................................... 226<br />
APPENDIX 7: QUESTIONNAIRE ON INSTITUTIONS AND ACTORS ............................................................. 227<br />
vi
LIST OF TABLES<br />
Table 2.1: A brief overview of key policies informing natural resource management approaches in<br />
South Africa ........................................................................................................................................ 22<br />
Table 2.2: Distribution of aridity zones in South Africa per province (after Hoffman et al., 1999 cited<br />
in de Villiers et al., 2002) .................................................................................................................... 23<br />
Table 3.1: Classification of provisioning and cultural values (Adapted from MA, 2003).................. 38<br />
Table 3.2: Key determinants of natural resource value ....................................................................... 46<br />
Table 4.1: Chronology and summary of key historic events in the southern Kalahari region ............ 56<br />
Table 5.1: Direct-use value (USD/household/year) and income share (%) of natural resources to<br />
aggregated household income from selected studies (Adapted from Shackleton et al., 2011) ........... 69<br />
Table 5.2: Selected studies demonstrating the influence of culture and institutions on natural<br />
resource use ......................................................................................................................................... 70<br />
Table 5.3: Selected attributes of the San and Mier communities ........................................................ 72<br />
Table 5.4: Characteristics of the San and Mier respondents and households (SE = standard error of<br />
the mean) ............................................................................................................................................. 76<br />
Table 5.5: Mean annual income ± SE (in ZAR) and percentage (%) of total income (in parentheses)<br />
from different livelihood sources stratified by income quintile for sampled San households ............ 77<br />
Table 5.6: Mean annual income ± SE (in ZAR) and percentage (%) of total income (in parentheses)<br />
of different livelihood sources stratified by income quintile for sampled Mier households ............... 78<br />
Table 5.7: Percentage of San (S) and Mier (M) households that used, harvested, received (as gifts),<br />
bought and sold selected natural resources ......................................................................................... 81<br />
Table 5.8: Mean annual income of different natural resources and activities ± SE (in ZAR) and<br />
percentage (%) (in parentheses) of total natural resource-based income stratified by income quintile<br />
for sampled San households ................................................................................................................ 82<br />
Table 5.9: Mean annual income of different natural resources and activities ± SE (in ZAR) and<br />
percentage (%) (in parentheses) of total natural resource-based income stratified by income quintile<br />
for sampled Mier households .............................................................................................................. 83<br />
Table 5.10: Number of livestock and direct use-values (in ZAR) of livestock (excluding poultry) for<br />
San and Mier households in 2009 ....................................................................................................... 85<br />
Table 5.11: Estimated direct use-values (USD) and income share (%) of livestock from selected<br />
studies ................................................................................................................................................. 87<br />
Table 5.12: Mean natural resource-cash income (in ZAR) and percentage (%) of total natural<br />
resource (NR) income stratified by income quintile for San and Mier samples ................................. 89<br />
Table 5.13: OLS regression of natural resource income against socio-economic variables for San<br />
sample ................................................................................................................................................. 94<br />
Table 5.14: OLS regression of natural resource income against socio-economic variables for the<br />
Mier sample ........................................................................................................................................ 96<br />
Table 6.1: Main medicinal plants used by San and Mier communities ............................................ 108<br />
Table 7.1: Summary of Ostrom’s design principles (Adapted from Ostrom, 1990:90) .................... 130<br />
Table 7.2: Various actors and institutions responsible for natural resources governance ................ 133<br />
Table 7.3: NGOs and independent actors and their primary areas of focus ...................................... 139<br />
Table 7.4: Knowledge of local constitutional rights among San respondents .................................. 154<br />
Table 7.5: Proportion of Mier respondents with knowledge on different land parcels and their<br />
management ...................................................................................................................................... 156<br />
Table 7.6: San respondents’ general benefit perception from the Park and farms ............................ 158<br />
Table 8.1: A holistic way of conceptualising the role of natural resources in natural resource and<br />
livelihood research (Adapted from Baumann, 2004) ........................................................................ 180<br />
vii
LIST OF FIGURES<br />
Figure 3.1: Total Economic Value Framework (Adapted from Jin et al., 2003) ................................ 33<br />
Figure 3.2: Institutional Analysis and Development Framework (Adapted from Ostrom et al., 1994)<br />
............................................................................................................................................................ 42<br />
Figure 4.1: Location of the Kgalagadi Transfrontier Park and surrounding areas. 25 % of the park<br />
land in South Africa (Adapted from Dierkes, K., in Massyn and Humphrey, 2010) .......................... 54<br />
Figure 5.1: Dependence on the main income sources for San and Mier ............................................. 80<br />
Figure 7.1: Nested actors involved in land and natural resources governance (Adapted from<br />
Thondhlana et al., 2011) ................................................................................................................... 141<br />
Figure 8.1: Framework for understanding the contribution of natural resources to livelihoods ....... 167<br />
Figure 8.2: A framework for understanding natural resource-related conflicts (Adapted from Wilson<br />
and Bryant, 1997: 98) ....................................................................................................................... 178<br />
viii
ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS<br />
The writing of this thesis would not have been possible without the support and words of<br />
encouragement from different funding organisations and many friends, colleagues, fellow<br />
graduate students, community groups and relatives. The bulk of the funding for this project was<br />
provided by the International Foundation for Science, Stockholm, Sweden, through a research<br />
grant. Financial support from the Swedish International Development Agency (SIDA) through<br />
the Environmental Policy Research Unit (EPRU), School of Economics, at the <strong>University</strong> of<br />
Cape Town is also gratefully acknowledged. The EPRU is especially thanked for organising and<br />
funding workshops and conferences where part of this work was presented. I am also indebted to<br />
the Norwegian Research Council, through the Yggdrasil programme for funding a fellowship in<br />
the Department of International Environment and Development Studies (NORAGRIC), at the<br />
Norwegian <strong>University</strong> of Life Sciences, where among other things, this thesis was partly written.<br />
The Graduate Institute of International and Development Studies, Geneva, Switzerland, is<br />
acknowledged for sponsoring a conference where some of the research work in this thesis was<br />
presented, with positive criticism. Through the grant-holder of a National Research Foundation<br />
research incentive grant, Dr Sheona Shackleton, I am indebted to the NRF of South Africa for<br />
partly funding my studies.<br />
Special thanks are due to my principal supervisor Dr. Sheona Shackleton who worked an extra<br />
mile in securing me funding for this project. Her invaluable advice, comments and availability<br />
and attention to my work was awe-inspiring. The time she spent discussing with me, drafts she<br />
objectively queried and critiqued is a demonstration of her commitment and scholarly panache.<br />
She challenged me to work and think beyond the limits I had never imagined. To Sheona: many<br />
thanks. My co-supervisor Professor James Blignaut deserves to be mentioned for his unwavering<br />
support. He helped me to see the need for balance in my arguments. Together my two<br />
supervisors offered me the academic space to critically look at aspects and push the frontiers of<br />
knowledge, in a field that I fondly would like to significantly contribute to.<br />
A lot of people and organisations helped me complete fieldwork in the Kalahari, South Africa.<br />
South African National Parks, the Department of Land Affairs, South African San Institute, San<br />
ix
Traditional leadership notably the Kruiper family, San Technical Advisors, community<br />
representatives, Mier municipality, various lodge operators, fellow research colleagues Lelani<br />
Mannetti and Johane Dikgang, our translator, Willem Schalke who sometimes went beyond the<br />
call of duty and everyone who may not have been mentioned, but contributed to this work are<br />
acknowledged. Special thanks are due to the San and Mier communities, for their willingness to<br />
participate and give information during interviews. Staff and students of at the Department of<br />
Environmental Science are thanked for their support. I especially want to thank Zelda Odendaal<br />
and Kathy Cassidy for their administrative and technical support respectively; and Georgina<br />
Cundill, Gosia Bryja and Leigh Stadler who offered their time to read earlier drafts of different<br />
thesis chapters. To Mike Powell, the digs experience in your Victorian house was special and the<br />
walks in your farm made my meditation easier. To the NORAGRICERS at the Department of<br />
International Environment and Development (NORAGRIC), Norwegian <strong>University</strong> of Life<br />
Sciences, who welcomed me and made me feel at home during my 8-month stay between 2010<br />
and 2011, especially Johanna Teurlings for administrative support and Pål Vedeld for priceless<br />
intellectual guidance on one of the chapters of this thesis and fellow PhD students, and many<br />
others too many to mention, a big thank you for your encouragement to finish this thesis. Tendai<br />
Chella, Nancy Amuzu, Bright Agodzo, Timothy Munjoma and Hanne Stanset and her family<br />
also made my Norwegian experience unforgettable. I am also grateful to my long time<br />
undergraduate friends at the <strong>University</strong> of Zimbabwe, Costa Hofisi, Blessing Makwambeni,<br />
Sheunesu Ruwanza, Robson Hapaori and Daniel Muhau who have always been there to listen to<br />
my PhD journey.<br />
The completion of this thesis would not have been possible without support from my family. My<br />
beloved parents Johnson and Lindale who supported me financially throughout my university<br />
studies and encouraged me to stand tall when faced with challenges deserve a special thank you.<br />
My brothers, Lawrence and Gershom were always by my side emotionally. My daughter, Haidee<br />
Nomufaro, was the main source of inspiration and a pillar of strength. I have managed to<br />
improvise, adapt and overcome during this period. Lastly, I would like to thank God for the gift<br />
of life and good health during the course of my studies.<br />
x
PART 1: BACKGROUND, RESEARCH OVERVIEW AND METHODS<br />
CHAPTER 1<br />
INTRODUCTION: NATURAL RESOURCES, LIVELIHOODS AND PROTECTED<br />
AREAS<br />
1.1 INTRODUCTION<br />
Contemporary literature and empirical evidence show that international awareness of the<br />
importance of natural resources in the lives of rural communities throughout the world has<br />
grown over time (Campbell et al., 1997; Wollenberg and Ingles, 1998; Cavendish, 2000;<br />
Ntiamoa-Baidu et al., 2001; Shackleton and Shackleton, 2000; 2004a; Campbell and Luckert,<br />
2002; Kepe, 2002; MA, 2003; Araia, 2005; Dovie et al., 2007; World Bank, 2004, 2007).<br />
Drawing from Shackleton and Shackleton (2007), the term ‘natural resource’ is used in this<br />
study to refer to any raw or processed product that is produced from a wild biological<br />
resource that is harvested or used in-situ for either domestic consumption and non-<br />
consumption or small-scale trade. In signifying the role of natural resources in rural<br />
livelihoods Dovie (2004), Shackleton and Shackleton (2004b) and Vedeld et al. (2004),<br />
among others, note that millions of people globally make use of a wide range of forest and<br />
other wild natural resource products not only for household consumption but also for cash-<br />
income generation (Chapter 5, Section 5.1). Some of the major debates and arguments in<br />
natural resources, livelihoods and poverty alleviation studies have been around<br />
conceptualising how the commercialisation of natural resources by local people can be used to<br />
add value to livelihoods (Shackleton, 2005; Shackleton et al., 2008).<br />
It is argued that guiding and enhancing the use of natural resource-based products in domestic<br />
and wider markets provides a possible approach to contribute to increasing livelihood security<br />
and poverty reduction, thereby providing incentives for natural resource conservation and<br />
sustainable use (Anorld and Ruiz Perez, 2001; Wunder, 2001; Shackleton, 2005; Chapter 2;<br />
Chapter 5). In support of earlier contentions, Cavendish (2000) posits that wild resources<br />
contribute to rural livelihoods in a number of ways, generally adding to a diversified<br />
livelihood portfolio. They can supplement livelihoods through direct provisioning, trade, and<br />
in times of hardship they can serve as safety nets (Shackleton et al., 2000b; 2008). This<br />
importance of biodiversity and other ecosystem services for poor rural people has led to<br />
1
greater effort to link conservation and rural livelihoods both in protected areas such as<br />
national parks and beyond them (e.g. in communal lands surrounding parks).<br />
In demonstrating and quantifying the role and importance of natural resources to livelihoods,<br />
there has been much effort to determine the monetary value of the resources used (Cavendish,<br />
2000; Shackleton et al., 2000a; 2002; Campbell and Luckert, 2002; Vedeld et al., 2004;<br />
Blignaut and Moolman, 2006; Mmopelwa and Blignaut, 2009; Chapter 5). The absolute<br />
values obtained, however, differ between studies in relation to a range of contextual factors<br />
such as proximity to markets, currency strength, diversity of resources available, abundance<br />
of key resources, biodiversity, opportunity costs, (Shackleton et al., 2000b) and other factors<br />
such as culture and social institutions (Kepe, 2002; 2008a; Chapter 6; Chapter 7). For<br />
example, the contribution of natural resources to total livelihood income ranges from over 50<br />
% in some settings to less than 20 % in others (Campbell et al., 2002). All these studies<br />
indicate that the majority of rural households makes use of wild resources from their<br />
immediate environment for either subsistence or commercial purposes or both. Therefore, this<br />
clearly indicates the vital part that could be occupied by the natural resources sector as either<br />
a formal or informal rural poverty alleviation strategy.<br />
The realisation that rural people benefit from natural resources for everyday use and income<br />
generation has resulted in changes to park conservation philosophy and practice. A significant<br />
number of parks in Africa, and South Africa in particular, now embrace the ‘sustainable use<br />
principle’ to meet both community needs and ecological integrity. Furthermore, the<br />
recognition that parks should not be treated as conservation islands in a sea of degraded lands<br />
(Pollard et al., 2003) but be seen as islands of conservation in a sea of human development<br />
(WPC, 2003) has given birth to a relatively new approach commonly referred to as<br />
‘conservation beyond fences or parks’. This approach calls for the integration of conservation<br />
efforts in and beyond parks with the ‘sustainable use principle’ applied across the landscape<br />
(see Chapter 2, Section 2.2.3).<br />
Both scientific and non-scientific (traditional) conservation techniques are considered in these<br />
initiatives and hence find common ground in the quest for meeting conservation and<br />
livelihood needs across landscapes. These approaches are based on the assumption that access<br />
to resources will encourage communities to respect and use these in such a way as to ensure<br />
2
long term sustainability. Access creates an incentive for wise use of resources by inducing<br />
behavioural change that will promote sustainable biodiversity use and conservation (Hutton<br />
and Leader-Williams, 2003; Muchapondwa et al., 2009). Pretty (2006) stresses that such<br />
incentive-driven models of conservation should be nurtured and encouraged. Therefore, this<br />
demonstrates that parks offer livelihood opportunities through direct use and other non-use<br />
values of natural resources and are living models for modern conservation policy and practice<br />
(Shackleton, 1996 cited in du Toit et al., 2003).<br />
1.2 RESEARCH GAPS AND PROBLEMS IN STUDIES LINKING CONSERVATION,<br />
LIVELIHOODS AND DEVELOPMENT<br />
Despite the ever increasing studies and evidence on the economic importance of natural<br />
resources for local livelihoods (Section 1.1), relatively few studies have been conducted in<br />
dryland ecosystems in Southern Africa such as the Kalahari (some exceptions are Milton and<br />
Bond, 1986; Barrow and Mogaka, 2007; Kerven and Behnke, 2007 and Madzwamuse et al.,<br />
2007). Madzwamuse et al. (2007) contend that studies linking livelihoods and wild resources<br />
in dryland landscapes have received inadequate attention and that the evidence of contribution<br />
of resources to livelihoods has seldom been aggregated to make the case for investment in<br />
dryland management at both local and national levels. More often than not, policy makers<br />
have relied on special pleading (Madzwamuse et al., 2007) and intuition (Ferraro and<br />
Pattanayak, 2006) rather than systematic assessment to determine the contribution of<br />
resources to livelihoods. Notwithstanding the large area of South Africa under arid conditions<br />
and in the context of dryland parks and their surrounding environments, there has been little<br />
systematic analysis of their importance, especially to local communities who have historically<br />
benefited from these ecosystems.<br />
Moreover, most studies have not attempted to assess all components of the livelihood<br />
portfolio with a few exceptions (for example, Cavendish, 2000; Dovie, 2004), yet diversified<br />
livelihoods is a key characteristic of rural economies (Shackleton et al, 2000b). The Poverty<br />
and Environment Network (PEN), an international network and research project on poverty,<br />
livelihoods and forest resources under the Centre for International Forest Research (CIFOR),<br />
represents one of the few initiatives to systematically consider the full scale of livelihood<br />
benefits offered by wild natural resources. Without such crucial knowledge, policy<br />
interventions to optimise dryland resources contribution to national development and poverty<br />
3
eduction could be misguided (Anderson et al., 2004). Some concerns have been voiced<br />
regarding the perceived rate of degradation and unsustainable use of the arid zones (e.g. van<br />
Rooyen, 1998; de Villiers et al., 2002). If correct, this could undermine the value of this<br />
natural capital in meeting the basic needs of many households living in drylands such as the<br />
Kalahari where this study is based.<br />
Shackleton et al. (2000b) further draw attention to the sectoral focuses and lack of multi-<br />
disciplinary research that have caused linkages between livelihoods and resource-use systems<br />
to be neglected. For example, it is argued that social dimensions such as cultural values<br />
(Cocks, 2006) and other social institutions that shape use (Kepe, 2008a) have been overlooked<br />
in wild resources and livelihoods studies. Lack of such integrated studies is in part the reason<br />
why there is little understanding of the significance of resources to rural livelihoods in<br />
drylands. Consequently, few policies specifically target drylands in many countries (Anderson<br />
et al., 2004). Livelihoods and natural resources studies should pay more attention to specific<br />
cultural and institutional contexts to provide more comprehensive and reflective insights on<br />
the significance of resources. Without such critical information, the contribution of natural<br />
resources to the livelihoods of people will not be properly conceptualised and contextualised.<br />
Consequently, unintended bias can result from implementing conservation and development<br />
or macro-economic policies that fail to take into account the special challenges and<br />
opportunities of drylands (Anderson et al., 2004).<br />
Knowledge of the value of the use of natural resources and their contribution to livelihoods<br />
and quality of life is needed to incorporate natural resource access and use into conservation<br />
and development planning. It is almost impossible to design and develop a system for<br />
sustainable resource use in and beyond parks without such knowledge. Furthermore, without<br />
such studies, it will also be problematic to develop and recognise the natural resource sector<br />
as a serious and significant rural development opportunity, more so in a dryland ecosystem<br />
context. The advantage of holistic assessments of land-based livelihoods is that they facilitate<br />
understanding of the multiple and diverse ways in which ‘natural capital’ is still crucial for<br />
many people within their suite of livelihood strategies (Shackleton et al., 2000b). Therefore, it<br />
is important to differentiate between the daily use of natural resources in household<br />
provisioning (subsistence) and its contribution to household income (cash income) relative to<br />
other livelihood sources to obtain a more comprehensive understanding of how important<br />
4
natural resources are to rural peoples’ livelihoods in a diversified rural economy. This study<br />
attempts to estimate and understand the importance of natural resource use to the lives of local<br />
people in the Kalahari dryland of South Africa.<br />
1.3 KGALAGADI TRANSFRONTIER PARK (KTP) AND THE LOCAL<br />
COMMUNITIES<br />
In 2008, South African National Parks (SANParks, 2008) issued a call for expression of<br />
interest to undertake research to investigate and develop a system for sustainable resource use<br />
by the #Khomani San (Bushmen) and Mier communities in Kgalagadi Transfrontier Park<br />
(hereinafter KTP or the Park) and the surrounding (resettlement) communal lands. This thesis<br />
is a response to this call. No systematic, comprehensive research had been done in the area<br />
since the successful #Khomani San and Mier land claim in 1999, and presently limited<br />
knowledge exists regarding the contribution and importance of natural resources to the<br />
livelihoods of the local San and Mier communities. Thus, in line with SANParks’ sustainable<br />
use principles, research was required to determine the multi-dimensional use value of wild<br />
natural resources (socio-economic, cultural and spiritual values) relative to the communities’<br />
broader livelihood. This project aims to enhance our understanding of the significance of<br />
dryland natural resources for both consumptive and non-consumptive purposes and, through<br />
this, analyse the opportunities for conservation interventions that will lead to enhanced<br />
livelihood security and improved relations between KTP and the neighbouring San and Mier<br />
communities.<br />
The study focuses on the KTP and local #Khomani San (indigenous and traditionally hunter-<br />
gatherers) and Mier communities (traditionally stock farmers) located in the Northern Cape<br />
Province of South Africa (see Chapter 4). The KTP situation is unique and will provide a<br />
learning point for future conservation and development initiatives. First, it is the first so called<br />
‘Peace Park’ in Southern Africa with a well documented infamous historic past of forced<br />
evictions of indigenous people. Second, in line with contemporary conservation approaches of<br />
involving local communities, it has embraced this principle by awarding a section of the Park<br />
(referred to as a Contract Park, see Section 2.2.2) to local communities. Third and last, the<br />
Kgalagadi Transfrontier Park Management is also actively involved in conservation and<br />
livelihoods efforts beyond the Park (SANParks, 2009, pers comm.). Therefore, the<br />
conservation authority, SANParks, does not want to see its parks as islands of conservation in<br />
5
a sea of degraded environments. However, this in itself creates complex challenges in terms<br />
of understanding how resource value is realised both inside and outside the Park given<br />
different resource access agencies (cultural and socio-institutional dynamics) (see Chapters 6<br />
and 7 respectively) in and out of the Park. This is because efforts aimed at combining poverty<br />
reduction/livelihood needs and conservation in and beyond parks have mixed outcomes, both<br />
positive and negative (Gartlan, 1998; Oates, 1999; Adams et al., 2004).<br />
While it can be said that the San represent one of the best studied groups of indigenous<br />
peoples in the world today, much of the work that has been done has concentrated on their<br />
history and foraging adaptations (Hitchcock, 1987). However, relatively little in the way of a<br />
detailed analysis of the socio-economic significance of natural resources to these people has<br />
been done, despite their reputation for being ‘close to nature’. The Mier on the other hand<br />
represents a group that has been largely overlooked in previous studies and they are not<br />
considered as an indigenous community in some circles (see Chapter 4, Section 4.2.3). The<br />
neighbouring San and Mier communities were historically locked in chronic poverty and<br />
relative shortages of land, technologies, education, health, labour and life chances (Chennells,<br />
2001) and therefore the biodiversity-human relationship is of critical importance. In the<br />
absence of job opportunities and other income generating projects people may look to the<br />
environment for daily needs and continued survival. Therefore, the rationale for undertaking<br />
this research lies in the preceding arguments, including factors such as the history of<br />
#Khomani San and Mier (of dispossession in terms of land and access to resources) where<br />
they were separated from the plants and animals they once foraged and hunted (see Chapter<br />
4). There is also significant information on the history of the Park and the #Khomani San and<br />
Mier communities that provides excellent contextual background and SANParks specifically<br />
needs data regarding the direct-use and cultural values of dryland resources to communities in<br />
order to achieve its co-management and sustainable resource use objectives.<br />
1.4 AIMS AND KEY QUESTIONS UNDERLYING THE STUDY<br />
Given the preceding context and motivation, the overarching aim of this study is to determine<br />
the contribution of dryland natural resources to the livelihoods of local #Khomani San and<br />
Mier communities and to identify and understand the cultural and institutional arrangements<br />
and contexts that constrain or help the integration of land and its resources into the two<br />
6
communities’ livelihood portfolios. The study seeks to explore the following specific<br />
questions:<br />
What are the direct-use values of the wild natural resources to the #Khomani San and<br />
Mier communities?<br />
How important are wild natural resources (in both cash and non-cash terms) to the<br />
#Khomani San and Mier communities relative to other livelihood sources?<br />
What are the cultural significances and values (ethical, spiritual, symbolic,<br />
educational, existence and bequest values) of wild natural resources to the #Khomani<br />
San and the Mier communities?<br />
What are the institutional arrangements (including actors) that govern access and<br />
management of these natural resources within and outside the Park?<br />
What do the findings from the above questions mean for conservation, sustainable<br />
natural resource management and livelihoods improvement for the #Khomani San and<br />
Meir within the KTP and surrounds?<br />
1.5 RESEARCH HYPOTHESES<br />
This study is premised on the following hypotheses:<br />
Natural resources play an important role in the livelihoods of rural dwellers in the<br />
Kalahari area.<br />
Cultural values shape the importance attached to natural resources and therefore<br />
cultural values represent a framework in which the value of natural resources is<br />
negotiated, contested and interpreted.<br />
The interactions, different interests and unequal power relations among different<br />
actors (groups, individuals and organisations) generally shape the institutional<br />
landscape and governance of natural resources, particularly resource access for<br />
livelihood use by different San and Mier users.<br />
The predominant postulation behind this study is that recognition of the use, importance and<br />
value of natural resources to local people will assist the Park in sustaining natural resource<br />
use, ensuring biodiversity conservation and meeting human livelihood needs. The livelihood<br />
and cultural importance of natural resources in the area provides the basis for considering<br />
sustainable access and use arrangements and for building community-park relationships.<br />
Further, the study explores the links between the direct use values of natural resources, the<br />
7
cultural values underlying (and shaping) such uses and the institutional arrangements<br />
(including actors) that guide natural resource access and management in the Park and<br />
resettlement areas in an integrated and holistic manner. Such an approach assists in the<br />
understanding of natural resource use dynamics and allows for identification of the multiple<br />
challenges in natural resource management, and consequently making it easier to design<br />
useful and relevant recommendations.<br />
1.6 THESIS OUTLINE<br />
Chapter 1 presents an introduction and background to the study. Chapter 2 looks at the<br />
conservation trajectory from early separatist approaches to inclusive approaches with a view<br />
to bring to light the foundation of modern conservation practice. Subjects and policy<br />
frameworks related to sustainable resource use in and beyond parks are discussed at length to<br />
provide a framework within which natural resource contribution and value to livelihoods<br />
could be understood better. In Chapter 3, theoretical and conceptual frameworks influencing<br />
the research, the study’s methodological approach and methods are discussed. Chapter 4 is a<br />
presentation and analysis of the general location of the study site, biophysical characteristics,<br />
historical background, general land use patterns, and socio-economic attributes. This provides<br />
a context within which natural resource contribution to local livelihoods can be<br />
unambiguously understood and appreciated. Chapter 5 presents the contribution (monetary<br />
value, desirability and usefulness) of natural resources to rural livelihoods. Chapter 6<br />
discusses the cultural values (non-monetary, ethical significance, symbolic dimensions) of<br />
natural resources and the interconnectedness of cultural values and natural resource use. It<br />
also discusses how culture shapes resource access and use. The relationship between different<br />
actors and institutions and natural resource governance is presented in Chapter 7. This<br />
provides a broad understanding of how a combination of cultural factors (in Chapter 6) and<br />
institutional dynamics influence natural resource access, use, management and livelihoods of<br />
the San and Mier. Natural resources and their use cannot be disconnected from the issues of<br />
natural resource governance by different institutions. Chapter 8 presents a synthesis and<br />
conclusion of the study findings. Each of the results chapters (Chapters 4, 5, 6 and 7) is<br />
written as an independent paper to allow easy conversion for publication. Therefore, there<br />
might be some overlaps in the discussions between these and the initial literature review and<br />
context chapters (Chapters 1, 2 and 3).<br />
8
CHAPTER 2<br />
THEORETICAL AND CONCEPTUAL CONTEXT: PARKS, CONSERVATION AND<br />
LIVELIHOODS - FROM A GLOBAL TO A LOCAL PERSPECTIVE<br />
2.1 INTRODUCTION<br />
The concept of conservation with people in parks is now common currency in international<br />
conservation literature and debates. However, the concept of ‘conservation beyond parks’ is<br />
relatively new in Africa, and more so in South Africa (see Pollard et al., 2003). What is<br />
common though, in most of the deliberations on conservation in and beyond parks are the<br />
livelihood- biodiversity linkages. Most researchers agree that the concept of livelihoods (at<br />
least) includes cultural and social (institutional) dimensions, and that failure to understand and<br />
consider these on the one hand or isolating them on the other hand may lead to a poor<br />
understanding of the value of natural resources to rural livelihoods and consequently impact<br />
on conservation success (Ntiamoa-Baidu et al., 2001; Kepe, 2008a).<br />
2.2 CONSERVATION AND DEVELOPMENT: AN INTERNATIONAL CONTEXT<br />
2.2.1 Key strands and switches in conservation thinking<br />
There is a steadily growing, but at times dichotomous, body of knowledge on ‘conservation<br />
and development’ in conservation literature (Gartlan, 1998; Chapin, 2004). Extremist<br />
conservation biologists on the one hand, argue for conservation without people (see Oates,<br />
1999; Terborgh, 1999; Sunderland, 2006), while a relatively new resurgent group of<br />
commonly labelled social scientists view conservation and people as inextricably linked<br />
(Murphree, 2000). The growing and proven evidence of the contribution and value of natural<br />
resources to livelihoods both in parks and out of them has been a key driver for the growing<br />
support of people-centred approaches to conservation (see Chapter 7).<br />
Historically, conservation strategies have been dominated by attempts to reserve places for<br />
nature, and thus separate humans and other species (Carruthers, 1995, 1997; Hulme and<br />
Murphree, 1999; Pretty, 2006). A model which has been called ‘fortress conservation’, the<br />
‘fences and fines approach’ (Wells et al., 1992) or ‘coercive conservation’ (Peluso, 1993)<br />
dominated conservation thinking internationally for much of the 20 th century (Pollard et al,<br />
2003). This conservation approach was premised particularly upon the USA idea of a natural<br />
park as a pristine or wilderness area (du Toit et al., 2003; Pretty, 2006) and the British notion<br />
9
of a nature reserve that is managed intensively (Adams, 2004). Wilderness areas were<br />
envisioned as pristine environments comparable to those that existed before human<br />
interference, with delicately balanced ecosystems that needed to be preserved for present<br />
enjoyment and non-extractive use only (Pretty, 2006). Thus, traditional conservationist beliefs<br />
generally hold the view that there is an inverse relationship between human actions and the<br />
well being of the ecosystem (Pretty, 2006). This same sentiment is expressed more profoundly<br />
by Carruthers (1995). She posits that, referring to Kruger National Park in South Africa:<br />
“Since its inception and sporadic development, management has been driven by a desire to<br />
minimise human influences and maintain ‘pristine’ characteristics, no doubt shaped by the<br />
romanticised European view of the natural landscape before twentieth-century modernisation”<br />
(cited in Freitag- Ronaldson and Foxcroft, 2003).<br />
However, with increasing and broad conservation knowledge, ‘protectionist’ conservation<br />
principles and practice came under fierce but justified criticism that led to the emergence of<br />
conservation with people. There is a popular belief among social scientists that<br />
conservationists are contemptuous of human needs and quality of life that they valued plants<br />
and animals over and above people (Hoff and McNutt, 1994). This enduring tension between<br />
resource exploitation and conservation has always been at the heart of conservation debates<br />
(Wilson and Bryant, 1997). Political changes too (especially with the advent of democratic<br />
practices) also inspired a new interest in decentralisation and community participation in<br />
conservation projects (World Bank, 2004). New and innovative programmes, aimed at<br />
removing or reducing conflicts between protected areas and people, signalled a shift in<br />
international thinking on conservation issues (Fabricius, 2004).<br />
The new conservation approach emerged in different names such as co-management (Kelleher<br />
and Phillips, 1999; Murphree, 2000; Borrin-Feyerabend et al., 2000, 2004; Berkes, 2008b; de<br />
Koning, 2009), community-based natural resources management/conservation (Campbell et<br />
al., 2001; Fabricius et al., 2004; Kiss, 2004; Berkes, 2007), joint-management and Integrated<br />
Conservation and Development Projects (ICDPs) (ICEM, 2003; Agrawal and Redford, 2006)<br />
among others and in various degrees of application in different countries and regions. These<br />
projects attempted to ensure the conservation of biological diversity by reconciling the<br />
management of protected areas with social and economic needs of local people (Wells et al.,<br />
1992; McNeely, 1995; Borrini Feyerabend et al., 2000). This type of conservation that links<br />
10
up with the livelihoods of the neighbouring residents is seen as an ideal way through which<br />
realised value (in monetary sense) can be appropriated for human use (Wells, 1996; Hulme<br />
and Murphree, 1999; Salafsky and Wollenburg, 2000, cited in Kepe, 2002).<br />
Some of the factors leading to the criticism of ‘exclusionist’ approaches include, but are not<br />
limited to, the increased risk of marginalisation which resulted directly from the loss of<br />
traditional land rights, the risk of food insecurity, the risk of social disarticulation and the<br />
associated ‘extinction of indigenous knowledge’ (Pretty, 2006), and the risk of protected areas<br />
conversion into uncontrolled illegal activities such as poaching and protests (Palmer et al.,<br />
2002; World Bank, 2004). For example, in 1995, the Dwesa-Cwebe community in the Eastern<br />
Cape Province of South Africa invaded the Dwesa and Cwebe reserves as a symbolic act of<br />
defiance against ‘protectionist approaches’. Once inside, they began plundering shellfish in<br />
the marine reserves and decimating indigenous inland forests (Timmermans, 1999). This<br />
protest strategy attracted much public and official attention that resulted in redressive<br />
interventions from many quarters including conservation authorities, local Government, local<br />
leadership and NGOs.<br />
Thus, the need for conservation with social justice is precisely considered as one of the key<br />
motivations behind people-based approaches. The Declaration on the “RIGHT TO<br />
DEVELOPMENT” asserts that all human beings have an inalienable human right to<br />
development. According to Attfield and Wilkins (1992), development precisely refers to a<br />
comprehensive, social, economic, cultural and political process which aims at the constant<br />
improvement of the well being of the entire population and all its individuals on the basis of<br />
their active, free and meaningful participation in development and in the fair distribution of<br />
benefits (Attfield and Wilkins, 1992). The two basic principles of social justice are a) equality<br />
and equity in distribution of material goods such as natural resources and; b) participation in<br />
decisions affecting one’s or community life (Hoff and McNutt, 1994). The former is crucial in<br />
exploration of the causal associations between misdistribution, poverty and exhaustion of<br />
natural resources, while the latter has been the foundation for new approaches that are<br />
founded on decentralisation of political power which would foster both community<br />
participation and the sustainable use of natural resources. Five categories of social justice are<br />
distinguished namely participatory, distributive, commutative, contributive and retributive<br />
justice (see Blignaut, 2004). The common currency in all the mentioned categories is a<br />
11
highlight of the fact that everyone has a fundamental right of access to natural resources<br />
needed to satisfy all basic human rights.<br />
Social justice also means that the survival rights of the oppressed and disenfranchised should<br />
be protected. In some instances, it entails giving back land resources to local and indigenous<br />
people who have a historical record of forceful evictions from parks and other forms of<br />
protected areas (Ramutsindela, 2002; Kepe et al., 2005). Lee (2006) asserts that there is no<br />
substitute for the winning of land rights as a way of conferring dignity and self reliance. The<br />
form of resettlement may depend on local conditions, but people could be settled inside or<br />
outside protected areas, with sustainable use as a key principle underlying conservation<br />
efforts. Resettlement areas and Contract Parks are such examples of land given to local<br />
communities (such as the San and Mier) outside and inside parks respectively (Reid et al.,<br />
2004). It is not surprising therefore, that sustainable development was extended to make an<br />
explicit reference to justice, equity, and elimination of poverty during the World Summit on<br />
Sustainable Development in Johannesburg in 2002. World leaders agreed that biodiversity<br />
and resource conservation must be fully integrated into strategies for economic development<br />
and are essential elements of sustainable livelihoods at local scales.<br />
Today, there is a growing number of field conservation projects where at least some<br />
livelihood needs have been realised. For example, the Dzanga-Sangha project in south-<br />
western Central African Republic, despite operational problems, has been hailed as flagship<br />
of people-centred conservation (Ntiamoa-Baidu et al., 2001). The project is engaged in the<br />
management of natural resources within a multi-use protected area, compromising the<br />
Dzanga-Ndoki National Parks and the Dzanga-Dende Special Forest Reserve. The project is<br />
successful in conserving the forest’s abundant and diverse plants and animals, developing<br />
eco-tourism potential and protecting the socio-economic rights of the indigenous Ba’Aka<br />
people who exclusively depend on wildlife as their source of livelihoods (Ntiamoa-Baidu et<br />
al., 2001). The understanding in community involvement, joint-management or co-<br />
management is that some forms of extractive use, if well managed, properly monitored and<br />
based on understanding of biological limits to use, generate funds and provide positive<br />
incentives to drive habitat and species conservation (Bond, 1994; Child, 1995; Murphree,<br />
1996; Hulme and Murphree, 1999). This approach has seen the emergence of Contract Parks<br />
12
as a way of promoting sustainable use (both extractive and non-extractive use) for meeting<br />
both ecological and human needs (see Reid et al., 2004).<br />
2.2.2 Transfrontier Parks (TFPs) and Contract Parks<br />
A Transfrontier Park (TFP) (or Transfrontier Protected Area) is typically defined as “an area<br />
of land and/or sea that straddles one or more boundaries between states, sub-national units<br />
such as provinces and regions, autonomous areas and/or areas beyond the limits of national<br />
sovereignty or jurisdiction, whose constituent parts are especially dedicated to the protection<br />
and maintenance of biological diversity and of natural and associated cultural resources and<br />
managed co-operatively through legal or other effective means” (Sandwith et al., 2001:3). In<br />
South Africa, these TFPs that link ecosystems across international borders are also referred to<br />
as ‘Peace Parks’. Some TFP agreements specify that each country should give particular<br />
attention to developing and involving communities living adjacent to the park (see Chapter 4,<br />
Section 4.2.2; Chapter 7, Section 7.2.1). This is parallel to current trends in literature that<br />
support the view that TFPs often help to reunite communities historically divided by arbitrary<br />
political divisions and improve people-park relations (Hanks, 2003). Since the official launch<br />
of the KTP in May 2000, a number of other TFPs (with co-management arrangements) have<br />
been formed and more are in the planning process, not just in South Africa (e.g. the Great<br />
Limpopo Transfrontier Park and the Ai-!Ais-Richtersveld Transfrontier Park) but in the rest<br />
of Africa as well (Büscher, 2010).<br />
The advent of Contract Parks (in TFPs and other parks) worldwide was seen as a way of<br />
involving local people in the management of resources that they have traditionally relied<br />
upon. A Contract Park is defined as “any land that is either privately or state owned that is<br />
managed by an agreement reached between the owner (state or private) and a conservation<br />
agency such as the South African National Parks (Boonzaier, 1996). The ‘Contract Park’ land<br />
is legally specified and its boundaries, identification, ownership and status are clearly<br />
established (Robinson, 1985, cited in Reid et al., 2004). At times it entails negotiations with<br />
surrounding local residents and negotiating for ‘Contract Parks’ in which communal land is<br />
incorporated within game reserves or part of existing parks demarcated into separate units so<br />
that they can be used for conservation and development purposes (Wynberg and Kepe, 1999;<br />
Kepe et al, 2005; Holden, 2007; Kepe, 2008b). Conceptually, the conservation discourse<br />
behind Contract Parks recognises that alternative forms of income generation, with genuine<br />
13
economic incentives, must be offered in order to protect the parks and meet community needs<br />
(Reid et al., 2004). In most Contract Park projects, eco-tourism is held up as ‘the promise of<br />
the future’ for alternative income generation. These ‘community-based’ Contract Park<br />
projects range from allowing local people limited use of resources inside them, to giving local<br />
people almost complete control of the project (Kepe, 2002). Supporting this position was the<br />
president of the IUCN, during the World Parks Congress in Durban in 2003, when he argued<br />
that “if local people do not support protected areas, then they cannot last” and that protected<br />
areas should be now seen as “islands of biodiversity in an ocean of sustainable human<br />
development” with their benefits extending far beyond their boundaries.<br />
However, co-management approaches in general and particularly in protected areas, have<br />
been subject to criticism. Locke and Dearden (2005) (cited in Adams, 2006) warn that the<br />
recent paradigm shift towards greater community participation weakens the ability of<br />
protected areas to preserve wild biodiversity, and Terborgh (1999) insists that “active<br />
protection of parks requires a top-down approach because enforcement is invariably in the<br />
hands of police and other armed forces” and further discusses the failures of ecotourism and<br />
the sustainable development movement. Brockington (2004) believes that ‘fortress<br />
conservation’ is still in practice in some localities. Drawing from his experience in Nkomazi<br />
Game Reserve in Tanzania, Brockington argues that: “the lessons of history are that new<br />
mechanisms of natural resource use and management can be imposed by powerful groups on<br />
weaker, marginal peoples, and that this situation has continued without effective challenges<br />
for many years… we have to acknowledge the existence of the powerful forces mitigating<br />
against just solutions in order that the justices which community conservation portends might<br />
become reality” (cited in Fabricius and Kock, 2004:32).<br />
Sceptics of people-centred conservation argue that projects that seek to integrate conservation<br />
and development have tended to be overambitious and underachieving. Brockington et al.<br />
(2006) highlight that the potential benefits of integrating biodiversity with management and<br />
planning for livelihood needs are substantial, but a few examples of successful<br />
implementation exist. Marshal Murphree (2000:2), a key proponent of Community Based<br />
Conservation (CBC) argues that, “successes recorded (with CBC) are isolated and externally<br />
initiated and heavily subsidised by the outside world” and therefore, that this thought (of<br />
CBC) is still an aspiration for many parks and their authorities. Adams et al. (2004), contend<br />
14
that although it is desirable to satisfy the goals of biodiversity and poverty reduction<br />
simultaneously, it may only be possible under specific institutional, ecological, and<br />
developmental conditions. Hayes (2006) warns that given the mounting arguments against the<br />
environmental efficacy of community-based conservation programmes and the recent<br />
backlash against sustainable development and local participation in resources management, it<br />
appears that the pendulum maybe once again swinging in favour of the traditional park<br />
(protectionist) paradigm. Fabricius (2004) suggest that conservation projects should not be<br />
evaluated generically, rather a case by case approach will provide a justified and objective<br />
state-of-affairs of CBNRM projects.<br />
However, despite the criticisms noted above resource use is still not a choice but an<br />
imperative for many households living in rural Africa and more so for the poorest (World<br />
Bank, 2002a, 2002b, 2004; Shackleton and Shackleton, 2004b; Pretty, 2006). Therefore,<br />
conservation efforts that embrace sustainable use by the local poor are essential if we are to<br />
address the Millennium Development Goals, since, for some individuals, natural resources are<br />
perceived as central to their survival and in most cases local people are characterised by<br />
extreme poverty (World Bank, 2004). Ferraro and Pattanayak (2006) argue that successful<br />
conservation projects that involve local people, though few and far from being perfect show<br />
how local communities can benefit from conservation and thus, provides a path for future<br />
conservation initiatives. Since the establishment of the Kgalagadi Transfrontier Park, (and the<br />
subsequent creation of a Contract Park inside the KTP), similar establishments have been seen<br />
elsewhere in South Africa. Contract Parks in the Great Limpopo Transfrontier Park and Ai-<br />
!Ais-Richtersveld National Park are such examples. The principal national conservation<br />
agency responsible for the management of these parks is South African National Parks<br />
(SANParks). KTP remains a prime example and a model for future conservation practice (that<br />
attempts to embrace local livelihood needs) not only in South Africa, but also in the whole of<br />
Africa.<br />
2.2.3 Conservation beyond park fences<br />
For much of the twentieth century most parks were managed as distinct units separate from<br />
their surrounding landscapes (Pollard et al., 2003; Rao and Ginsberg, 2010). However, with<br />
improving understanding that conservation areas do not exist in a vacuum but are nested and<br />
connected in a heterogeneous, social, economic, environmental and political matrix that<br />
15
influences their origins and development (Pollard et al., 2003), the practice of ‘island’<br />
conservation has been challenged (Fabricius et al., 2006). Importantly, much of the earth’s<br />
biodiversity is found outside parks and therefore, conservation advocates are challenged to<br />
move the principles and practices beyond fences through support for ‘conservation by the<br />
people’ (Murphree, 1996; Rao and Ginsberg, 2010). Muchapondwa et al. (2009), contend that<br />
the land that is outside of protected areas could potentially alter ecological functions inside<br />
protected areas and subsequently leading to biodiversity loss, given that protected areas are<br />
always part of larger ecosystems. Hence there is need to expand management interventions<br />
beyond parks or protected areas (Chapter 1, Section 1.1). This approach is also pro-poor in its<br />
thinking and strategies since it also pursues what Cernea and Schmidt-Soltau, (2006) call<br />
‘double sustainability’ (as it endeavours to protect both the biodiversity and people’s<br />
livelihoods at the same time).<br />
Important in conservation beyond fences is the empowering of communities and individuals<br />
to take full responsibility for managing natural resources adjacent to protected areas that<br />
contribute to their sustainable livelihoods. On the basis of several case studies in South<br />
Africa, Fabricius and de Wet (1999) concluded that “the main negative conservation impacts<br />
of forced removals from protected areas are that they contribute to unsustainable resource use<br />
outside the protected areas, because of increased pressure on natural resources in areas<br />
already degraded due to overpopulation” (cited in Fabricius and de Wet, 2002). The theme of<br />
the 5 th World Parks Congress on ‘Benefits Beyond Boundaries’ captures the euphoria of<br />
community benefits from protected areas and beyond. The theme is viewed as a way of<br />
challenging people to understand the many values and benefits that areas beyond protected<br />
areas offer (Miller, 2003 cited in Ramutsindela, 2006). The KTP has programmes targeted at<br />
the surrounding communal lands where the San and Mier communities live, after being<br />
provided with land ownership outside the Park following their successful land claim. The<br />
concept is that if resources are managed sustainably, especially within the local cultural and<br />
institutional contexts, both local communities and the ecosystem will be sustained,<br />
consequently avoiding pressure on Park resources.<br />
2.2.4 Culture, institutional dynamics and natural resource governance<br />
At the heart of contemporary conservation paradigms are the influences of cultural<br />
background and social institutional arrangements in terms of natural resource access, use and<br />
16
governance. Culture and other social institutions are important in access and use of natural<br />
resources in given contexts (e.g. Kepe, 2002, 2008a; Matose, 2008; Chapter 3, Section 3.4;<br />
Chapter 5, Section 5.1; Chapter 6; Chapter 7). Cultural, spiritual, and heritage values exert a<br />
strong influence on local preferences and well being. It is also argued, for instance that the<br />
notional value that elements of the environment have for different people is a reflection of<br />
values embodied in their cultures (Byers, 1996; Rao and Ginsberg, 2010). Thus, natural<br />
resource use ultimately originates from within the constellation of shared goals to which a<br />
society aspires – elements that transform natural resources into satisfaction of human needs.<br />
Though proponents of strict protectionist approaches still spearhead for intensively and<br />
strictly managed protected areas, other studies contend that other land-use regimes may<br />
provide effective means for communities to enforce rules and that protected areas do no better<br />
than alternative governance structures (Hayes, 2006). The debate on the role of local<br />
institutions in biodiversity conservation and livelihoods linkages has been discussed at length<br />
in the literature (Ostrom, 1990; Western and Wright, 1994; Ghimire and Pimbert, 1997;<br />
Neumann, 1997, 1998; Hulme and Murphree, 2001). Most authors also agree that institutions<br />
shape access and use of resources in a given context (Kepe, 2002, 2008a; Matose, 2008).<br />
Institutions are regarded as levers through which human behavior could be controlled and<br />
resources could be sustainably managed (see Chapter 7). Therefore considering different<br />
cultural orientations and institutional configurations, the environment that is being valued<br />
becomes a site of conflict between competing notions of value and interests of the different<br />
people.<br />
However, very few studies on resource use and livelihood dynamics have looked at the<br />
influence of cultural aspects (such as identity, traditional knowledge, myths, norms, etc) and<br />
institutional configurations on resource access, use, livelihoods and management (see Matose,<br />
2008). Furthermore, there has been less focus on cases of land restitution in protected areas<br />
(such as the KTP) where co-management is often seen to be applicable (de Koning, 2009). A<br />
very big complement of studies has failed to realise that protected areas and areas adjacent to<br />
them are sites of nested and complex institutional arrangements. Hence, the knowledge and<br />
understanding on how the value placed on resources by resource users is influenced by<br />
various institutional arrangements is still shallow. A focus on the influence of institutions is<br />
critical in this study as co-management has been seen as the only strategy in memorandum of<br />
17
agreements to reconcile land restitution in protected areas (Kepe, 2008b). Institutional and<br />
natural resource governance issues are quite different between co-managed parks and<br />
community-managed land. Governance aspects in parks often involve the principal<br />
conservation agency (usually Government agencies) and representatives of local<br />
communities, and though rules are designed through collaborative means, communities are<br />
relatively powerless and their needs and aspirations are rarely addressed (Sayer et al., 2000;<br />
Brockington, 2004). In community-owned land, natural resource management responsibilities<br />
often entirely lie with the community through locally elected committees of traditional<br />
leadership. However, inter and intra community conflicts are common, with certain groups of<br />
people possessing more decision making powers than others (Ellis, 2010; Thondhlana et al.,<br />
2011). In the context of the KTP, management of resources could be relatively easy in the<br />
Park, while it could be more challenging outside the Park due to increased complexity ranging<br />
from power relations, cultural differentiation, other competing land uses and heightened inter-<br />
and intra-community heterogeneity among others. Different land tenure regimes such as the<br />
Contract Park, the rest of Park, surrounding game farms and communally-owned (See Chapter<br />
4, Section 4.2.2.2) resettlement land mean different management arrangements.<br />
Community-owned land, such as the resettlement farms owned by the San and Mier<br />
communities in the Kalahari is what is normally referred to as common property, implying a<br />
system of common governance for resources where use of the resources by separate units like<br />
households produces external effects for each other (Vatn, 2005). Therefore, by establishing<br />
common property over the resources at stake, the San and Mier communities regulate<br />
interactions through rules about who is allowed to do what concerning the common resources.<br />
State property such as the KTP, is about internalising the externalities by bringing them under<br />
one common set of goals, and one common governance structure, in this case, the state (Vatn,<br />
2005). Co-management of state land such as the KTP, is in response to the fact that action by<br />
one unit has external influence over the other. For example, if the Park management decides<br />
to restrict resource access in the Park, local communities may not be able to use resources that<br />
have multi-dimensional meaning to their livelihoods. Therefore, joining management efforts<br />
(co-management) is seen as a way of transforming the external problem e.g. resource access<br />
restriction into an internal one, which can then be treated with the common management<br />
structure of key actors. The Joint Management Board (JMB) of the KTP is such management<br />
18
structure that is supposed to represent the interests of SANParks, the San and Mier, key<br />
stakeholders in the Contract Park agreement (see Chapter 7, Section 7.4.2.2).<br />
However, each land arrangement faces different challenges with the management of<br />
communally-owned resettlement land being particularly challenging due to the aforesaid<br />
factors. Understanding the functioning of these different resource regimes (through examining<br />
culturally and institutionally rooted interactions) is critical in designing approaches that can<br />
contribute to the sustainable management of natural resources in the different resource tenure<br />
regimes. This is especially important in situations where local communities are involved in<br />
co-management of some parcels of land such as the Contract Park, as in this case study.<br />
2.3 DRYLAND ECOSYSTEMS AND RURAL LIVELIHOODS<br />
Attention to drylands and rural livelihoods becomes salient to this study as more than 91 % of<br />
South African lands is classified as arid or drylands (de Villiers et al., 2002). The Millennium<br />
Ecosystem Assessment (MA) (2003) defines a dryland “as land where plant production is<br />
limited by water availability”. Drylands as defined by the Convention to Combat<br />
Desertification, refers to lands where annual precipitation is less than two thirds of potential<br />
evaporation, from dry sub-humid areas (ratio ranges 0.50 - 0.65), through semi-arid, arid and<br />
hyper-arid (ratio < 0.05), but excluding polar areas. Dryland ecosystems including sub-humid,<br />
semi-arid, arid and hyper-arid areas occupy approximately 50 % of the Earth’s terrestrial<br />
surface (Madzwamuse et al., 2007). The Kalahari region, where this study is based, is a semi-<br />
desert area which receives less than 200 mm of rainfall annually (see Chapter 4, Section<br />
4.2.1).<br />
More than 35 % of the world’s population live in drylands, and many people directly depend<br />
on them for their livelihoods for goods and services such as food, fodder, fibre, medicine and<br />
so forth (Madzwamuse at al., 2007), contrary to the once popular notion that viewed drylands<br />
as wastelands (Bulpin, 1965). According to Anderson et al. (2004), African drylands alone are<br />
home to 268 million people or 40 % of the continent’s population and excluding deserts,<br />
comprise 43 % of the continent’s surface area. Some of these drylands are marginalised and<br />
contain many of the Africa’s poorest and most food-insecure people. Most of the drylands,<br />
particularly hyper-arid and arid lands are nominally regarded as extensive grazing lands for<br />
livestock or game (Grossman and Ganda, 1989).<br />
19
Drylands also provide habitat for wildlife and are critical to the survival of many migrating<br />
species. In addition, such drylands are often the last reserves of this game as the land is<br />
unsuitable for conversion into agriculture or forestry. Despite comparatively low species<br />
numbers, biodiversity is crucial to maintaining ecosystem functions in drylands. Losing<br />
species in dryland systems may result in the reduction of resilience, productivity and<br />
livelihood security far more quickly than in more humid environments especially given the<br />
increasingly evident encroachment of human activity into the very dry and hyper-arid areas.<br />
Madzwamuse et al. (2007), contend that although drylands have fewer species than the tropics<br />
or semi-tropics, they are characterised by a high degree of endemism and also contain wild<br />
resource products with high use and non-use values. For example, the value of land under<br />
wildlife in the arid Lowveld region of South Africa has been found to be potentially higher<br />
than other land-use option (Blignaut and Moolman, 2006). As a result, most researchers,<br />
practitioners, donor agencies and government departments are being compelled to re-examine<br />
their perceptions of drylands (such as the Kalahari) as wastelands or useless areas (e.g.<br />
Barrow and Mogaka, 2007; Madzwamuse et al., 2007). Drylands have been presented with<br />
new names such as ‘the real jewels of the Kalahari’ (Madzwamuse at al., 2007), ‘undervalued<br />
national economic resources’ referring to Kenya’s drylands (Barrow and Mogaka, 2007) and<br />
the ‘hidden value’ (Araia, 2005). Anderson et al. (2004), contend that productive and<br />
prosperous enterprises in a dryland context can only flourish where people in drylands are not<br />
only able to secure the necessary investment, largely for water and infrastructure<br />
development, but also where the contribution of natural resources to their livelihoods is<br />
clearly understood.<br />
2.4 A SOUTH AFRICAN CONTEXT<br />
2.4.1 Conservation policy<br />
After the first democratic elections in 1994, the new ANC government of South Africa<br />
realised that protected areas had remained inaccessible to the majority of South Africans and<br />
few benefits were derived from these, hence the need to come up with initiatives that benefit<br />
local communities (DET, 1997). Conservation without people was a characteristic of the pre-<br />
1994 apartheid era in which the basic philosophy of protectionism prevailed, particularly with<br />
an explicit emphasis on the repudiation of the human element (Carruthers, 1997). Of<br />
particular concern was the fact that most protected areas were established within some of the<br />
most poverty stricken parts of the country and in most instances at severe costs to indigenous<br />
20
and local communities. However, South Africa recognised that parks are assets of<br />
unsurpassed value which both conserve biodiversity and potentially generate substantial<br />
socio-economic benefits to local communities and the nation as a whole. Since then, the<br />
preconditions for and discourses on the sustainability of conservation areas are being<br />
rewritten as the practice of fortress conservation is increasingly challenged (Pollard et al.,<br />
2003). Since the early 1990’s the conservation sector in South Africa has made strides to<br />
emulate their counterparts in the rest of Africa and elsewhere, by incorporating rural<br />
livelihoods and social justice – in practice or at least in principle – into conservation planning<br />
(Wynberg and Kepe, 1999; Cock and Fig, 2000 cited in Kepe, 2002). Many of the<br />
conservation areas, such as the KTP are located in the dry regions of South Africa.<br />
2.4.2 South African policy context on sustainable use in parks and surrounding<br />
landscapes<br />
Table 2.1 provides a brief overview of some of the key policies that have guided natural<br />
resource management strategies and actions and continue to affect people-natural resource<br />
relationships in South Africa. This should not be seen as exhaustive though. South Africa is a<br />
signatory of the Convention on Biodiversity (CBD). The CBD is widely seen as a turning<br />
point in conservation, in its embodiment of holistic strategies to ensure the conservation and<br />
sustainable use of biological resources (Kepe, 2002). The CBD’s main objectives are the<br />
conservation of biodiversity; the sustainable use of biological resources; and the fair and<br />
equitable sharing of benefits arising from the use of genetic resources. Article 8 (j) of the<br />
CBD calls for approval of local people in promoting wider use of their knowledge and sharing<br />
with them the benefits of such commercial utilisation of knowledge (UNEP, 1992). This non-<br />
binding instrument has provided an impetus and precursor to community-based conservation<br />
in and beyond parks in South Africa and elsewhere. Having signed the CBD agreement in<br />
1992 and in line with the requirement of Article 6 of the convention, South Africa developed<br />
a National Biodiversity Strategy and Action Plan and approved the National Environmental<br />
Management: Protected Areas Act 57 of 2003 among other initiatives. A key feature in these<br />
strategies and plans is the involvement of indigenous and local communities in conservation<br />
planning, particularly those communities with a history of forced eviction from their ancestral<br />
lands. The awarding of ancestral land back to the indigenous San and Mier communities in<br />
the KTP is partly seen as a result of the Declaration of the rights of indigenous people (Table<br />
2.1).<br />
21
Table 2.1: A brief overview of key policies informing natural resource management<br />
approaches in South Africa<br />
Key policy Influence on people and parks<br />
Global policies<br />
Declaration on the Rights of Indigenous<br />
Peoples<br />
United Nations Convention to Combat<br />
Desertification (UNCCD)<br />
2.4.3 Drylands of South Africa<br />
Provides the minimum standards for the survival, dignity<br />
and well-being of the indigenous peoples of the world.<br />
Provides a framework to combat land degradation (that<br />
cause desertification) and mitigate the effects of drought<br />
in arid, semi-arid and dry sub-humid areas through<br />
national action programmes that incorporate long-term<br />
strategies. The strategies are supported by international<br />
cooperation and partnership arrangements.<br />
South African policies<br />
Biodiversity Act No. 10 of 2004 Calls for integrated and cooperative governance of<br />
biodiversity conservation, sustainable use of indigenous<br />
biological resources and the fair and equitable sharing of<br />
benefits from indigenous resources.<br />
Protected Areas Act No. 57 of 2003 Stipulates a comprehensive and consultative planning<br />
process for the management of national parks and other<br />
National Biodiversity Strategy and Action<br />
Plan of 2003<br />
protected areas.<br />
South Africa is required to develop national strategies,<br />
plans or programmes for the conservation and sustainable<br />
use of biodiversity and equitable sharing of benefits<br />
derived from genetic resources.<br />
National Forest Act of 1998 The status of some tree species such as Acacia erioloba,<br />
Acacia haematoxylon and Boscia albitrunca are listed in<br />
the Red List of South African Plants as declining and<br />
hence they are protected by National Law.<br />
Objective 1.4 of the White paper of 2000 Promotes environmentally sound and sustainable<br />
SA National Biodiversity Strategy and the<br />
development in areas adjacent to or within protected<br />
areas.<br />
Advocates for sustainable natural resource use.<br />
Durban Accord<br />
SANParks Draft Policy on Resource Use SANParks to “familiarise itself with historical<br />
relationships between the protected area, its resources and<br />
stakeholders, particularly against the backdrop of<br />
historical ownership of and access to land and resources”.<br />
Nearly 91 % of the South Africa is arid, semi-arid or dry sub-humid and falls broadly within<br />
the United Nations Convention to Combat Desertification (UNCCD) definition of affected<br />
drylands (de Villiers et al., 2002). About 8 % is considered hyper-arid while only about 1 %<br />
of the surface areas of South Africa may be defined as humid. The distribution of the five<br />
22
aridity zones is represented in Table 2.2. The Kgalagadi Transfrontier Park is located in the<br />
Northern Cape province of South Africa. As indicated in the above table, the Northern Cape,<br />
unlike others, is the most arid province consisting of arid and hyper-arid conditions only.<br />
Table 2.2: Distribution of aridity zones in South Africa per province (after Hoffman et al.,<br />
1999 cited in de Villiers et al., 2002)<br />
Province<br />
Hyperarid<br />
% Aridity class according to ratio of MAP:PET<br />
Arid Semiarid<br />
23<br />
Dry sub-<br />
humid<br />
Humid Total<br />
area<br />
0.65 Km 2<br />
Eastern Cape 0 34 51 12 3 169 863<br />
Free State 0 34 65 1 0 129 798<br />
Gauteng 0 0 100 0 0 18 186<br />
KwaZulu-Natal 0 0 60 31 8 92 333<br />
Mpumalanga 0 0 88 9 3 77 780<br />
Northern Cape 24 76 0 0 0 362 739<br />
Northern<br />
0 30 68 1 0 123 190<br />
Province<br />
North West 0 57 43 0 0 116 178<br />
Western Cape 8 64 24 2 2 129 503<br />
Total km 2 96 142 566 944 477 169 61 532 17 783 1 219 570<br />
% of total area 8 47 39 5 1 100<br />
2.4.4 Land Reform in South Africa<br />
In 1994, consequent to the end of apartheid, the South African government instigated an<br />
ambitious, policy-driven land reform and restitution programme intended to reduce social<br />
disparities and improve the lives of those marginalised by the Apartheid system of segregation<br />
and discrimination (Williams, 1996; Levin and Weiner, 1997; Ramutsindela, 1998;<br />
Bradstock, 2004; Kepe et al., 2005). Land Reform in South Africa is divided into three<br />
programmes namely Land Redistribution, Land Tenure Reform and Land Restitution. The<br />
main objectives of the land reform programme are to (a) redress the injustice of the past; (b)<br />
foster National reconciliation and stability; (c) underpin economic growth, and (c) improve<br />
household welfare and alleviate poverty (DLA, 1997). According to Kepe et al. (2005), the<br />
land restitution policy (under which the San and Mier land claims fall) aims to restore land or<br />
provide alternative forms of redress (e.g. alternative land, financial compensation or<br />
preferential access to state development projects) to people dispossessed of their rights to land<br />
by racially discriminatory legislation and practice after 1913. The Northern Cape’s
Commission on Restitution of Land Rights promises that “a person or community<br />
dispossessed of property is entitled either to restitution of that property or to equitable redress.<br />
This is in accordance to the South African Constitution mission to build a better future based<br />
on social justice”.<br />
One of the most contentious rural land restitution cases in South Africa is that of the<br />
Dwesa/Cwebe on the ‘Wild Coast’. The non-resolution of land claims on the Wild Coast had<br />
been a source of numerous land-related conflicts (Kepe, 2001). Most of these claims were in<br />
relation to land reserved for nature conservation, or land targeted for economic development<br />
(see Kepe, 2001). Villagers who lost land to the Dwesa/Cweba Nature Reserves finally had<br />
their land rights restored in July 2001, after many years of mayhem. Another notable example<br />
is the Makuleke community in the Northern part of Kruger National Park. It represents one of<br />
the first large-scale community-based rural land claims in conservation areas in South Africa<br />
and arguably set an excellent precedent for land claims in other important conservation areas<br />
(Ramutsindela, 2002).<br />
Given the emerging acknowledgement of the realised value of natural resources to the<br />
livelihoods of many rural South Africans, several authors argue that it is worth asking whether<br />
land reform, amongst other things, can enhance this value by raising productivity levels and<br />
increasing access to and control over the resources and contribute to the reduction of poverty<br />
(Shackleton et al., 2000a, 2000b; Kepe, 2002). Such knowledge is important in determining<br />
and informing future natural resource use plans in resettlement land especially land that is<br />
inside and outside parks, such as the park land (in the KTP) and communal resettlement<br />
farms (adjacent to the KTP) awarded to the San and Mier communities of the Kalahari (see<br />
Chapter 4).<br />
2.4.5 Land reform and poverty alleviation<br />
Andrew et al. (2003), argue that the Land Reform Programme as a poverty alleviation strategy<br />
has not made significant progress. It has been found in a recent study that 50 % of all land<br />
reform projects have failed to make beneficiaries permanently better off (CDE, 2008b cited in<br />
Martens, 2009). For this reason, Goebel (2005) argues that it is increasingly becoming<br />
difficult to convincingly argue that land reform will alleviate rural poverty. For example, land<br />
transferred in a redistribution process in Limpopo province was found to be either abandoned<br />
24
or used less productively than before (McCusker, 2004). This commentator further contends<br />
that it is not the quantity of the land but the quality of the benefits derived from the land that<br />
matters and the support and capacity that is provided after the redistribution or restitution of<br />
the land. Often people are left to fend for themselves. Within the context of this study, an<br />
analysis of different institutional arrangements and systems of state support will help in<br />
understanding how they constrain or improve the capacity of local communities (the San and<br />
Mier) to manage their land and improve their livelihood strategies.<br />
The 2003 World Parks Congress held in Durban stressed that biodiversity conservation and<br />
protected area management must be socially sound, that is, “must strive to reduce and in no<br />
way exacerbate poverty” (IUCN, 2004). While IUCN recommends to its members that<br />
“where negative social, cultural, and economic impacts occur as a result of protected areas<br />
creation or management, affected communities should be compensated (IUCN, 2004),<br />
conservation organisations have not yet translated this recommendation into practice by<br />
adopting consistent formal resettlement policies. Government officials sometimes openly<br />
argue that the costs of resettling park inhabitants according to socially sound guidelines will<br />
be too high (Cernea and Schmidt-Soltau, 2006). Therefore, it has been argued that land reform<br />
is not contributing to improved livelihoods as mere access to land does not mean better<br />
livelihoods or better land-use practices (Andrew et al., 2003).<br />
However, while this evidence is not contested, most of the indicators of a successful land<br />
reform are biased towards crop production while little is known about the contribution of land<br />
reform in terms of natural resource access and use, and importance for cultural and identity<br />
fulfilment in the case of the San and Mier. In addition, the relationship between livestock<br />
ownership and resource use (grazing and browsing) is also rather shallow at this stage. The<br />
San and Mier communities received land outside the KTP through the land restitution<br />
programme as a way to improve their livelihoods (see Chapter 4). Some of the households<br />
own livestock among other livelihood strategies and options. Understanding these<br />
relationships (between land reform, resource use, livestock ownership, institutions and<br />
livelihoods) will shed light on the different interest between resource groups/users between<br />
and within communities.<br />
25
CHAPTER 3<br />
RESEARCH APPROACH, CONCEPTUAL FRAMEWORKS AND METHODS<br />
3.1 INTRODUCTION<br />
This Chapter presents a particular view on the research approach to the study and explores<br />
ways in which specific understandings of resource value and how it manifests become salient<br />
to the issue of natural resource use and management in the context of the complete livelihood<br />
portfolio. A key distinction that this Chapter will seek to draw out is between the tangible and<br />
intangible dimensions of natural resources by looking at the frameworks for understanding the<br />
direct-use and non-use values of natural resources (i.e. the Total Economic Value (TEV) and<br />
the Millennium Ecosystem Assessment (MA) frameworks. Methodological shortcomings of<br />
neo-classical or traditional valuation approaches will be highlighted and integrative<br />
approaches (e.g. the Sustainable Livelihood Framework) will be discussed.<br />
The TEV (Figure 3.1) and the MA (Table 3.1) frameworks are relevant in this study as they<br />
are useful in conceptualising and identifying the multiple values attached to natural resources<br />
and, in particular, the culturally-inspired uses of natural resources enjoyed by the San and<br />
Mier communities of the Kalahari. The Sustainable Livelihoods Framework (SLF) is used as<br />
a methodological approach to understand the conditions, the alternatives and strategies and<br />
the limitations that affect the livelihoods of the sampled San and Mier households, with<br />
regards to natural resource use and management. The Institutional Analysis and Development<br />
(IAD) framework (Figure 3.2) is specifically used to explore the different actors and<br />
institutions responsible for natural resource access and management in the Park and the<br />
resettlement farms and how these interact to influence natural resource management and<br />
livelihood outcomes. The above-mentioned approaches will be used in a holistic way to<br />
explore the links between the direct use values of natural resources, understood in<br />
combination with the cultural values uses of natural resources and the institutions shaping<br />
resources use and management in the KTP and the community-managed resettlement farms.<br />
The Chapter also takes a brief look at some of the leading determinants of resource value with<br />
an articulation of how and why natural resource significance manifests differently in different<br />
localities. The line of argument is that in order to get a deeper understanding of the intricacies<br />
26
of wild natural resource use and management in and out of park systems in Africa generally<br />
and in South Africa in particular, there is need to change the rather shallow perceptions of<br />
what the landscape and its resources mean to the indigenous and local communities inhabiting<br />
these landscapes.<br />
3.2 CONTEXTUALISING VALUATION OF NATURAL RESOURCES IN<br />
LIVELIHOOD RESEARCH<br />
This study is interdisciplinary in nature, drawing on the above approaches that link fields such<br />
as economics, ecology, sociology, history and politics among others. Given the<br />
interdisciplinary nature of the study, the methods were drawn from diverse disciplines to give<br />
a balanced understanding of the contribution of resources to local livelihoods. One advantage<br />
of drawing from diverse approaches is the opportunity of social explanations of ecological<br />
and economic phenomenon – contributing to bridging the gap between quantitative and<br />
qualitative methods of data enquiry. According to Creswell (2003), quantitative research<br />
establishes statistically significant conclusions about a population by studying a representative<br />
sample of the population. Qualitative research describes an event in its natural setting and is<br />
described as a subjective way to look at life as it is lived and an attempt to explain the studied<br />
behaviour (Abusabha and Woelfel, 2003; Walsh, 2003). Creswell (2003) affirms that<br />
quantitative and qualitative methods of enquiry both seek to explain events from different<br />
perspectives, and are therefore both valid ways to evaluate a phenomenon in the proper<br />
context.<br />
3.2.1 Natural resource valuation<br />
This section provides the conceptual and theoretical base and framework for the study’s<br />
objectives (see Chapter 1, Section 1.4) addressed in Chapters 5, 6 and 7.<br />
3.2.1.1 Understanding value<br />
According to the Oxford English Dictionary, the word ‘value’ has a number of possible<br />
meanings (Hawkins, 1990 cited in Lynam et al., 2002). Four definitions relevant to this study<br />
are noted. Firstly, value is interpreted as the amount of money, goods, or services considered<br />
being equivalent to a thing or for which it can be exchanged. Secondly, value may refer to<br />
desirability, usefulness and importance. Thirdly, value can denote the ability of a thing to<br />
serve a purpose or cause an effect. In the context of ecosystem services, this refers to services<br />
27
such as flood control, waste absorption, etc. Lastly, the term value can allude to one’s<br />
principles or standards, in other words, one’s judgment of what is valuable or important in<br />
life. It is evident that these four definitions can be associated with (1) economic, (2) social, (3)<br />
ecological, and (4) ethical/philosophical concerns, respectively (Lynam et al., 2007).<br />
Therefore, this indicates that wild natural resource value has economic, social, ecological and<br />
ethical dimensions. In general, this study uses the term ‘value’ in the sense of (1) monetary<br />
and (2) desirability, usefulness, and (4) ethical importance (non-monetary, e.g. cultural value).<br />
The above definitions and discussions draw us to social constellations - social interactions and<br />
processes that are imbedded in practice which shape the value people can derive from natural<br />
resources (Kepe, 2002; 2008a) and the resultant relativity of values in time and space. In<br />
supporting the above contention, Farber et al. (2002:378), state that: “Values ultimately<br />
originate from within the constellation of shared goals to which a society aspires – value<br />
systems – as well as the availability of ‘production technologies’ that transform things into<br />
satisfaction of human needs”.<br />
3.2.1.2 Economic valuation<br />
Ecosystem services valuation has been for a long time a key element in the design of policies<br />
aimed at sustainable natural resources management (Keyzer et al., 2006). Resource valuation<br />
is the process whereby a particular resource, or resource product or service is assigned a<br />
numeric value, usually in a monetary form. It enables a decision process to determine which<br />
service or set of services is valued most highly and how to develop approaches to maintain<br />
services by managing the system sustainably (Farber et al., 2002; MA, 2003; Turner et al.,<br />
2003). Indeed, up until now, economic valuation strategies dominated debates and took centre<br />
stage in informing environmental policies in most parts of the world. This approach appealed<br />
to the theory of markets – to the goals of maximising utility and to the centrality of money as<br />
a universal measurement for differences in human desires, of use values and of elements and<br />
processes in nature (Kepe, 2008a). The economic valuation approach has also been widely<br />
applied in the management of natural resources in communal lands (see Shackleton et al.,<br />
1999; 2002; Turpie, 2003; Dovie et al., 2004; 2006; Turpie et al., 2006).<br />
28
Drawing from Harvey (1996), there are several arguments supporting the rationale behind the<br />
use of money as a measure of value. First, money is considered as the only means by which<br />
people value significant aspects of the environment daily. Second, money is regarded as the<br />
only well understood and universal measure of value that currently exists. The assertion is that<br />
money reduces the complex and multidimensional values of resources (including subjective<br />
non-use values such as aesthetics) to a simple objective denominator (money) that is<br />
understood by everyone in most societies. Lastly, it is argued that speaking in monetary terms<br />
is the only language that holders of social power and most government officials understand.<br />
Therefore, whenever a good is marketed, as in the case of fuelwood, fodder or other minor<br />
natural resources products, its exchange value, approximated by market price, can be used as<br />
a measure of value. For a more detailed theoretical thinking behind the valuation of ecosystem<br />
services see for example Constanza et al., (1997); Heal (2000); Hannon (2001); de Groot et<br />
al., 2002; Farber et al., (2002); Howarth and Farber, (2002) and Limburg et al., (2002).<br />
3.2.1.3 Criticism of economic valuation<br />
The major critique of traditional or conventional resource valuation methods (based solely on<br />
direct market prices) is that many environmental goods and services are not traded in formal<br />
markets. This is the reason why past valuation methods have been disputed as relying on an<br />
arguably narrow target (market indicators/prices only) (Gram, 2001; Kepe, 2008a). It is not<br />
the intention of this study to discredit conventional valuation methods, rather the aim is to<br />
reflect on their weaknesses and why integrated approaches (such as Sustainable livelihoods<br />
approaches) are favourable. Kepe (2008a) observes that researchers agree that neo-classical<br />
economic valuation has limitations when it comes to addressing total economic values and<br />
moral values fully (see for example, Farber et al., 2002). Given the absence of formal<br />
markets, it could be argued that relying on actual market prices for valuation is flawed<br />
(Cavendish, 2002). As a consequence, some natural resource services may be excluded from<br />
household budget surveys, a common scenario in past valuation studies, leading to an<br />
underestimation of the contribution of resources to rural livelihoods.<br />
One key assumption in conventional economics is that market values are determined through<br />
a market process in which people or groups can express their preference for various goods or<br />
services. Values are expressed in the outcome of their exchange prices. The assumptions are<br />
29
that markets are free and competitive and that buyers and sellers have the same power and<br />
have equal access to information (Kepe, 2008a). In reality though, no single group or<br />
individual can influence the market outcomes in their favour (IIED, 1997). It is argued that<br />
price generally approximates the value of the resource in exchange and not its value in use<br />
(Smith, 1937: 28 cited in Chopra, 1993). Subsistence users without much access to cash may<br />
not be able to impute a high exchange value to products that for them have a high assigned<br />
use value (Chopra, 1993). There is therefore need to examine local economies and the non-<br />
cash transactions of natural resources. Such transactions are normally affected by socially-<br />
rooted interactions. Hence the need to link natural resources use with a host of cultural and<br />
institutional factors embedded within societies.<br />
These approaches also fail to consider the indirect-monetary value of resources (household<br />
provisioning in the form of savings) (see Shackleton et al., 2000b) and non-monetary value<br />
such as shade provided by trees, burial sites, and other cultural values. Blignaut and de Wit<br />
(1999) argue that certain things in the landscape have values that make them non-quantifiable<br />
in monetary terms, for example, life and beauty (i.e. social and cultural dimension of wild<br />
resources). The underlying factor that results in uncertainty around quantification and<br />
monetisation of natural resources is the lack of consideration of the real dimensions of human<br />
behaviour rooted in neo-classical economic assumptions (Blignaut and de Wit, 1999; Araia,<br />
2005). These traditional approaches lack consideration of the multi-dimensionality of human<br />
behaviour and recognition of the un-substitutability of products. This is the reason why full<br />
accounting of ranges of various values of complimentary and competitive services has<br />
become the major focus of contemporary valuation attempts.<br />
In light of the above weaknesses, and in efforts to complement conventional economic<br />
valuation methods, many researchers argue the importance of using innovative approaches<br />
and multi-disciplinary tools to fill the gaps and to address limitations effectively. The<br />
importance and necessity of including community perspectives in natural resource<br />
management (see Tapela et al., 2007) has encouraged the development of a range of valuation<br />
approaches and methodologies (Chambers, 1992; Campbell and Luckert, 2002; Nemarundwe<br />
and Richards, 2002). One of the greatest strengths of qualitative research based methods is the<br />
ability to go beyond numbers (Kepe, 2008a) and discuss vital qualitative issues, as well as<br />
explore differentiation across natural resources users and other stakeholders, a feature that<br />
30
previous traditional economic methods have failed to incorporate (Cavendish, 2002).<br />
Practitioners who approach resource valuation without a consideration of qualitative values<br />
often exclude the knowledge, preferences, and values of the people affected or concerned by<br />
the outcome (Long and Long, 1992; Tapela et al., 2007).<br />
Researchers however, note that it is always a combination of conventional economic methods<br />
and relatively qualitative approaches that makes valuation results robust. For example, Lynam<br />
et al. (2007), remind us that qualitative tools are rarely used alone but are typically part of a<br />
series of methods and procedures. Integrative approaches also encourage diverse perspectives,<br />
multiple interpretations and a multidisciplinary analysis (IIED, 1997). In addition, qualitative<br />
approaches can also provide an opportunity for the researcher to identify power relations in<br />
the field, for example, leaders and influential individuals can be recognised and gender<br />
relations can be analysed. An analysis of these embedded social interactions is critical in<br />
economic valuation, as it helps explain behaviour and how resource value manifest under<br />
varying social circumstances. Furthermore, this gives insight into the ways in which the<br />
economic, political, socio-cultural and environmental aspects are linked as well as what the<br />
stakes are for different groups of actors. Therefore, this indicates that there is no ‘one method<br />
fits all’ or ‘magic method’ when it comes to valuation attempts in resource and livelihood<br />
studies. In a nutshell, it is noted that both quantitative and qualitative tools have different<br />
foundations and theoretical applications. However, integrating them is mutually beneficial.<br />
Hence, any wild natural resources and livelihood assessments should consider economic,<br />
social, ecological and cultural dimensions (ethnicity, taboos, norms, myths) for robust and<br />
reliable results. Apart from the methodological challenges and shortcomings highlighted,<br />
there are also other matters of concern in previous valuation studies that need to be taken into<br />
account.<br />
Firstly, and referring to a study by Peters et al. (1989), Sheil and Wunder (2002) note<br />
omissions of some products, for example, medicinal plants and wildlife that appeared of little<br />
consequence, given the high value already obtained. The warning here is that attention should<br />
be given to resources that are deemed to be of low value since they could be low in absolute<br />
monetary terms but highly considered in people’s lives. In some cultures, children in<br />
particular, may gather fruits or hunt small animals and eat them away from home (Colfer et<br />
al., 1997; Gram, 2001). Returning home with a full stomach and gaining a more balanced diet<br />
31
from multiple natural resource products may be therefore, important in some contexts. This<br />
should as a result, be considered in valuation studies. On the other hand, most people place<br />
importance on the materials that they need to build their property such as homes and kraals<br />
but do not necessarily harvest the construction material regularly. Hence researchers should<br />
ideally not overlook this as some communities do not place much value on resources if they<br />
are not used on a daily basis.<br />
Furthermore, Sheil and Wunder (2002) draw our attention to another dimension that should be<br />
considered in wild resources and livelihood studies. There is a risk of strategic bias whereby<br />
community members may react in various ways to the perceived opportunities and threats of<br />
being researched. People may seek to bias their recorded natural resource uses upwards so as<br />
to be better recognised, for example, being seen to be using a larger area, or collecting more<br />
natural resources than usual. At the same time, a downward bias may arise from the secrecy<br />
surrounding taboos, illegal activities, shame, conflicting uses, or jealousies. Lastly, there is<br />
also an argument that the available per hectare harvest levels recorded at any time should not<br />
be simply extrapolated as a yearly constant into an infinite future because of destructive<br />
harvesting practices. Understanding the context in which resource valuation is undertaken is<br />
seen as one way to address the aforesaid criticisms. Tapela et al. (2007:62) pertinently argue<br />
that research arrangements in general must be understandable and agreeable with local<br />
interests, and that, as far as possible, research must justify its relevance to local concerns.<br />
3.2.2 TEV framework for determining economic value<br />
The services of ecological systems and the natural capital stocks that produce them contribute<br />
to human welfare, both directly and indirectly, and therefore represent part of the total<br />
economic value of the planet (Constanza et al., 1997). In light of the preceding assertion by<br />
Constanza et al. (1997), it comes as no surprise that the mainstream economic approach to<br />
valuation takes an instrumental (usage-based) approach and seeks to combine various<br />
components of value into an aggregate measure of resource value labelled Total Economic<br />
Value (TEV) (White and Crus-Trinidad, 1998). The concept of TEV therefore, provides a<br />
framework for the valuation of many natural resources (Barbier et al., 1997; de Groot et al.,<br />
2002; MA, 2003; Brander et al., 2006) and is needed for designing meaningful and successful<br />
policies in this sector.<br />
32
The TEV framework (Figure 3.1) views ecosystem goods and services as the flows of benefits<br />
to humans provided by the stock of natural capital or resources (de Groot et al., 2002). Total<br />
economic value is an aggregate of total use value and total non-use value. Use value is<br />
normally divided into direct-use value, indirect use value and options value. Direct-use value<br />
refers to the value derived from the use of raw materials and physical products from natural<br />
resources (i.e. provisioning services) (Oliver, 1995; Chapter 5, Section 5.3.3). In other words,<br />
direct-use values arise from the consumption of wild food products, for example, wild fruits,<br />
medicinal plants, wild vegetables and honey among others, and use of resources such as fuel<br />
wood, manure and building material. It may also include non-consumptive uses such as shade,<br />
burial sites and enjoying recreational and cultural amenities such as wildlife viewing (IIED,<br />
1997; MA, 2003).<br />
Figure 3.1: Total Economic Value Framework (Adapted from Jin et al., 2003)<br />
33
Indirect-use value refers to the value associated with indirect ecosystem services or functions,<br />
such as storm protection or flood control, nutrient retention, microclimate stabilisation and<br />
maintenance of water quality (i.e. regulating services) (Oliver, 1995; MA, 2003; Brander et<br />
al., 2006). People usually benefit from these but do not necessarily consume them in a direct<br />
way. Option value is the premium placed on or the willingness to pay for maintaining the<br />
possibility of future use of a resource (Munasinghe and Lutz, 1993; Dharmaratne and Strand,<br />
1999; Brander et al., 2006). In a clear maintenance of the preceding assertion, Oliver (1995),<br />
describes option value (which could be direct or indirect) as the willingness to pay to maintain<br />
the resource weighted by the probability that the resource will be used at some future date.<br />
Option value can also be classified under non-use values and therefore cuts across use and<br />
non-use values. Quasi-option value is the value of what people are willing to pay to avoid<br />
irreversible decisions until new information reveals whether certain ecosystems have<br />
currently unknown values (MA, 2003).<br />
Non-use values are those values, which are independent of an individual’s present or future<br />
direct or indirect use (Dharmaratne and Strand, 1999). Non-use values are normally divided<br />
into existence value and bequest value (Figure 3.1). Existence value is the value attached to<br />
knowing that an environmental asset exists even though the value attributer may not be<br />
interested in current or future consumption of the resource (Dharmaratne and Strand, 1999;<br />
Chapter 6, Section 6.1). Oliver (1995) supports the same argument that existence value arises<br />
from the notion that individuals who make no use of a particular natural resource may gain<br />
utility from the mere existence of the resource, even if there is no intention to use the resource<br />
in the future. This sentiment links with human value systems – appreciating that we share the<br />
world with other living things that deserve to exist.<br />
Bequest value is the value that an individual derives from ensuring that the resources will be<br />
available for his or her heirs or future generations (Barbier et al., 1997; Chapter 6, Section<br />
6.1). Bequest value is summarised as the willingness to cooperate (through monetary or non-<br />
monetary means) for conservation and preservation of natural resources, to avoid irreversible<br />
changes specifically for the benefit of future generations. Bequest, existence and option<br />
values are closely linked to spiritual and cultural values (another key objective of this study)<br />
since they are not tangible but have a significant influence on conservation (see Oliver, 1995;<br />
Posey, 1999; Cocks and Dold, 2004; Cocks, 2006). Bequest and existence values are<br />
34
traditionally more important for the San people because of their long history of strong<br />
attachment to nature (see Chapter 4, Section 4.2.3.1 and Chapter 6).<br />
In summary, the total economic value of a natural resource is the sum of use and non-use<br />
values. Using the TEV framework is not about creating a dollar value only, but also<br />
demonstrating the range of values that need to be considered when designing policies for<br />
sustainable natural resources management (IIED, 1997). However, as Oliver (1995) notes,<br />
identification is only the first step in assisting conservation policy development, and what is<br />
required is some means of quantifying each element in monetary and non-monetary terms. It<br />
should be noted that the values represented by use value in the left-hand side of Figure 3.1 are<br />
more easily derived and tangible. For example, direct use values in particular, such as<br />
consumption of fuelwood, are fairly easy to estimate since they are easily quantifiable.<br />
Moving towards the right-hand side of Figure 3.1, values become more difficult to grasp and<br />
measure. For the purposes of this study, and to develop a useful guide to understanding<br />
cultural values, option, bequest and existence values will be classified as cultural values.<br />
The realisation that some aspects of natural resource use are difficult to value in monetary<br />
terms, has led to the emergence of integrative approaches in resource use and livelihood<br />
studies. The Sustainable Livelihoods Framework (SLF) is one such approach. The new<br />
integrative approaches are premised upon the recognition that the social aspect of natural<br />
resources is not separate from, but inevitably co-constituted through the natural or biological,<br />
just as the material and cultural/symbolic dimensions of natural resource use are also fully<br />
intertwined.<br />
3.2.3 The Sustainable Livelihoods Framework (SLF)<br />
The Sustainable Livelihoods Framework (SLF) (Scoones, 1998; Chapter 1, Section 1.1), was<br />
used as a conceptual approach to understanding the circumstances, options and constrains of<br />
the two community groups. The term ‘livelihood’ and what it means has been extensively<br />
discussed among academics and development practitioners (see for instance Ellis, 1998,<br />
Chambers and Conway, 1992; Francis, 2000). The common consensus emerging from the<br />
various discussions is that livelihood is about the ways and means of making a living. The<br />
most commonly used definition of livelihood stems from the work of Chambers and Conway<br />
(1992) who state that a livelihood “comprises the capabilities, assets (including both material<br />
35
and social resources) and activities required for a means of living”. Broader understandings of<br />
livelihood include matters of finding or making shelter, transacting money or preparing food<br />
(Wallman, 1984), but is related to the issues and problems of access and changing political,<br />
economic and socio-cultural circumstances. This suggests that livelihood could be<br />
conceptualised as equally a matter of the ownership and circulation of information, the<br />
management of social relationships, the affirmation of personal significance and group<br />
identity, and the inter-relation of each of these aspects to the other (Wallman, 1984).<br />
Therefore, efforts or strategies such as poverty reduction, for instance, through the sustainable<br />
use initiatives such as that in the KTP and the surrounding communal lands aims at more<br />
sustainable livelihoods.<br />
The livelihoods approach focuses on poverty reduction interventions by empowering the poor<br />
to build on their own opportunities, supporting their access to assets, and developing an<br />
enabling policy and institutional environment. This approach is particularly suited to a study<br />
of this nature since it provides a complete guide on how livelihood outcomes manifest given<br />
different processes and structures such as culture and institutions. The sustainable livelihoods<br />
concept and framework adopted by DFID in the late 1990s (building on work by IDS, IIED,<br />
Oxfam and others) have been adapted by different organisations to suit a variety of contexts,<br />
issues, priorities and applications.<br />
The SLF identifies livelihood assets in terms of five types of capital with which people are<br />
differently endowed namely human capital, social capital, physical capital, financial capital<br />
and natural capital. There is a general agreement that the livelihoods concept has social,<br />
cultural and political dimensions, as well as material ones (Turner, 2004). Therefore, the<br />
outcomes can be thought not only in terms of cash income and other subsistence uses (such as<br />
daily use of fuelwood, food security), but also in less material terms, such as well-being,<br />
social, cultural or religious status or human rights. Specifically, the framework shows how<br />
people pursue a range of livelihood strategies in order to achieve livelihood outcomes, both<br />
material and intangible. In community-based conservation terms, natural resources correspond<br />
to natural capital. For these natural resources to be managed sustainably, human and social<br />
capital must be available and appropriately deployed. The status, networks, roles and<br />
relationships that shape how people interact in their access to, use and governance of natural<br />
resources are elements of social capital (Section 3.4; Chapter 6, Section 6.4.2.3; Chapter 7<br />
36
Sections 7.4.6 and 7.5. The framework also shows that a number of ‘transforming structures<br />
and processes’ can influence the efficacy with which local assets are used in pursuit of<br />
livelihood strategies (Turner, 2004).<br />
In this framework, ‘structures’ are the organisational hardware (both public and private<br />
sector) that influences people’s lives and to which people may (or may not) have access such<br />
as legislatures, government departments, NGOs, private corporations etc. ‘Processes’ are the<br />
many structured and unstructured ways in which people relate to each other, for example,<br />
policies, cultural practices, legislation, gender relations, power structures, local institutions<br />
(Turner, 2004; Jones and Carswell, 2004). These structures and processes are at the heart of<br />
this study (as one of the objectives) as they influence how resources are accessed and used<br />
and therefore have an impact on resource significance at household level.<br />
The framework’s practical application is fairly summarised in Scoones’s (1998:3) statement<br />
that: “Given a particular context (of policy setting, politics, history, agroecology and socio-<br />
economic conditions), what combination of livelihood resources (different types of ‘capital’)<br />
result in the ability to follow what combination of livelihood strategies (agricultural<br />
intensification/extensification, livelihood diversification and migration) with what outcomes?<br />
Of particular interest in this framework are the institutional processes (embedded in a matrix<br />
of formal and informal institutions and organisations) which mediate the ability to carry out<br />
such strategies and achieve (or not achieve) such outcomes”. This provides a much more<br />
flexible conceptual platform for analysing livelihoods as pathways, explicitly focusing on<br />
access to opportunities, varying interests and the workings of power.<br />
3.2.4 Millennium Ecosystem Assessment (MA) framework<br />
As discussed earlier, it is common practice in economics both to refer to goods and services<br />
separately and to include the two concepts under the term services (MA, 2003). In this study,<br />
all these benefits are considered as natural resources or ecosystem services because it is<br />
difficult to determine whether a benefit provided by an ecosystem is a good or a service, for<br />
instance, shade from trees. Moreover, when people refer to ecosystem goods and services,<br />
cultural values are largely unexamined and therefore often misunderstood (MA, 2003). The<br />
meaning of ecosystem services is expounded in Box 1. This study focuses on the so called<br />
provisional and cultural services (Section 3.2.4.1).<br />
37
Box 1: Understanding Ecosystem Services: Adapted and expanded from<br />
MA (2003).<br />
Ecosystem services are defined as the benefits obtained by people from ecosystems or<br />
ecological units. This definition is derived from two other commonly referenced and<br />
representative definitions: “Ecosystems services are the conditions and process through<br />
which natural ecosystems, and the species that make them up, sustain and fulfil human<br />
life. They maintain biodiversity and the production of ecosystem goods, such as seafood,<br />
forage timber, biome fuels, and natural fibre, and many pharmaceuticals, industrial<br />
products, and their precursors (Daily, 1997b:3).”<br />
The services include provisioning services such a food and water, regulating services<br />
such as flood and disease control, cultural services such as spiritual, recreational, and<br />
cultural, and supporting services, such as nutrient cycling, that maintain the conditions<br />
for life on Earth.<br />
3.2.4.1 MA framework<br />
For operational purposes, and drawing from the Millennium Ecosystem Services Framework<br />
of 2003, this study will recognise two types of ecosystem services namely, provisioning<br />
services and cultural services (Table 3.1).<br />
Table 3.1: Classification of provisioning and cultural values (Adapted from MA, 2003)<br />
Provisioning services Cultural services<br />
Products obtained from ecosystems Non-material benefits obtained from<br />
ecosystems<br />
Food (plant and animal) Spiritual and religious<br />
Fuel wood Sense of place<br />
Medicinal plants Cultural heritage<br />
Construction material Aesthetic<br />
Biochemicals Recreation and ecotourism<br />
Genetic resources Inspirational<br />
Freshwater Educational<br />
The framework is simple and hence ideal for unproblematic understanding and conception.<br />
Furthermore, it corresponds perfectly with this study’s objectives of establishing the direct-<br />
use and cultural values of resources to the local San and Mier communities. This study looks<br />
at direct-use values only and non-use values (provisioning and cultural services respectively,<br />
see Box 1 and Table 3.1), otherwise referred to as cultural values in this context. Specific<br />
details about the provisioning and cultural services will be paid attention to in Chapters 5 and<br />
38
6 respectively. This corresponds to use value (direct-use value goods) and non-use value<br />
(optional, bequest and existence values) under the TEV framework. Provisioning services<br />
such as biochemicals, genetic resources and fresh water are not covered by this study. Other<br />
important (indirect-use values) ecosystem services such as regulating services (e.g. climate,<br />
disease and water regulation and water purification) are beyond the scope of this study, and<br />
were the focus of a separate PhD study during the same period (see SANParks, 2008).<br />
3.3 CONCEPTUALISING INSTITUTIONS AND GOVERNANCE OF NATURAL<br />
RESOURCES<br />
This section provides the theoretical and conceptual background for understanding institutions<br />
and governance of natural resources (see also Chapter 2, Section 2.2.4; Chapter 7).<br />
3.3.1 Understanding institutions<br />
There are two notable definitions of institutions. The New Institutional Economy identifies<br />
institutions as rules of the game – that act as external constraints. North (1990:3) typically<br />
defines institutions in this framework as “... the rules of the game in a society, or more<br />
formally, the humanly devised constraints that shape human interaction”. Neo-Classical<br />
Institutionalists describe institutions as cognitive, normative, and regulative structures and<br />
activities that provide stability and meaning to social behaviour (Scott, 1995). This study<br />
somewhat cut across the two definitions, since both are well suited to discussing the dynamics<br />
of institutions, actors, interests and values among other issues. It draws on insights from<br />
institutions as rules of the game (North 1990; Vatn, 2005) but also pays particular attention to<br />
the many actors involved (organisations and individuals) in instituting, monitoring and<br />
enforcing of these rules.<br />
Therefore, in this study, institutions are understood as “the prescriptions that humans use to<br />
organise all forms of repetitive and structured interactions, including institutionalised cultural<br />
values as well as formal organisations” (Ostrom, 2005:1, cited in Jones and Boyd, 2011;<br />
Chapter 7, Section 7.2.2). Merely focusing on institutions as formal and informal rules may<br />
provide too narrow a perspective given that there is often a mismatch between rules and what<br />
people actually do (e.g. Holmes-Watts and Watts, 2008). Rules cannot easily be analysed<br />
independently (Richardson, 2004). Instead, focussing on actors, their interests, their value<br />
39
systems, whom and what these actors represent, what they say they do and what they actually<br />
do in practice may provide a deeper understanding of the role of different institutions in<br />
natural resource governance. In fact, actors sometimes protect certain institutional values,<br />
conventions, norms and legal rules (Vatn, 2005) and therefore their actions could be generally<br />
viewed as a representation of their institutional orientation and values. Moreover, actors are<br />
responsible for initiating or maintaining institutions at different and multiple levels including<br />
local level, regional level and multi-national level (Vacarro and Norman, 2007). In other<br />
words, actors can craft, perpetuate and reproduce institutional values. Indeed, actors and their<br />
choices are important components of this study’s analyses.<br />
Institutions are social constructs and therefore are not normally neutral (Vatn, 2005). The<br />
power to form institutions to support one’s interest may bear unequal and oppressive<br />
outcomes (Robbins, 2004; Chapter 7). Sheil and Wunder (2002) maintain that revealing the<br />
subtleties of power play between stakeholders can be crucial in understanding the distribution<br />
of natural resources among people. Robbins (2004) argues that a focus on asymmetries of<br />
power among actors provides valuable perspectives in understanding and explaining<br />
institutional performance. This means that natural resource value in rural livelihoods is<br />
realised through social contestations that are shaped by complex institutions at local and<br />
external levels (Kepe, 2008a; Cousins, 1999). Therefore, different social and institutional<br />
settings at the local level can determine how different actors regard natural resources and<br />
hence influence the arrangements for governance of those resources.<br />
Consequently, the relationship between institutions and governance of natural resources could<br />
be understood in different ways that are important in informing this study. First, institutional<br />
arrangements may facilitate or constrain access to natural resources or certain type of<br />
resources by certain groups (i.e. the power aspect). Second, institutions may be responsible<br />
for coordinating processes and actions to produce more efficient natural resource management<br />
(for example, by securing cooperation) amongst actors. Lastly, institutions may be<br />
instrumental in resolving conflicts to ensure social justice (see Chapter 2, Section 2.2.1).<br />
Kepe (2008a) however cautions that institutions responsible for natural resource governance<br />
are often characterised by conflict and ambiguity as much as by harmony and<br />
complementarity. In particular, power relations are embedded within institutional forms,<br />
40
“making contestation over institutional practices, rules and norms always important”<br />
(Scoones, 1998). Therefore, institutions are shaped in a space of interests, values, conflict and<br />
coordination. In sum, a deeper understanding of institutions (including actors), interactions<br />
and power dynamics may be the key to better inform policy for good natural resource<br />
governance and management.<br />
3.3.2 Understanding governance of natural resources<br />
Governance is described as the act or manner of governing and it is about power, relationships<br />
and accountability (Borrini-Feyerabend et al., 2004; Forsyth, 2007). The IUCN Collaborative<br />
Management Working Group (CMWG) and Theme Indigenous and Local Communities,<br />
Equity and Protected Areas (TILCEPA) (2004:1) defines natural resource governance as:<br />
“The interactions among structures, processes and traditions that determine how power and<br />
responsibilities are exercised, how decisions are taken, and how citizens or other stakeholders<br />
have their say in the management of natural resources – including biodiversity conservation”.<br />
It encompasses the processes that shape how social priorities are made, how conflicts are<br />
acknowledged and possibly resolved, and how human coordination is facilitated (Vatn, 2005).<br />
Moreover, it includes the actions of the state and may encompass actors such as communities,<br />
businesses and NGO's among others. Governance is closely related to the achievement of<br />
management objectives, the sharing of relevant responsibilities, rights, costs and benefits, and<br />
the generation and sustenance of community and financial support for sustainable use of<br />
resources (CMWG and TILCEPA, 2004).<br />
Issues such as struggles over power, practices, justice, knowledge, trust, social capital,<br />
accountability and ethnicity are increasingly being paid attention to, in understanding how<br />
certain institutions influence the value placed on resources by users in order to govern<br />
resource access, use and benefits (Robbins, 2004; Benjaminsen et al., 2006; 2008; Collomb et<br />
al., 2010). The concept and practice of governance is therefore recognised as centrally<br />
important for conservation in parks and beyond them, to maintain biodiversity integrity and<br />
improve livelihoods – where institutions emerge as levers for good natural resource<br />
management by regulating the behaviour of a set of individuals within a given community<br />
(North, 1990; Ostrom, 1990).<br />
41
There are different types of natural resource governance namely state governance, private<br />
governance, joint (co) governance and community governance – distinguished on the basis of<br />
management authority, responsibility and accountability according to legal or customary<br />
legitimate rights (CMWG and TILCEPA, 2004; Chapter 2, Section 2.2.4). The different types<br />
of governance arrangement often have different conservation and livelihood outcomes<br />
(CMWG and TILCEPA, 2004). This study is especially interested in co-management and<br />
community-based management since natural resource arrangements in the Park and<br />
resettlement farms represent these management types respectively (see Chapter 2 and Chapter<br />
4). Community-based management, such as in the farms, are often better understood by<br />
drawing insights from the common property theory (Ostrom, 1990; Chapter 7, Section 7.2.2).<br />
3.3.3 The Institutional Analysis and Development (IAD) framework<br />
The Institutional Analysis and Development (IAD) framework (Figure 3.2; Chapter 7, Section<br />
7.2.2) is often used in understanding how actors behave in collective action setting and the<br />
institutional foundations that form such settings.<br />
(A) PHYSICAL<br />
WORLD<br />
(B)COMMUNITY<br />
(C) RULES-IN-<br />
USE<br />
(E) ACTION<br />
ARENA<br />
-Situations<br />
-Actors<br />
Figure 3.2: Institutional Analysis and Development Framework (Adapted from Ostrom et al.,<br />
1994)<br />
42<br />
(D) PATTERNS<br />
OF<br />
INTERACTIONS<br />
(F) OUTCOMES
Ostrom (2007:44) asserts that the IAD framework offers researchers a way to understand<br />
processes by outlining a systematic approach for analysing institutions that govern actions and<br />
outcomes within collective choice arrangements. The IAD framework (Figure 3.2) identifies<br />
four types of variables that are assumed to affect policy processes and outcomes (Ostrom et<br />
al., 1994) as: (A) attributes of the physical world, (B) attributes of the community within<br />
which actors are embedded, (C) rules that create incentives and constraints for certain actions,<br />
and (D) the patterns of interactions among actors.<br />
The physical world (A) varies from place to place and might typically include elements such<br />
as climate, terrain, diversity of species present, stock of natural resources, temporal and<br />
spatial variability of natural resource units, current condition and other physical factors that<br />
impact the state of the ecosystem and the humans that interact with it (Ostrom, 1990). The<br />
community (B) is an important context that affects individual actions, including things like<br />
“generally accepted norms of behaviour, the level of common understanding about action<br />
arenas, the extent to which preferences are homogeneous, and distribution of resources among<br />
members” (Ostrom, 1990:45). The rules of the game (C) are the principal means actors use to<br />
influence processes and outcomes in natural resources management. The patterns of<br />
interactions (D) reflect the impact of rules of the game on institutional leadership, priorities,<br />
communication, collaboration, and accountability. The principal focus of investigation is on<br />
the action area (E) (Figure 3.2). The action situation is described as the social space where<br />
individuals interact, exchange goods and services, engage in appropriation and provision<br />
activities, solve problems, or fight (Ostrom et al., 1994:28). An actor is the individual, or<br />
group functioning as a corporate actor, who takes action based on preferences and values<br />
among others.<br />
Performance reflects the outcomes (F) produced by the patterns of interactions of different<br />
actors responsible for community-based management in terms of participation and benefits<br />
(i.e. in the resettlement farms and co-management in the Park, in this case study). According<br />
to (Koontz, 2003:3), the framework is “one particularly useful framework, which has<br />
structured inquiry across a broad array of policy sectors and disciplines”. This framework is<br />
relevant for this study since it acknowledges that within systems everything is connected to<br />
everything else (Richardson, 2004; Chapter 7, Section 7.2.2).<br />
43
3.4 IMPORTANCE OF CONTEXT IN NATURAL RESOURCES AND LIVELIHOOD<br />
STUDIES<br />
In the course of this study, the need to consider context in wild resources and livelihood<br />
studies has come to the fore. Given factors such as spatial, temporal, cultural and institutional<br />
conditions (Table 3.2), whose similarity is not common across different regions and within<br />
regions, many scholars advocate for context specific approaches (see for example, Sheil and<br />
Wunder, 2002; MA, 2003; Kepe, 2008a). These basic factors, given the name of ‘terms of<br />
assessment’ (Sheil and Wunder, 2002), define and delimit the scope of each study and as well<br />
as the interpretation of results and any potential research conclusions.<br />
Kepe (2008a) in particular emphasises the need to situate resource value within the local<br />
livelihood context, where social interactions and differentiation are seen to affect who uses<br />
what resources, and how much of the available resources – thus bringing in the non-monetary<br />
aspects of wild natural resource value (desirability, usefulness and importance). This thinking<br />
is supported by the MA’s (2003) argument that when assessing ecosystem services, it is often<br />
convenient to bind the analysis spatially and temporally with reference to the ecosystem<br />
service or services being examined since landscapes are mosaics of different human uses.<br />
Some areas can be managed for multiple uses, but some uses are mutually exclusive (Byers,<br />
1996; Byers et al., 2001).<br />
Sheil and Wunder (2002) raised questions about the participatory dimensions of valuation<br />
attempts. Questions asked were: to what extent do the researchers actually consult local<br />
people and understand their costs and benefits, their context and motives for choosing among<br />
livelihood and land use options? The questions point out to the need to take into account vast<br />
differences in biophysical and historical, social and economic contexts. Social obstacles to the<br />
realisation of potential resource importance should not be ignored. In principle, each<br />
contextual factor might influence the broader interpretation of the economic significance of<br />
wild resources. Furthermore, it may also provide insights on which to base decisions<br />
concerning resource management, and to relate the results to other settings. An attempt to<br />
clarify the many factors affecting the specific results from a single study area has the<br />
advantage of enabling the examination of the conclusions with respect to other sites. The<br />
diversity of the products, markets, and livelihood outcomes involved in the sector must be<br />
appreciated. Thus, in most circumstances, a case specific approach will be needed. This is<br />
44
ecause different products will have different potentials and problems which produce diverse<br />
outcomes.<br />
In the context of dryland ecosystems, Barrow and Mogaka (2007), suggest that it is important<br />
that decision makers have a better understanding of the particular conditions of land use<br />
management. They argue for example that the management conditions in most cases should<br />
favour extensive and communally managed systems and be able to cope with aridity and<br />
temporal and spatial variability in rainfall. For instance, livestock production has proved to be<br />
a viable form of land use in many arid landscapes. Livestock in turn, depend totally on the<br />
natural ecosystem goods and services (pasture, brows, water). However, in some dryland<br />
areas, direct-use of natural resources rather than livestock production is a key livelihood<br />
strategy both in terms of direct incomes and household provisioning for daily use (see for<br />
example, Kerven and Behnke, 2007; Madzwamuse et al., 2007).<br />
In a nutshell, a growing number of researchers argue that discussions on natural resources-<br />
based livelihoods that are out of context, despite novel intentions, can easily lead to<br />
inappropriate conclusions (Byers, 1996; Sheil and Wunder, 2002; Kepe, 2008a). These may in<br />
turn lead to misguided actions. Therefore, for ecosystem services and livelihood research to<br />
have an impact on conservation and development policy and on decision making, livelihood<br />
conclusions need to be place-specific rather than generalised. As noted by IIED (1997), local<br />
level valuation assists to avoid generalisations about the landscape outside of the study area,<br />
and magnifies local understanding of present and future values for better local level<br />
biodiversity resources management.<br />
In the context of this study, such insights are considered useful in avoiding a shallow and<br />
narrow understanding of the contribution of resources to local communities’ livelihoods and<br />
consequently provide guidance for appropriate interventions and designing incentives for<br />
sustainable natural resources management in dryland ecosystems. This study draws from the<br />
above lessons by situating the study in the biophysical, social, economic, historical and<br />
political context of the Kalahari region (Chapter 4) so as to achieve better understanding of<br />
the contribution of natural resources to local people’s livelihoods and context-relevant policy<br />
recommendations. Drawing from earlier works and in an effort to draw attention to the<br />
45
importance of context in wild resources and rural livelihood studies, some of the factors that<br />
are considered pertinent to this study will now be discussed (Table 3.2).<br />
Table 3.2: Key determinants of natural resource value<br />
Determinant Brief explanation<br />
Spatial factors and resource<br />
availability<br />
Ecosystem services are unevenly distributed in<br />
accordance to landscape variability. Richness of<br />
area in terms of biodiversity means more<br />
important livelihood resources.<br />
Temporal factors Time affects what amount of a natural resource is<br />
harvested during which periods of the year.<br />
Cultural factors<br />
Cultural, spiritual, and heritage values exert a<br />
strong influence on local preferences and well<br />
being.<br />
History Situating natural resource users e.g. foragers, in<br />
history is essential to any deeper understanding of<br />
them and their way of life in modern times.<br />
Social and institutional factors Realised and notional values of resources to rural<br />
livelihoods are socially constructed and contested.<br />
Resource access and use is mediated by complex<br />
institutions at local and external levels.<br />
The discussion and presentation should not be seen as exhaustive, rather it should be seen as a<br />
reflection on some of the main issues considered significant. First, landscapes are diverse and<br />
therefore ecosystem services are unevenly distributed and experienced in different ways by<br />
people in accordance to landscape variability. Spatial patterns thus affect use patterns<br />
significantly (IIED, 1997; Sheil and Wunder, 2002). In dryland environments livelihood<br />
opportunities are limited. For example, the alternatives that people have such as crop<br />
production and livestock farming are risky activities. Consequently, natural resources may<br />
become more important or valued both for everyday use but also as a safety net to fall back on<br />
during high risk periods such as drought (Chapter 5). Second, in terms of temporal factors,<br />
one dimension of time that is an important determinant of resource value is seasonality. Time<br />
affects what amount of a natural resource is harvested during which periods of the year.<br />
46
Third, it is argued, for instance that the notional value that elements of the environment have<br />
for different people is a reflection of values embodied in their cultures (Byers, 1996; Chapter<br />
6). In addition, the notional value of importance will be higher for people with a few other<br />
forms of livelihoods and also where there are a few forms of alternative livelihood as in<br />
isolated dryland system. Thus the environment that is being valued becomes a site of conflict<br />
between competing notions of value and interests of the different people (O’Neill, 1997 cited<br />
in Kepe, 2008a), for example between immediate local economic needs, cultural values and<br />
conservation needs (Benjaminsen et al., 2008). Fourth and last, to understand decisions about<br />
natural resource use, and the resultant benefits and value to the people, there is a special need<br />
to have a clear perception of their history and context in terms of natural resource access and<br />
use (Sheil and Wunder, 2002; Chapter 4).<br />
It has become increasingly important for wild resources and rural livelihood studies to pay<br />
particular attention to local level institutions (Chapter 7). It is vital to note that most rural<br />
African landscapes have a multiplicity of users (normally from within the same community).<br />
Therefore, these landscapes are multiple-use environments. Hence the relationship between<br />
these dynamic and diverse landscapes (multiple use) and the differentiated users (multiple<br />
users) could be analysed and understood through how these people derive their livelihoods by<br />
having legitimate control over resources (Leach et al., 1999 cited in Kepe, 2008a). The ability<br />
to have effective command over natural resources is based on firstly, securing resources<br />
access and use rights and secondly on a series of processes that transform the rights into<br />
livelihood outcomes. Kepe (2008a) argues that realised and notional values of resources to<br />
rural livelihoods are socially constructed and contested hence a focus on social institutions as<br />
terrains of negotiation is critical (see also Chapter 7). He further argues that these institutions<br />
are characterised by conflict and ambiguity as much as by harmony and complementarity,<br />
especially with respect to communally owned resources.<br />
Therefore, apart from spatial and cultural factors, this study will focus on institutions as a key<br />
factor influencing resource value and sustainable management of resources (Chapter 7). This<br />
is especially important considering that the study area is characterised by different land<br />
parcels (tenure system) i.e. the main park, Contract Park, game farms and resettlement<br />
(communal areas), which are under different management regimes (Chapter 4, Section<br />
4.2.2.2).<br />
47
3.5 OVERVIEW OF METHODS EMPLOYED IN THIS STUDY<br />
The above discussed frameworks (in earlier sections) were used to design the study such that<br />
it uses multiple methods, including quantitative surveys as well as key informant interviews.<br />
As earlier noted, there is a growing consensus emerging from the literature on fieldwork<br />
methods that the research output will be of higher quality if methods are combined as they<br />
yield different but complementary data (Campbell and Luckert, 2002; Kepe, 2002).<br />
Standardised and semi-structured interviews combined a structured quantifiable approach<br />
with an unstructured approach (see Reid et al., 2004). The methods were designed to (a)<br />
determine the contribution of natural resources to the livelihood of the two local communities,<br />
relative to other livelihood sources and (b) identify and understand the social landscape<br />
arrangements (cultural and institutional) and contexts that constrain or help the integration of<br />
land and its resources into the beneficiaries’ livelihoods portfolios in a sustainable way (see<br />
Chapter 1, Section 1.4). Both are key issues that should be brought into the ongoing policy<br />
debate about co-management and sustainable use of natural resources. The livelihoods of the<br />
#Khomani San and the Mier communities were chosen because both received land in 1999<br />
through the Government Land Restitution Programme (Chapter 4). Two case studies (San and<br />
Mier) provide a deeper understanding of some issues and aid in understanding some aspects<br />
such as culture and its influence on livelihood strategies such as resource use. This case study<br />
approach is a strategy for doing research which involves an empirical investigation of a<br />
particular contemporary phenomenon within its real life context using multiple sources of<br />
evidence (see Robson, 1993).<br />
Primary data were collected during 2009 and 2010 using structured household surveys<br />
(Appendix 5), semi-structured key informant interviews (Appendix 6) and observations. The<br />
respondents were purposely selected based on being part of the San and Mier communities<br />
who were beneficiaries of the 1999 land claim (see Chapter 4). At the time of the land claim,<br />
there were around 300 San claimants and this number was expected to rise to approximately<br />
1000, as the verification process of the people claiming to be part of the #Khomani San was<br />
being finalised (Bosch, 2005). The target of this research was to survey all San households<br />
located in the resettlement farms (Andriesvale, Uitkoms, Erin, Witdraai, Scotty’s Forty and<br />
Miershoop pan). While it was easy to locate San households in the farms, it was somewhat<br />
difficult in other locations (Rietfontein, Welkom and Askham) since some San members were<br />
integrated into the Mier community. In such circumstances, snowball sampling was used,<br />
48
where known San members in these mentioned locations were used to locate other San<br />
households (see Bryman, 2008). The snowball sampling technique had the advantage of<br />
expanding the sample beyond contacts known to the researcher in the first stage of his project.<br />
In total, 100 San households were surveyed, representing roughly all San households (80 in<br />
total) situated in the resettlement farms (at the time of the study) and 20 households located in<br />
small locations (Rietfontein and Welkom) (see Figure 4.1). A similar number (for<br />
comparative purposes) of Mier households (100) were sampled from different locations<br />
(Askham, Welkom, Groot Mier, Klein Mier and Rietfontein) also using the snowball or chain<br />
referral sampling technique.<br />
The questionnaire collected information on socio-demographic dynamics and the natural<br />
resources harvested (see Chapter 5, Section 5.2) and the cultural aspects (Chapter 6, Section<br />
6.3) and institutional dynamics (Chapter 7, Section 7.3) related to natural resources access and<br />
use by San and Mier communities. Questions relating to culture focused on facts, myths,<br />
beliefs and attitudes, while those relating to institutions evolved from a review of community-<br />
based conservation initiatives, assessing what factors affected success or failure (see Reid et<br />
al., 2004).<br />
In the second phase, 50 questionnaires (Appendix 7) were purposely administered to<br />
respondents who had indicated that they had knowledge about the various actors responsible<br />
for natural resources management in the resettlement farms and the Contract Park. The second<br />
set of questionnaires was specifically tailored to capture indicators of governance<br />
performance (such as participation, decision making, attitudes towards leaders and<br />
accountability) and indicators of socioeconomic benefits provided by the Park and<br />
resettlement farms such as whether respondents had received benefits or whether community<br />
projects had been implemented as promised and points of conflicts (see Collomb et al., 2010).<br />
The Mier were not covered in the second phase since a majority of households (92 % out of<br />
100) indicated (in the first phase) they were either not a member of any governance body or<br />
did not have any idea about existence of any local institution except for the Municipality.<br />
The surveys targeted household heads as the respondents and key decision makers in the<br />
absence of household heads. The surveys and personal interviews were conducted in the local<br />
language Afrikaans, with the help of a local translator (with a matric certificate, the highest<br />
49
level of secondary education). The translator was thoroughly trained before the surveys, with<br />
the help of an Afrikaans-speaking MSc student, who was doing a study during the same<br />
research period. A trial run was done in the field to make sure no information was lost during<br />
translation.<br />
Standardised semi-structured interviews were conducted with community leaders as they had<br />
a good understanding of the state of affairs of the Contract Park. Subjectivity or bias was<br />
minimised through interviews with different community members. Semi-structured interviews<br />
sought to describe and explore interviewees’ thoughts about the Park and provide a fuller<br />
understanding of key issues that might have been overlooked during structured interviews.<br />
This also provided enough time to listen to the communities’ side of the story. The specific<br />
methods used, data collected and programmes for analysis are discussed at length in each of<br />
the appropriate empirical chapters.<br />
3.6 LIMITATIONS AND ASSUMPTIONS<br />
Sheil and Wunder (2002) argue that even the best livelihood and natural resource study<br />
cannot quantify all potential values. Some natural resource products are consumed away from<br />
the settlement during medicinal plant collection, fuelwood and livestock herding trips making<br />
it difficult to measure the exact quantities of consumed resources (see Gram, 2001). Weights<br />
of grass and wood for construction were also difficult to establish since neither wood nor<br />
grass is regularly collected though highly valued. Quantities of medicinal plants were also a<br />
challenge to establish since the quantities were very low and so they could not be measured<br />
by any standard spring balance scales. A kitchen scale had to be used later. The communities<br />
are also generally secretive with regards to medicinal plants. Most of the knowledge is<br />
protected knowledge purportedly on a general suspicion about how the outsiders will use the<br />
information. This is especially so for the San, since there has been previous conflict between<br />
them and outsiders. A case in point is the Centre for Scientific and Industrial Research (CSIR)<br />
who registered a valuable patent from an indigenous plant, Hoodia (known for its appetite<br />
suppressant properties), without prior informed consent of the San (Chennells, 2007; Table<br />
4.1; Chapter 7, Section 7.4.6). Consequently, the San have become increasingly secretive on<br />
information regarding their indigenous medicinal plants and their uses.<br />
50
PART II: CONTEXTUAL ANALYSIS AND EMPIRICAL FINDINGS<br />
CHAPTER 4<br />
STUDY AREA AND CONTEXTUAL SETTING: DESCRIPTION OF THE<br />
KALAHARI REGION AND HISTORICAL ANALYSIS OF THE KTP AND ITS LAND<br />
CLAIMANTS<br />
4.1 INTRODUCTION<br />
The main purposes of this Chapter (drawing on literature and field surveys) is (a) to provide<br />
the reader with an understanding of the study area and (b) to build and fully understand the<br />
context in which this research is undertaken, including the factors that could influence the two<br />
main research questions, the results and interpretation of these. The study aims to (a)<br />
determine the contribution of natural resources to the livelihood of the two local communities,<br />
relative to other livelihood sources and (b) identify and understand the social landscape<br />
arrangements (cultural and institutional) and contexts that constrain or help the integration of<br />
land and its resources into the beneficiaries’ livelihoods portfolios (see Chapter 1, Section<br />
1.4). The area has a complex history and without fully understanding this it is not possible to<br />
understand the current situation or interpret the results.<br />
4.2. THE KALAHARI REGION, THE KGALAGADI TRANSFRONTIER PARK AND<br />
THE LOCAL COMMUNITIES BORDERING THE PARK<br />
4.2.1 Biophysical characteristics of the Kalahari region<br />
The term Kalahari is derived from the Setswana word kgalagadi meaning the ‘thirst land’.<br />
The Kalahari region is a vast, gently undulating and sandy semi-desert ecosystem 900 m<br />
above sea level. It spans Botswana, Namibia and South Africa (Madzwamuse et al., 2007).<br />
The region is subject to extreme variations in temperature, reaching 45º C in summer to well<br />
below freezing point in winter (van Rooyen, 1998). Most of the rain falls between January<br />
and April with an average annual precipitation rate of 200 mm (Low and Rebelo, 1998). A<br />
high variability in the amount and timing of rainfall is often reported, with several years of<br />
below average rainfall, as well as years of above average annual rainfall accompanied by flash<br />
floods risk (Massyn and Humphrey, 2010). Grass production after years of good rainfall poses<br />
a risk of uncontrollable veld fires. There is no surface water except in seasonal shallow pans<br />
and fossil valleys (Madzwamuse et al., 2007). The soils (windblown sand) have low levels of<br />
51
nutrients. The arid nature of the Kalahari region, as well as absence of potable underground<br />
water presents obvious constraints on development initiatives. Bradstock (2006) notes that<br />
low average rainfall, intermittent surface water and poor soils make agricultural production of<br />
any type a testing land use option. Given limited opportunities in the Kalahari drylands, wild<br />
‘free’ natural resources potentially constitute an important livelihood source for both<br />
subsistence use and cash income generation for many people.<br />
Though the Kalahari region is often described as one of the harshest environments inhabited<br />
by man (e.g. Chennells, 2001), it is populated by uniquely adapted fauna and flora. The<br />
Kalahari is not an empty desert or wasteland as commonly imagined. More accurately<br />
described as savannah or sandveld, it is a region that encompasses complex ecosystems and<br />
incredible diversity of wildlife (fauna and flora) (Brinkhurst, 2010). In terms of vegetation<br />
characteristics, shrubby Kalahari dune bushveld predominates (van Rooyen and Bredenkamp,<br />
1996) and is distinguished by scattered shrubs of grey camel thorn (Acacia haematoxylon) and<br />
grasses such as dune bushman grass (Stipagrostis amabilis), gha grass (Centrropodia glacica)<br />
and giant three-awn (Aristida meridionalis). A second component of vegetation, the thorny<br />
Kalahari dune bushveld, is characterised by sparsely scattered trees of camel thorn (Acacia<br />
erioloba), shepherd trees (Boscia albitrunca) and false umbrella thorn (Acacia luderitzii).<br />
These trees are listed in the Red List of South African plants as declining and hence are<br />
protected by National Law (National Forest Act of 1998) yet they are still crucial for local<br />
people’s livelihoods.<br />
Tourism opportunities and development potential in this semi-arid area builds on a<br />
combination of its vast and unique bio-physical landscape and a rich cultural history making it<br />
‘a must see’ for visitors. Undulating dunes, clear skies (and star gazing), scattered individual<br />
camel thorn trees – many of them with gigantic nests of the sociable weavers (birds), its<br />
wilderness experience, hunting opportunities, the general diversity of wildlife in the<br />
Kgalagadi Transfrontier Park (KTP), interesting local San and Mier history present an<br />
attractive ‘tourism experience’ for most would-be tourists (Massyn and Humphrey, 2010).<br />
52
4.2.2 Kgalagadi Transfrontier Park<br />
The Kgalagadi Transfrontier Park (KTP) (Figure 4.1) is situated in the Kalahari desert in<br />
Northern Cape Province of South Africa and Botswana from 22° 10” East, 20° 0” West, 24°<br />
6” North and 26° 28” South. The KTP consists of an area of 37 256 km² (SANParks, 2006)<br />
and is one of the very few conservation areas of this magnitude left in the world (Bright,<br />
2005; Scovronick and Turpie, 2009). The Park is the prime attraction and a major economic<br />
generator in the area. The number of bed and camping nights sold in 2008 was 32 977, with a<br />
total guests of 25 208 (Massyn and Humphrey, 2010). Market segmentation shows that 72 %<br />
of the tourists were local South Africans, 27 % overseas and 1 % from Southern African<br />
Development Community (SADC).<br />
53
Figure 4.1: Location of the Kgalagadi Transfrontier Park and surrounding areas. 25 % of the<br />
park land in South Africa (Adapted from Dierkes, K., in Massyn and Humphrey, 2010)<br />
4.2.2.1 The pre-land restitution history of KTP (1865 to 1994)<br />
Information on the early history of the KTP is largely drawn from the Park Management Plan<br />
of 2006 (SANParks, 2006). The KTP, Africa’s first Transfrontier park (Hanks, 2003), was<br />
formed by the amalgamation of the former Kalahari Gemsbok National Park in South Africa<br />
54
and the Gemsbok National Park in Botswana in April 2000. Its major biodiversity<br />
characteristics are a large herbivore migratory and arid ecosystem which supports a fully<br />
functional large carnivore predator/prey system and an important refuge for a large raptor<br />
community (Kepe et al., 2005; SANParks, 2006).<br />
Before European settlement in the late 19 th century, the South African part of the KTP was the<br />
San (Bushmen) people’s hunting and gathering territory. However, the land eventually<br />
became attached to the Cape Colony and the government subdivided it into farms for White<br />
settlers from 1897. However, the settlers were slow to take the newly surveyed farms and the<br />
Cape Government decided to give them to ‘coloured’ farmers instead. The term ‘coloured’ in<br />
South Africa refers to an ethnic group of mixed-race who possess some Sub-Saharan Africa<br />
origin but not enough to be considered black according to South African laws since they often<br />
possess substantial ancestry from other continents such as Europe and Asia. With the outbreak<br />
of World War 1 in 1914 (Table 4.1), the Union of South Africa Government drilled a series of<br />
boreholes along the Auob River bed in case they wanted to invade South West Africa. Guards<br />
were recruited from the local community to protect and maintain the boreholes and were<br />
permitted to settle next to the boreholes with their families and livestock. Nonetheless, this<br />
corridor was never used to invade South West Africa and the borehole guards (coloureds)<br />
stayed on, largely forgotten by the authorities.<br />
However, due to the harsh Kalahari environment, the coloured farmers struggled to make a<br />
comfortable living from their farms. They therefore, together with the biltong (dried/cured<br />
meat that originated in South Africa) hunters from further afield gradually went on game<br />
hunting sprees. It is reported that the only areas not impacted were in the more remote reaches<br />
of the upper Nossob River, where the San people (historically) lived in harmony with animals<br />
and plants. To protect the ecosystem from wanton degradation by the farmers and biltong<br />
hunters, the then Minister of Lands Piet Grobler decided to proclaim the area a National Park<br />
in 1931. Land was purchased from European settlers south of the Park to resettle the coloured<br />
people. In 1938, the British government proclaimed a new game reserve across the Nossob in<br />
what is today Botswana. After World War 1, game fences were erected along the Park’s<br />
western and southern boundaries but the Eastern boundary remained unfenced and open for<br />
animal migration from east to west.<br />
55
Table 4.1: Chronology and summary of key historic events in the southern Kalahari region<br />
Date Key event<br />
1865 The Mier community flees British rule in the Cape Colony, comes to live in the Northern<br />
Cape, and displaces many of the San in the process.<br />
1884 A German national, Stoffel Le Riche ventures into the Kalahari from Namibia.<br />
1891 Park area, part of which the Mier had occupied annexed to Botswana formerly Bechuanaland.<br />
1913 Natives Land Act of 1913 forcibly displaced the local indigenous communities across the<br />
country.<br />
1914 Union of SA Government drills boreholes along the Auob river to provide their troops with<br />
water as a strategic move to invade South West Africa, now Namibia (outbreak of World War<br />
1).<br />
1920’s Farmers and biltong farmers start to kill game as food supplement due to the harsh<br />
environment but to unsustainable levels.<br />
1930 The Coloured Persons Settlement Areas (Cape) Act was implemented.<br />
1931 Kalahari Gemsbok National Park proclaimed by the then Minister of Lands, Piet Grobler, to<br />
prevent the further depletion of game by farmers and biltong hunters through the National<br />
Parks Act.<br />
1931 Land purchased south of the park to resettle the land-dispossessed “coloured” community now<br />
known as the Mier.<br />
1938 The British government proclaimed a new game reserve across the Nossob in what is today<br />
Botswana i.e. present day Botswana Gemsbok National Park.<br />
1938 Game fences erected along the Park’s western and southern boundaries, eastern boundary<br />
remains unfenced for animals to migrate from east to west.<br />
1948 An informal verbal agreement of a Transfrontier Park between the conservation authorities of<br />
the then Bechuanaland Protectorate (now Botswana) and the Union of South Africa (now<br />
South Africa).<br />
1955 Race classification in South Africa through the Group Areas Development Act, Act No 69 of<br />
1955 introduced resulting in further marginalisation of the San and exacerbated their loss of<br />
identity as a distinct ethnic group due to their classification as ‘coloured’.<br />
1970 Most San had totally been dispossessed of their traditional land in the Kalahari, and were<br />
spread all over South Africa, living in small groups or clans.<br />
June 1992 Representatives from the South African National Parks Board and the Department of Wildlife<br />
and National Parks of Botswana set up a joint management committee to manage the area as a<br />
single ecological unit.<br />
1994 New democratic government elected in South Africa.<br />
1995 The #Khomani San and Mier launch a land claim for return of their ancestral land rights in the<br />
park.<br />
1996 Major uproar, as hoodia gordinii, a desert succulent plant traditionally used by the San is<br />
secretly patented by the Council for Scientific and Industrial Research (CSIR) a South African<br />
government research organisation.<br />
Early 1997 A management plan drafted, reviewed and approved by the two conservation agencies of<br />
Botswana and South Africa.<br />
March 1999 Former Deputy President Thabo Mbeki signs an historic land restitution settlement with the<br />
#Khomani San tribe of Kalahari Bushmen.<br />
March 1999 First phase of the land claim completed as the government returned 40, 000 ha and 42 000 ha<br />
of farmland outside the park to the #Khomani San and Mier respectively.<br />
April 1999 Botswana and South Africa signs a historic bilateral agreement to manage their adjacent<br />
National Parks, as a single ecological unit.<br />
May 2000 Former Presidents Festus Mogae of Botswana and Thabo Mbeki of South Africa formerly<br />
launch Southern Africa’s first peace park, the Kgalagadi Transfrontier Park.<br />
May 2002 25000ha of land given to the San (San Heritage park) and 30000ha to the Mier (Mier Heritage<br />
Land) forming the together forming the community !Ae Hai! Kalahari Heritage Park.<br />
August 2002 The Joint Management Board (JMB) is established.<br />
July 2007 !Xaus Community Lodge in the Contract Park opens.<br />
56
In June 1992, representatives from the South African National Parks Board (present day<br />
SANParks) and the Department of Wildlife and National Parks of Botswana set up a joint<br />
management committee to manage the area as a single ecological unit. An integral feature of<br />
the agreement was that each country would provide and maintain its own tourism facilities<br />
and infrastructure, giving particular attention to developing and involving communities living<br />
adjacent to the Park.<br />
In South Africa, as part of the shifting conservation paradigm, the idea was later to allow local<br />
San and Mier communities access and sustainable resource use rights in the Park, against a<br />
background of land dispossession where both the San and Mier were not only confined to<br />
smaller territories, but also prevented from practicing their traditional foraging and livestock<br />
rearing practices respectively. Getting access to the Park was seen as a way of addressing<br />
some of the social-economic challenges (such as high levels of unemployment, low education<br />
levels, dependence on state grants, alcoholism, domestic violence, and associated social<br />
problems) (see Ellis, 2010) that had become characteristic of, particularly, the San as a result<br />
of land dispossession. However, the challenges of basically pitching relatively powerless<br />
communities against powerful and organised Park management (which resulted in further<br />
disempowerment) were overlooked.<br />
4.2.2.2 The post-land claim history of the Park (from 1994 to present)<br />
After the election of a democratic government in 1994, the San were enabled to prepare and<br />
submit a claim for the restitution of their traditional land in the Kalahari, most of which lay<br />
within the KTP, asserting that its members had been illegally alienated from their ancestral<br />
lands following the proclamation of the Park in 1931 (Bosch and Hirschfeld, 2002; Kepe et<br />
al., 2005; Bradstock, 2006; Ellis, 2010). In a land settlement encouraged by a worldwide<br />
acknowledgement of their rights as reflected in the UN General Assembly ‘Decade of<br />
Indigenous Peoples’ (Oldam and Frank, 2008), and other provisions relating to indigenous<br />
people (Garcia-Alix and Hitchcock, 2009), part of the San land was returned to them. “At the<br />
time of the land claim, the San had become thoroughly fragmented as a people, some eking<br />
out a humble living as ‘live attractions’ at tourist resorts, where foreign visitors could<br />
photograph and meet the semi-naked ‘skin-clad’ little people” (Chennells, 2001:272). This<br />
livelihood strategy is still popular practice today among the San, in particular crafters, as an<br />
income generating activity.<br />
57
The motivation for the land claim, according to Useb (2000), was that the San’s loss of land<br />
meant the loss of natural resources. Lee (2006) argues that to the San people, land means life<br />
and without land the San cannot survive. Furthermore, the San do not feel healthy if they<br />
cannot find wild vegetables, fruits, medicinal plants and meat. One aspect unique to this group<br />
of people is their need to walk in the bush and talk and reconnect to nature. Therefore, without<br />
land they are unable to live according to their culture and in the process lose their identity.<br />
Indeed, cultural and spiritual connection to land was one of the key arguments in their land<br />
claim process (Chennells, 1999, 2001; Holden, 2007; Grossman and Holden, 2009).<br />
The first phase of the land claim was completed in March 1999, as the government returned<br />
40 000 ha of farmland outside the Park and more than 25 000 ha inside the Park (Bosch and<br />
Hirschfeld, 2002). This was in line with the government’s land restitution programme (see<br />
Chapter 2, Section 2.4.4) in which the aim was to restore land to those people who were<br />
displaced forcibly after June 1913 as a consequence of the Natives Land Act and the Native<br />
Trust and Land Act of 1936 (DLA, 1997; Bradstock, 2006). This land was to be used for the<br />
benefit and development of the #Khomani San that were members of the overall Communal<br />
Property Association (CPA) – registered co-owners of this land. The restitution of communal<br />
land rights procedure in South Africa involves an observance of the Communal Property<br />
Associations Act 28 of 1996, which enables communities to form Communal Property<br />
Associations (CPAs), for the purposes of acquiring, holding and managing property on a basis<br />
agreed to by members of a community (SAHRC, 2004; Chapter 7, Section 7.4.3.1). The San<br />
also intended to use this restitution to recapture their language and culture and reconstruct<br />
their identity (Chapter 6, Section 6.4.6).<br />
The Mier land claim overlapped with that of the San community (Chennells, 1999). They<br />
claimed areas within the Park from which they were also displaced when the nature reserve<br />
was first established in 1931 (Bosch, 2005; SANParks, 2006). A settlement framework was<br />
concluded in 1999 and the agreement resulted in the transfer of about 42 000 ha of land<br />
outside the Park to the Mier community. In accordance to the terms of the final 2002<br />
agreement, the South African Government further transferred the ownership of about 30 000<br />
ha of Park land, called the Mier Heritage Land, to the Mier community (Bosch, 2005). It is<br />
reported that the Mier, in the face of a desperate land need themselves, freely gave 7 000 ha of<br />
their land to the San as a remarkable gesture of reconciliation since they displaced the San in<br />
58
the Kalahari in the 19 th century (Chennells, 2001; SANParks, 2009, pers comm.). It was<br />
believed this would help lay a foundation for future partnerships in this area. The land given<br />
to the San and Mier communities is divided into parkland and community-managed<br />
resettlement land or farms outside of the park about 60 km from the main gate. There was an<br />
agreement that no San member would settle permanently in the Park. Three types of parkland<br />
access rights are recognised and organised into three main zones, namely the Contract Park,<br />
Commercial Preference Zone (V-Zone) and the San Symbolic and Cultural Zone (S-Zone)<br />
(Figure 4.1).<br />
The Contract Park<br />
The land within the KTP which was transferred to the San and Mier communities functions as<br />
a jointly-owned Contract Park (a combination of San and Mier heritage land, Figure 4.1)<br />
known as the !Ae!Hai Kalahari Heritage Park (see also Bosch and Hirshfeld, 2002). The aim<br />
of the Contract Park is to enable ecotourism opportunities, including hunting, camping trails,<br />
walking trails and a tourism lodge, for the benefit of the communities. Presently a commercial<br />
partner is operating !Xaus Lodge (owned by the communities) while ensuring that the<br />
interests of and benefits to the partner (theoretically at least) do not supersede those of the<br />
owners. The Contract Park is jointly managed by SANParks, (the national conservation<br />
authority) and the two communities through a Joint Management Board (JMB) (Reid et al.,<br />
2004; Kepe et al., 2005; SANParks, 2006; Chapter 7, Section 7.4.2.2). Other actors such as<br />
NGOs, Department of Land Affairs, San Technical Advisors and the San Traditional Council<br />
are involved but in advisory roles (see Chapter 7).<br />
The benefits from the Contract Park so far are only in the form of job opportunities<br />
(employment and crafts selling) and the generated income does not directly accrue to both<br />
San and Mier households. The income is reportedly used for the community (!Xaus) lodge<br />
maintenance and general development of the San and Mier area (housing, water, etc). Apart<br />
from eco-tourism ventures, the co-management agreement in theory allows the San to carry<br />
out cultural practices, hunt (in a traditional way) and collect culturally important wild foods<br />
and medicines. However, at the moment traditional use of wild natural resources in the<br />
Contract Park is still curtailed and hunting has not yet happened (see Chapter 7, Section<br />
7.4.5.1; Chapter 8, Section 8.3).<br />
59
The Commercial Preferential Zone (V-Zone)<br />
The second zone is the Commercial Preferential Zone (V-Zone) that borders the Contract Park<br />
(see Figure 4.1). Only the #Khomani San have priority to exercise commercial and cultural<br />
rights in this zone (Chennells, 2001; SANParks, 2006; Grossman and Holden, 2009). The V-<br />
Zone provides the San with access to the Auob river system, one of the two major rivers<br />
where the majority of game congregates. The San are also expected to exercise the rights to<br />
further ecotourism activities in partnership with SANParks, with the exception that by law, no<br />
commercial hunting is allowed (although traditional hunting is). In carrying out all activities,<br />
the San must abide by the provisions of the National Parks Act and need to inform the Park<br />
management prior to such visits (Chennells, 2001).<br />
San Symbolic and Cultural Zone (S-Zone)<br />
The third zone is a San Symbolic and Cultural Zone (S-Zone) (Figure 4.1) (effectively the<br />
remainder of the park) with limited commercial rights. According to the co-management<br />
agreement, only members of the San community are allowed relatively free access for<br />
purposes such as visiting culturally and symbolically important sites, food or medicine<br />
gathering and educational trips under the control of Kgalagadi Transfrontier Park<br />
Management. In terms of the concession, the private ecotourism organisation (yet-to-be-<br />
selected) for the community will be granted the rights by SANParks to operate a commercial<br />
ecotourism enterprise in the entire Park while ensuring that employment opportunities (e.g.<br />
trackers) and economic empowerment schemes benefit the San (Chennells, 2001; Bosch and<br />
Hirschfeld, 2002).<br />
San and Mier Resettlement Farms<br />
The San resettlement farms are divided into eight farms designated for specific activities<br />
namely; Miershoop pan (game farming); Witdraai, Erin, Sonderwater and Rolletjies<br />
(traditional purposes and ecotourism), Uitkoms (subsistence use) and Scotty’s Ford and<br />
Andriesvale (livestock farming) (Figure 4.1). It should be noted that the majority of the San<br />
people live in the farms (Andriesvale, Uitkoms, Witdraai, Scotty’s Forty and Erin) located<br />
about 60 km away from the KTP. During the research period only two household resided in<br />
Sonderwater, a farm bordering the Contract Park (see Figure 1).<br />
60
The Mier resettlement farms are divided into game farms and land for livestock grazing and<br />
browsing. Crop production is virtually non-existent while livestock production is the main<br />
agricultural activity. Part of the land designated for livestock production is communally<br />
owned, while some of the land is leased to households at a monthly rental charge. A few<br />
households own land that was either passed from earlier generations or bought from the Mier<br />
Municipality. Hunting in the Mier game farms is only allowed upon payment of hunting fees<br />
to obtain a hunting license. Like the San situation, fuelwood collection is prohibited in the<br />
game farms and Contract Park but allowed in the leased and community-owned farms. It<br />
should be emphasised that according to the National Forest Act of 1998, for certain plant<br />
species (e.g. Acacia erioloba, Acacia haematoxylon and Boscia albitrunca) listed as declining<br />
in the Red List of South African Plants, fuelwood collection is only allowed for subsistence<br />
use rather than commercial purposes. Nevertheless, field observations showed that illegal<br />
fuelwood harvesting for commercialisation in both communities was a common activity. The<br />
size of the leased farms and individually owned farms range from 1900 ha to 3065 ha.<br />
Farmers who own or rent these large pieces of land often have bigger livestock herds than<br />
farmers who do not own land (who graze their livestock in communal land). Most households<br />
do not qualify for credit loans as they do not have collateral security.<br />
4.2.3 The local people and their socio-economic status<br />
The local San and Mier communities are considered ‘indigenous people’ in land and natural<br />
resource use agreements in the KTP and surrounding farms. However, the definition of<br />
‘indigenous people’ is a contested one. For the purposes of this research, the 1993 draft UN<br />
Declaration of the Rights of Indigenous Peoples definition approved in 1994, following the<br />
famous Cobo definition, will be adopted. According to Jose R. Martinez Cobo:<br />
“Indigenous communities, peoples and nations are those which: 1) have a historical<br />
continuity with pre-invasion and pre-colonial societies that developed on their<br />
territories; 2) consider themselves distinct from other sectors of the societies now<br />
prevailing in those or parts of them; 3) form at present non-dominant sectors of<br />
society, and; 4) are determined to preserve, develop, and transmit to future generations<br />
their ancestral territories, and their ethnic identity, as the basis of their continued<br />
existence as a people, and 5) in accordance with their own cultural patterns, social<br />
institutions, and legal systems” (United Nations, 1994 ).<br />
61
The #Khomani San of the Kalahari in South Africa fits this typical mould of UN indigenous<br />
people definition. The San are traditionally hunter-gatherers, a typical aspect of most<br />
indigenous communities. However, though beyond the scope of this study, there have been<br />
questions on whether the Mier people could be defined as indigenous or not (Chapter 1,<br />
Section 1.3). This is because they do not fit a number of the criteria used. Nonetheless, the<br />
Mier community is considered indigenous in this study context (and from the point of view of<br />
the land claim settlement) as they successfully claimed land that they were forcibly removed<br />
when the Park was formed. Furthermore, as noted, they are today viewed as indigenous in all<br />
the contractual agreements in the Park.<br />
4.2.3.1 The San: Their lifestyle, dispossession from land and current socio-economic status<br />
The Kalahari is home to the San people, commonly considered to be the earliest inhabitants of<br />
the Southern-African sub-continent and one of Africa’s oldest indigenous peoples (Barnard,<br />
1992; Hitchcock, 1987; 1996; 2002; Chennells, 1999; 2001; 2009; Holden, 2007). The San or<br />
Bushmen as they prefer to be called are the only indigenous hunter-gatherer people in the<br />
area. Before the influx of Bantu people from the North, the San roamed widely in Southern<br />
Africa, as evidenced by their rock art in caves across the region, but were slowly forced to<br />
retreat into the Kalahari through persecution by the Bantu settlers in the North and European<br />
settlers in the South. The establishment of the KTP meant further displacement of the San into<br />
marginal areas. Few other groups had the tenacity and knowledge to survive in this desert.<br />
Today the San, through repeated marginalisation, are among one of the poorest communities<br />
not only in the subcontinent of Southern Africa, but also in South Africa. The modern-day<br />
South African San are not one society but a collection of different people with different<br />
languages and cultural practices united by their experience of being hunters and gatherers<br />
(Chennells, 2001; 2009).<br />
The San people had a simple way of life and lived in small family groups with no leader or<br />
chief. The older members of the tribe gave advice and taught the children anything they<br />
needed to know. Though many authors contend that the San had a nomadic lifestyle,<br />
Hitchcock (1987) argues that it is a popular and persistent misconception that the San ‘owned<br />
no land’ or were nomadic. As a matter of fact, different degrees of ownership over game, land<br />
and veldfoods existed among different San groups. For example, amongst the !Kung San of<br />
Northern Botswana and Namibia, clearly identified areas of land-rights known as n!oresi<br />
62
(plural), ensured enough veldfoods, water and game to support the family group or band for a<br />
year (Heinz, 1972;1979; Lee, 1979). Permission had to be sought for use of water resources in<br />
a n!ore, but was never refused and the stealing of natural resources could lead to severe<br />
punishment (Thoma, 1996). Hupston (2009) postulates that the San believed they would be<br />
punished by God if they misused the environment. Indeed, in their long history, there is no<br />
evidence that they have ever needlessly exploited nature and some commentators describe the<br />
San as the world’s greatest conservationists (e.g. Heinz, 1972; Lee, 2006; Hupston, 2009).<br />
Their most compelling feature that set them apart is their sense of place, sense of belonging<br />
and sharing and a sense of rootedness in place (Lee and Hitchcock, 2001; Lee, 2006; Chapter<br />
6). Therefore, the hallmark of their social attitudes was their utter belief in co-operation<br />
within the family, between clans and within nature itself. Elements of this philosophy persist<br />
up to this day.<br />
However, the San across Southern Africa were decimated to about 100 000 people and by<br />
1998 only 10 % of the San were still living on their ancestral lands (Arnold and Gaeses,<br />
1998). In South Africa, Holden (2007) and Chennells (2009) note that the San were reduced<br />
to near extinction and today only some 1 500 people remain spread across the Northern Cape<br />
Province. A drastic change occurred when Bantu groups and European settlers invaded San<br />
territories with their livestock during the 17 th century forcibly relocating indigenous people<br />
into smaller tracts of communal land (Tanaka, 1980; Thomas, 2006). “The corresponding and<br />
widespread colonial belief prevailing in the 18 th and 19 th centuries, that land inhabited by<br />
indigenous people was ‘terra nullius’, or ‘unoccupied land’, underpinned the vast array of<br />
dispossessions in all colonised countries, including Australasia and the Americas, and caused<br />
incalculable damage to ancient cultures and knowledge systems that were intrinsically related<br />
to their environments” (Chennells, 2001:274).<br />
According to Chennells, in every country where the San once roamed, their evictions from<br />
traditional lands had been effected in such a way as to appear ‘legal’. The removal of resident<br />
San to make way for nature reserves (the proclamation of the Kalahari Gemsbok National<br />
Park (now KTP) in South Africa in 1931) in order to provide pristine areas of ‘wilderness’ for<br />
tourism and recreation of the upper classes is one example (Chennells, 2001; Hitchcock,<br />
2002; Maruyana, 2003). The conservation paradigm of the government of the time, in keeping<br />
with that of others in the Western World, was simply ‘separatist’ (Gall, 2001).<br />
63
The emergence of the race classification legislation (the Group Areas Development Act) in<br />
1955 designed by the apartheid government that came to power in 1948 further marginalised<br />
the San. In terms of this legislation, the San were classified as coloured (mixed race). Robins<br />
(2001) maintains that many people with San ancestry opted to identify with the new coloured<br />
identity due to the negative connotations associated with the term ‘Bushmen’ under apartheid.<br />
Consequently, unlike the coloureds and black Africans, the San people were not given their<br />
own ‘reserves’ as it was assumed that they were thoroughly assimilated into the coloured<br />
population. This contributed to the particularly marginalised identity of the San, as<br />
demonstrated today by the small number of San native language speakers (Robins, 2001), and<br />
led to the erosion of their culture and way of life resulting in their transition from a highly<br />
independent, resilient group of people to one with high dependency on the state and problems<br />
with substance abuse, poverty and low self-esteem.<br />
During apartheid it could be said that the most prominent characteristics of San identity were<br />
their shared experiences of dispossession, mistreatment, exploitation and neglect by those<br />
more economically and politically powerful than themselves (Hitchcock, 2002). Their hunter-<br />
gatherer lifestyle was effectively destroyed. Arnold and Gaeses (1998) note that it is ironic<br />
that the then San’s habit of sharing resources that provided assistance to the new settlers in<br />
finding good pasture and water was the beginning of their almost entire dispossession. The<br />
San’s culture of sharing resources developed into a system of sharing poverty and oppression<br />
(Thoma, 1996). They were forced to live on their ancestral land as servants (Ross, 1983;<br />
Worden, 1985) working as labourers on farms with remuneration being paid in kind or<br />
alcohol (Useb, 2000; Chennells, 2001; Bosch and Hirschfeld, 2002).<br />
In terms of contemporary livelihood strategies, the San combine Government poverty relief<br />
projects, social welfare grants, craft making, filming appearances, livestock rearing and<br />
collection of veld products among others to make their living (see Chapter 5, Section 5.1;<br />
Table 5.3). The living conditions of the San however vary widely. Some continue to hunt and<br />
gather on traditional land (awarded through the land restitution), while others eke out humble<br />
lives in rural poverty, working for low wages on neighbouring farms (Chennells, 2009). All<br />
the San land (resettlement farms and Contract Park) is communally owned and no-one has<br />
individual private access and use rights. Most members San who were part of the restitution<br />
claim live in surrounding farms (e.g. Witdraai, Erin, Andriesvale, Miershoop Pan, Ashkam,<br />
64
Uitkoms and Sonderwater) and small locations such as Askham, Welkom and Rietfontein<br />
(Figure 4.1). A smaller number of the San live in and around relatively large cities such as<br />
Upington and Kimberley.<br />
Since the San land restitution, several organisations/institutions and their actors linked to<br />
conservation and development interventions in the communal-owned resettlement farms have<br />
emerged. They address conservation from a diversity of angles, such as law, policy, wildlife<br />
management and ecosystems, local livelihoods (livestock) and individual basis. These include<br />
government and government agencies, NGO’s, corporations, local community members and<br />
committees and individual stakeholders. The Communal Property Association (CPA), the<br />
Bushmen committee (Boesmanraad), Department of Land Affairs, South African San Institute<br />
(SASI), San Technical advisors, Mier Municipality and the Bushmen Farming Association<br />
(Boesman Boere Vereniging) are some of the predominant organisations. Conflicts related to<br />
competing meanings and uses of land and natural resources for subsistence purposes, cultural<br />
needs, livestock production and commercial purposes among different groups of San people<br />
have been reported (Ellis et al., 2010; Thondhlana et al., 2011).<br />
4.2.3.2 The Mier: Their lifestyle, dispossession from land and current socio-economic status<br />
The coloured Mier community of the Kalahari mainly originated from the people of Captain<br />
Vilander who fled British rule in the Cape Colony in 1865 (van Rooyen, 1998). The Mier are<br />
believed to have settled themselves more than 150 years ago across an extended area that<br />
reached from Rietfontein as the central point to the Orange River and into present day<br />
Namibia and Botswana, displacing many of the San in the process. It is reported that since the<br />
1860's, the Mier also suffered at the hands of land-hungry settlers and the apartheid<br />
government. In 1891 the British Crown annexed the land the Mier occupied and incorporated<br />
it into British Bechuanaland, which became part of the Cape Colony in 1895.<br />
Many of the original occupiers lost their land rights at the beginning of 20 th century, allegedly<br />
by stealth and treachery (van Rooyen, 1998) when the then Kalahari Gemsbok Park was<br />
established. It is argued that the Mier, predominantly sheep, goats and cattle farmers, were<br />
unfairly pushed into the unproductive hardveld south of the Park and Kalahari dunes where<br />
they faced water shortage problems for their livestock. A hardveld is a hard-surfaced grazing<br />
area formed by igneous and metamorphic rocks, overlaid by loamy soils and characterised by<br />
65
active erosion. It is subject to frequent climate extremes such as drought and therefore very<br />
marginal for livestock farming.<br />
In 1930, the Coloured Persons Settlement Areas (Cape) Act was implemented. It provided for<br />
the declaration of crown land reserved for the settlement of coloured persons. Their fate was<br />
also further worsened by the race classification legislation of 1955, which marginalised the<br />
Mier on the basis of their colour. The national Coloured Areas Act No 3 of 1961 similarly<br />
provided for the reservation by proclamation of land for occupation and ownership by<br />
coloured people.<br />
Most Mier people (who settled in these reserves) were predominantly farmers, with cattle,<br />
sheep and goats husbandry forming the main source of livelihoods for many households. The<br />
once independent community was reduced to living on small pieces of land designated as<br />
coloured reserves where they struggled to make a living. Land was of life importance and is<br />
still justifiably a very valuable and scarce resource in this region. The Mier community is still<br />
generally perceived as an agricultural community due to their strong agricultural history,<br />
though other sources of livelihoods are increasingly becoming important (e.g. wage labour<br />
and social grants) (Koster, 2000; Chapter 5, Section 5.1; Table 5.3). The Land Restitution<br />
Programme after 1994 recognised their efforts to survive as farmers. The present Mier area<br />
comprises approximately 400 000 ha of land and accommodates more than 6 000 residents.<br />
Most people stay in Rietfontein which is the main settlement, and amongst smaller<br />
settlements such as Welkom, Askham, Groot Mier, Klein Mier, Philandersbron, Klipkolk.<br />
The local Mier game farms and the Contract Park are communal property, but legally Mier<br />
Municipality property. Thus, the Mier land (leased and communal resettlement farms)<br />
management is largely the responsibility of the Mier Municipality, though certain communal<br />
and town representatives are reported to be there for easier communication between<br />
individual communities and the Municipality. Evidence of conflicts over meaning of and<br />
access to land for direct natural resource use and livestock production within the Mier<br />
community has been documented (Kepe et al., 2005; Ellis et al., 2010).<br />
66
4.3 CONCLUSION<br />
Generally, though the two communities are beneficiaries of the 1999 land restitution and have<br />
traditionally depended on land-based livelihoods, they differ in their forms of natural resource<br />
use. On the one hand, the San are historically considered to be interested in the extractive use<br />
of natural resources for meeting their daily livelihood needs. On the other hand, the Mier<br />
predominantly use their land for livestock production among other livelihood activities. Given<br />
the different cultural backgrounds of the two communities, the different land parcels and the<br />
multiple actors involved in management, contestations over natural resource use and<br />
management within and between the San and Mier are common. These are linked to their<br />
history and take many forms such as conflicts over meaning, access and use of resources.<br />
67
CHAPTER 5<br />
WILD NATURAL RESOURCE USE, INCOME AND DEPENDENCE AMONG THE<br />
SAN AND MIER COMMUNITIES<br />
5.1 INTRODUCTION<br />
Since the seminal works of Peters et al. (1989) and Godoy et al. (1995) in tropical forests and<br />
Cavendish’s (2000) research in the woodlands of Zimbabwe, there has been a steady<br />
proliferation of literature on the contribution of biodiversity or ‘natural resources’ to rural<br />
livelihoods. Several authors have reviewed why natural resources continually attract attention<br />
in conservation and livelihood debates (e.g. Alpert, 1996; Garnet et al., 2007; Sunderland et<br />
al., 2008; Chapter 1, Section 1.1; Chapter 2). Firstly, they contribute to the livelihoods of local<br />
people. It is widely accepted that the majority of rural households in developing countries<br />
depend heavily on goods and services freely provided by the environment (e.g. Cavendish and<br />
Campbell, 2002; Shackleton and Shackleton, 2000; 2004b). Secondly, increasing extraction of<br />
these resources indicates their economic importance and thus could provide an incentive to<br />
look after them, ultimately leading to more sustainable natural resource management (e.g.<br />
Pretty, 2006). Many studies have attempted to document these relationships (e.g. Ambrosi-<br />
Oji, 2003; Dovie et al., 2006; Mamo et al., 2007; Vedeld et al., 2004; 2007; Kamanga et al.,<br />
2009).<br />
These studies have made use of household economic approaches, Sen’s entitlement/capability<br />
approach (Sen, 2003) or the Sustainable Livelihoods Framework (Carney, 1999; Farrington et<br />
al., 1999; Chapter 3, Section 3.2.3) to show how groups of poor people try to improve their<br />
living standards based on the assets available to them. In particular, valuation studies and<br />
natural resource income accounting have been used to estimate the economic value of<br />
particular natural resources or suites of resources to the livelihoods of local people (Table<br />
5.1). These studies (Table 5.1) have identified some interesting issues; first, natural resources<br />
make a significant contribution to average rural household income. In a meta-study of 54 case<br />
studies world-wide, Vedeld et al. (2004; 2007) showed that the average total income share<br />
derived from forest resources was 22 %. Second, poorer households tend to depend more on<br />
these resources, with these often contributing on average up to 40 % of their household<br />
income (see Shackleton and Shackleton, 2006; Mamo et al., 2007; Shackleton et al., 2008).<br />
68
Table 5.1: Direct-use value (USD/household/year) and income share (%) of natural resources<br />
to aggregated household income from selected studies (Adapted from Shackleton et al., 2011)<br />
Place/Region Description of natural<br />
resource and activities<br />
Value/year<br />
(USD)<br />
Chiradzulu,<br />
Malawi<br />
Forest resources 76 15 Kamanga et al., 2009<br />
Okavango Delta, Wetlands, multiple 1434 >50 Mmopelwa et al., 2009<br />
Botswana activities<br />
The lack of consistence in the study methods used and types of resources considered in different valuation<br />
studies may limit generalisations of findings to different study contexts though key trends could be drawn.<br />
*Means values in the table obtained through conversion of local currency to US dollar using the average<br />
prevailing exchange rate during the year of field work.<br />
Third, in absolute terms, wealthier households may generate higher total natural resource<br />
income than poorer households (Cavendish, 2000). Lastly, there is considerable<br />
differentiation in the type of natural resource goods used and the income generated from this<br />
use across different households and communities, depending on local ecological and<br />
economic conditions, and the profile and asset base of individual households (Cavendish and<br />
Campbell, 2002; Kamanga et al., 2009). Furthermore, a number of studies, mainly on<br />
69<br />
Share (%)<br />
of total<br />
household<br />
income<br />
Source<br />
India Semi-arid common<br />
pool resources<br />
33-46* 14-23 Jodha, 1995<br />
Chivi,<br />
Zimbabwe<br />
Semi-arid woodlands 578 15 Campbell et al., 1997<br />
Shindi Ward, Semi-arid, woodlands, 545 35 Cavendish, 2000<br />
Zimbabwe multiple resources<br />
Bolivian Rain forest - 39 Godoy et al., 2002<br />
lowlands and<br />
eastern<br />
Honduras<br />
(median)<br />
Limpopo, South Semi-arid Savanna, 367-941 - Shackleton et al., 2002<br />
Africa<br />
plant products<br />
South West<br />
Cameroon<br />
Forest, multiple use 60-300 6 -15 Ambrosi-Oji, 2003<br />
Mametja,<br />
Limpopo, South<br />
Africa<br />
Semi-arid Savanna 620 - Twine et al., 2003<br />
Southern Malawi Forest resources 90* 30 Fisher, 2004<br />
Limpopo, South Savanna area, wild 167 - Dovie et al., 2006<br />
Africa<br />
edible herbs<br />
Ethiopia Forests, multiple<br />
activities<br />
832 39 Mamo et al., 2007<br />
Case studies Wet, semi wet and dry 678 22 Vedeld et al., 2004;<br />
(Africa, Asia,<br />
Latin America)<br />
forest resources<br />
2007
community-based natural resource management, and co-management have indicated how<br />
cultural and institutional dynamics influence access to and, consequently, the use of resources<br />
and the value of these to households in a given context (Table 5.2; Chapter 2, Section 2.2.4;<br />
Chapter 3, Section 3.4; Chapter 6; Chapter 7; Chapter 8).<br />
Table 5.2: Selected studies demonstrating the influence of culture and institutions on natural<br />
resource use<br />
Place/Region Description of natural resource<br />
management arrangement<br />
Source<br />
Various African cases Conservation sites in Africa Byers, 1996<br />
Zimbabwe Co-management of resources in<br />
communal areas<br />
Mandondo, 1997<br />
Zimbabwe Community-based natural resources<br />
management<br />
Kepe, 2008a<br />
Various African cases<br />
including South Africa and<br />
Zimbabwe<br />
Co-management in forest reserves Matose, 2008<br />
Sub-Saharan Africa Community-based natural resources Nelson and Agrawal,<br />
management<br />
2008<br />
Several cases world wide Natural resource use under different<br />
management regimes<br />
Claus et al., 2010<br />
Andra Pradesh India Joint forest management Saito-Jenson et al.,<br />
2010<br />
Kalahari area, South Africa Co-management and community- Thondhlana et al.,<br />
based management<br />
2011<br />
A clear understanding of such relationships and the factors influencing these is required to<br />
design policies and models for sustainable natural resource use systems in communal areas<br />
and parks, as is required for the unique Kgalagadi Transfrontier Park (KTP) and surrounding<br />
farms set-up following the landmark land restitution process in 1999 (details in Chapter 4).<br />
Cultural and institutional factors are paid attention to in Chapters 6 and 7 respectively. While<br />
there is a steadily growing literature that quantifies the contribution of natural resources,<br />
mainly forest resources (e.g. CIFOR PEN Project 1 ), to the household livelihood portfolio and<br />
the factors affecting this, there has been less work in arid regions such as the Kalahari. This is<br />
despite the fact that drylands are home to millions of people world-wide, some of whom are<br />
marginalised and food-insecure. There is now growing evidence to indicate that drylands<br />
resources are vital to the livelihoods of many communities globally (Twyman 2000; 2001;<br />
Chapter 1, Sections 1.2 and 1.3; Chapter 2, Section 2.3).<br />
70
However, where attempts have been made (e.g. Barrow and Mogaka, 2007; Madzwamuse et<br />
al., 2007), these studies have not looked closely at issues like how social differentiation and<br />
diversification amongst different groups of households may shape natural resource use and<br />
income. This is particularly so for the Kalahari region. In order to bridge this gap in<br />
understanding, this Chapter estimates the contribution of natural resources to the southern<br />
Kalahari San and Meir communities’ broader livelihood context by specifically looking at the<br />
relationships between assets, natural resource use, income and livelihoods.<br />
The specific objectives of this Chapter are to:<br />
estimate the contribution of natural resource income to the total household income<br />
portfolios of the San and Mier;<br />
find out the total value and percentage share of natural resource income amongst<br />
different San and Mier wealth groups and between the two community groups;<br />
demonstrate how different natural resources are significant to different household<br />
groups and between the San and Mier communities; and<br />
show the relationship between various household characteristics and natural resource<br />
use.<br />
These two communities traditionally belong to different cultural orientations with quite<br />
different modes of production, being traditional hunter-gatherers and livestock farmers<br />
respectively (Table 5.3; Chapter 4, Section 4.2.3). However, contemporary livelihood<br />
strategies and activities show different and similar livelihood sources including natural<br />
resource use, government grants, remittances and wage labour among others (Chapter 4,<br />
Section 4.2.3).<br />
1 The Poverty and Environment Network (PEN), an international network and research project on poverty,<br />
livelihoods and forest resources under the Centre for International Forest Research (CIFOR), represents one of<br />
the few initiatives to systematically consider the full scale of livelihood benefits offered by natural resources,<br />
though the scope here is limited to only 30 cases primarily in forest rich areas (www.cifor.cgiar.org/pen).<br />
71
Table 5.3: Selected attributes of the San and Mier communities<br />
Attribute Community<br />
San Mier<br />
Traditional livelihood strategy Hunting and gathering Livestock production<br />
Contemporary livelihood<br />
strategies<br />
Government grants, wage<br />
labour, natural resource use,<br />
crafts, picture appearances,<br />
livestock farming, etc.<br />
Cultural values Largely relate to plant and<br />
animal use.<br />
Institutional arrangements Communal and comanagement<br />
in farms and<br />
Contract Park respectively<br />
(with many actors involved).<br />
72<br />
Wage labour, government<br />
grants, natural resource<br />
use, livestock farming,<br />
remittances, etc.<br />
Relate to livestock<br />
production.<br />
Municipality is the key<br />
institution for resource<br />
management in the farms<br />
and Contract Park.<br />
The combination of relatively marginalised communities and limited options and choices in<br />
the Kalahari drylands means that natural resources may play a pivotal role in contributing to<br />
livelihood needs and providing safety nets during times of stress and crisis for both groups<br />
(see Shackleton et al., 1999). Further, by comparing two distinct communities, a broader<br />
platform for understanding the contribution of natural resources to the livelihoods of different<br />
people given varying cultural and institutional arrangements is provided. The bulk of natural<br />
resources in the southern Kalahari area are derived from rangelands in the form of direct<br />
household provisioning, cash income generation and livestock graze and browse.<br />
Consequently, this study is not only concerned with natural resource income as the sum of<br />
subsistence and cash incomes from wild resources (see Sjaastad et al., 2005), but also with<br />
livestock income (from livestock products and services) to show the importance of browsing<br />
and grazing in the region (see Cavendish, 2002).<br />
This distinction between the value derived from households’ direct use of wild resources<br />
versus livestock grazing and browsing is maintained throughout the Chapter to illustrate<br />
different forms of natural resource dependence. Direct natural resource income measured in<br />
this study refers to what comes only from wild or ‘renewable’ natural resources and includes<br />
fuelwood, medicinal plants, bush meat and wild food plants among others. Livestock income<br />
refers to the flows of goods and services from livestock such as cattle, sheep and goats to<br />
indicate the importance of natural resources for grazing in the area. The cash and non-cash<br />
(‘in kind’ benefits, see Mmopelwa et al., 2009) components of natural resource income are
presented separately, in order to provide a clear representation of the market and subsistence<br />
values of local natural resources.<br />
Local livelihoods are analysed in relation to diversification, dependence and distribution<br />
(between different income groups) for the San and Mier communities. Diversification in this<br />
context essentially refers to the different types and numbers of economic activities that<br />
households engage in, including particular cash and subsistence strategies. Dependence<br />
relates to the share of income derived from natural resources relative to other income sources,<br />
and hence the reliance on natural resources as an income source. Distribution refers to how<br />
the above two characteristics (diversification and dependence) vary across different household<br />
‘wealth’ or socio-economically differentiated groupings. Social differentiation describes<br />
social hierarchies that maintain asymmetries in the way different people relate to each other<br />
and in the way they access and benefit from natural resources and other economic sources<br />
(Ellis, 1993). The relationship between asset access and total natural resource income for the<br />
two community groups is also considered.<br />
5.2 RESEARCH METHODS<br />
5.2.1 Data collection<br />
Data were collected during 2009 and 2010 using structured household surveys (Appendix 5)<br />
to generate income accounts for the San and Mier households. The communities generally<br />
perceived 2009 and 2010 to be characterised by drier spells relative to preceding years. The<br />
study focussed on resource use in the resettlement farms (adjacent to the Park) where almost<br />
all natural resources are harvested. In both communities, households were purposely selected<br />
for interviews on the basis of being part of San or Mier community group that benefitted from<br />
the 1999 land claim and whether they resided in and or used resources from the resettlement<br />
farms. In case of the San, almost all households who resided on the farms (during the research<br />
period) were targeted. A few households (known to be part of the #Khomani San) but who<br />
resided in small settlements away from the farms, such as Welkom, Ashkam and Rietfontein<br />
were difficult to locate, hence a snowball sampling approach of referral was used (see Chapter<br />
3, Section 3.5). This totalled 100 households out of an estimated total San population of at<br />
least 1000 people. A similar number of households (100) were selected for interviews from<br />
the Mier community, again through a referral process (see Chapter 3, Section 3.5; Bryman,<br />
2008).<br />
73
The household survey targeted household heads for interviews. In the case of short and<br />
extended absence of household heads, household members with knowledge of the household<br />
head (usually the eldest person) for the former and members who were responsible for making<br />
decisions in the household for the latter were interviewed. The first part of the questionnaire<br />
captured the socio-economic characteristics of the households (Chapter 3, Section 3.5). The<br />
natural resource use section collected information on all the types of natural resources<br />
harvested, volumes of harvest, harvesting frequency, harvesting location, the use of resources,<br />
whether or not the harvest was for the market, and the associated price if marketed (see<br />
Blignaut and Moolman, 2006). Some of the resources (such as medicinal plants and<br />
fuelwood) were physically measured in the field to estimate the quantities harvested. In the<br />
case of fuelwood, 30 % of measured quantities was added to capture increased usage in winter<br />
months after deliberations around this with local people (see Mmopelwa et al., 2009).<br />
Information on the type and size of livestock herd, sales per month and subsistence use of<br />
livestock products (milk, skin and meat value) were obtained. Local market prices were used<br />
to estimate the annual value of livestock goods and services. While extraction and production<br />
costs were generally not included for wild resources since few were processed, the costs of<br />
livestock production were included, and were especially relevant for the Mier whose costs<br />
(buying extra food, medicines, hiring herd boys, fence maintenance, etc.) were considerably<br />
higher. The opportunity costs of labour associated with the collection of resources for own<br />
use or farming livestock were not determined due to difficulties associated with getting<br />
accurate measures of rural households’ labour costs (see Cavendish, 2002). Some of the<br />
difficulties relate to obtaining the proportion of time spent on different natural resource-<br />
related tasks or activities since communities do certain activities at the same time. For<br />
example, while people are collecting fuelwood, they may opportunistically harvest wild foods<br />
or medicinal plants. Given these difficulties (and many others, see Cavendish, 2002) it is often<br />
argued that researchers may decide not to adjust household accounts for labour input costs,<br />
especially considering that this is seldom done in other economic studies of rural households.<br />
Total natural resource income was based on the sum of direct natural resource consumption<br />
(in-kind value), sales (e.g. fuelwood, wild meat, medicinal plants and wild foods) and on<br />
livestock income values explained in Section 5.1. Non-natural resource income sources for<br />
households were also captured in order to determine the average share of natural resource<br />
74
income per year. All the reported income values in this study are estimated at a gross income<br />
basis and all values are reported in South African Rands. The exchange rate between the<br />
South African Rand (ZAR) and the U.S. Dollar was roughly U.S. $1.00 = ZAR7.00 during<br />
2009.<br />
5.2.2 Data analyses<br />
Descriptive statistics and income quintiles (categorised as poorest, poorer, poor, less-poor and<br />
well-off households) for the San and Mier households were used to illustrate different sources<br />
of income and financial values, income shares and distribution of natural resource income<br />
across different socioeconomic groups. Since analysis of wealth by income quintile does not<br />
take into account the value of other household assets (e.g. land, livestock value) from previous<br />
incomes or potential for future income, it is a more transitory measure of household poverty<br />
than the one that takes into account permanent measures of wealth such as land holding,<br />
livestock and other assets (see Kabubo-Mariara, 2008). T-tests (since data were normally<br />
distributed after checking with Kolmogorov-Sminov and Lilliefors tests for normality) were<br />
undertaken to compare means (wage income, remittances, social grants, livestock income and<br />
natural resource income) between the San and Mier communities. For the purposes of<br />
comparing means of different income sources between different socio-economic groups,<br />
households were categorised into three groups, namely poorest households (a combination of<br />
poorest and poorer income quintiles consisting of 40 households), middle income households<br />
(poor income quintile consisting of 20 households) and wealthy households (a combination of<br />
less-poor and well-off income quintiles consisting of 40 households). One way Analysis of<br />
Variance (ANOVA) and Post Hoc Tests were undertaken to determine if means were<br />
significantly different for different income groups within the two communities using the<br />
statistical analysis programme STATISTICA. Multiple regression analyses also were run to<br />
investigate if and how households’ socio-economic explanatory variables (such as age,<br />
education, gender, etc.) were related to natural resource use/income. The functional forms<br />
were assumed linear in the presented regression models, consistent with the literature (e.g.<br />
Mamo et al., 2007; Vedeld et al., 2007; Kamanga et al., 2009). Running several tests using<br />
different functional forms, did not show significant differences in the results or improved<br />
model fits (see Gujarati and Porter, 2009).<br />
75
In addition to the household survey, information was obtained using key informant interviews<br />
and observations. Interviews were conducted with key informants (herbalists, crafters,<br />
livestock owners and elders) on particular common natural resources, their seasonal<br />
availability, who collects, and perceptions on resource availability and cultural importance.<br />
These interviews provided much of the qualitative information used to interpret how different<br />
household characteristics influenced resource use among different wealth groups and between<br />
the San and Mier communities.<br />
5.3 RESULTS AND DISCUSSION<br />
5.3.1 Characteristics of the San and Mier respondents and households<br />
In terms of the average age, number of years spent in school and household size, there were<br />
little differences between the San and Mier respondents and households (Table 5.4). Out of<br />
100 households targeted in each community (San and Mier), 62 % and 68 % were male-<br />
headed and 38 % and 28 % were female-headed respectively.<br />
Table 5.4: Characteristics of the San and Mier respondents and households (SE = standard<br />
error of the mean)<br />
Characteristic San (n=100) Mier(n=100)<br />
Average age ± SE 49.9±1.68 49.7±1.35<br />
Years spent in school ± SE 4.03±0.41 4.66±0.45<br />
Household size ± SE 4.96±0.41 5.47±0.46<br />
Male-headed household 62 % 68%<br />
Female-headed households 38 % 28 %<br />
The total percentage of Mier households does not add up to 100 % because some of the respondents<br />
were not household heads.<br />
Most households were poor, living on less than USD 3 per day or less than USD 1 per day per<br />
capita, which suggests the role that natural resources play in people’s livelihood could<br />
potentially be quite significant.<br />
5.3.2 Household livelihood diversification, dependence, incomes and values from<br />
different livelihood activities and sources of income<br />
Tables 5.5 and 5.6 present earnings and income shares by source for the San and Mier<br />
households respectively, stratified by income quintiles. Income quintiles show that for the<br />
San, wage income contributed proportionally more to poorer and less-poor households’<br />
livelihoods (26 – 27 %) than to the poorest (17 %) and most well-off households (19 %)<br />
76
(Table 5.5). However, the actual monetary value of wage income decreased from ZAR14076<br />
± 6599 for well-off households to ZAR1510 ± 678 for poorest households (Table 5.5).<br />
Dependence on social grants was highest for the poorest households (42 %) and decreased to<br />
20 % for well-off households. Remittances contributed the least to total mean income per year<br />
(1 – 6 %). In line with other studies (e.g. Adhikari et al., 2004), livestock income share was<br />
higher for well-off households (ZAR17866 ± 5888) and decreased to (ZAR457 ± 450) for the<br />
poorest households (Table 5.5). Direct natural resource consumption contributed at least 30 %<br />
of total annual income for all income quintiles except for the poorer San households, although<br />
the value derived from natural resources increased from poorest (ZAR3211 ± 812) to well-off<br />
households (ZAR22627 ± 4524) (Table 5.5).<br />
Table 5.5: Mean annual income ± SE (in ZAR) and percentage (%) of total income (in<br />
parentheses) from different livelihood sources stratified by income quintile for sampled San<br />
households<br />
Income source Income quintiles All<br />
Poorest<br />
(n=20)<br />
Poorer<br />
(n=20)<br />
Poor<br />
(n=20)<br />
Less-poor<br />
(n=20)<br />
Well-off<br />
(n=20)<br />
households<br />
(n=100)<br />
Wage Income 1510±678<br />
(17)<br />
4320±1330<br />
(27)<br />
7342±2066<br />
(27)<br />
Analysis of Variance showed significant differences between different San household groups<br />
(poorest, middle income and wealthy, see Section 5.2) in terms of wage income (F = 3.59; p <<br />
0.05), remittances (F = 7.06; p < 0.05), social grants (F = 7.34; p < 0.01), livestock income (F<br />
= 5.65; p < 0.01) and direct natural resource income (F = 18.51; p < 0.01). Post hoc analysis<br />
for paired comparisons showed that wage income for richest households was significantly<br />
higher than that of the poorest households (p = 0.008) but not from middle income<br />
households. Similarly, remittances showed significant differences between poorest and<br />
77<br />
10065±2860<br />
(26)<br />
14076±6599<br />
(19)<br />
7463±1567<br />
(23)<br />
Remittances 50±50 990±503 240±239 1674±771 3480±1899 1287±437<br />
(1) (6) (1) (4)<br />
(5)<br />
(4)<br />
Social grants 3804±90 6516±1508 9948±2030 10008±1976 14748±2498 9005±904<br />
(42) (41) (37) (26) (20) (28)<br />
Livestock 457±450 1294±689 1184±736 2050±880 17866±5888 4570±1369<br />
income<br />
(5) (8) (4) (5)<br />
(25) (14)<br />
Direct natural 3211±812 2804±862 8076±1986 14949±2728 22627±4524 10333±1367<br />
resource<br />
consumption<br />
(36) (18) (30) (39) (31) (32)<br />
Mean total<br />
income per<br />
household per<br />
annum<br />
9032 15924 26790 38746 72797 32658
wealthy households (p = 0.034) and between middle income and wealthy households (p =<br />
0.049). Social grants for wealthy households were significantly higher than that of the poorest<br />
(p = 0.000) and middle income households (p = 0.043). Likewise, livestock income and direct<br />
natural resource income for wealthy households was significantly higher than that of poorest<br />
households (p = 0.003 and p = 0.000) and middle income (p = 0.016 and p = 0.001)<br />
respectively.<br />
With regards to the Mier, well-off households derived as much as 69 % of their total annual<br />
income from wages but the dependence dropped to 15 % for the poorest households (Table<br />
5.6). Mean wage income value decreased from ZAR71760 ± 25774 for well-off households<br />
to ZAR1050 ± 618 for the poorest households. Social grants were the main source of income<br />
for the poorest (41 %) to less-poor households (51 %). Livestock income constituted at least<br />
14 % of total annual income for all income quintiles except for the poorest (8 %). Consistent<br />
with the pattern amongst the San (in Table 5.5), total livestock income for Mier increased<br />
from ZAR601 ± 961 per annum for the poorest group to ZAR14758 ± 6402 per annum for<br />
well-off households (Table 5.6).<br />
Table 5.6: Mean annual income ± SE (in ZAR) and percentage (%) of total income (in<br />
parentheses) of different livelihood sources stratified by income quintile for sampled Mier<br />
households<br />
Income source Income quintiles All<br />
Poorest<br />
(n=20)<br />
Poorer<br />
(n=20)<br />
Poor<br />
(n=20)<br />
Less-poor<br />
(n=20)<br />
Well-off<br />
(n=20)<br />
households<br />
(n=100)<br />
Wage Income 1050±618<br />
(15)<br />
2820±1165<br />
(16)<br />
6660±1904<br />
(25)<br />
78<br />
7720±2591<br />
(20)<br />
71760±2577<br />
4<br />
(69)<br />
780±613<br />
(1)<br />
7758±2226<br />
(7)<br />
14758±6402<br />
(14)<br />
9257±3504<br />
(9)<br />
18002±5800<br />
(47)<br />
Remittances 850±613 1260±731 480±318 2370±1180<br />
1148±335<br />
(12) (7) (2)<br />
(6)<br />
(3)<br />
Social grants 2880±719 8766±1612 13212±2039 19152±2231<br />
10354±987<br />
(41) (50) (50) (51)<br />
(27)<br />
Livestock 601±961 2484±1141 3877±1481 5958±1819<br />
5536±1463<br />
income (8) (14) (15) (16)<br />
(14)<br />
Direct natural 1694±336 2207±371 2043±474 2629±533<br />
3566±3504<br />
resource<br />
consumption<br />
(24) (13) (8)<br />
(7)<br />
(9)<br />
Mean total<br />
income per<br />
household per<br />
annum<br />
7075 17537 26272 37829 104313 38606
Dependence on direct natural resource consumption declined from 24 % for the poorest to 9<br />
% for well-off households, though well-off households derived higher income (ZAR9257 ±<br />
3504) from this source than all the other households (less-poor, poor; poorer and poorest<br />
income groups) because well-off households owned more livestock (see Section 5.3.5).<br />
Overall, there were significant differences in mean wage income (F = 05.12; p < 0.01), social<br />
grants (F = 8.03; p < 0.01), livestock income (F= 4.03; p < 0.05) and direct natural resource<br />
consumption (F = 6.39; p < 0.01) between different Mier income groups (poorest, middle<br />
income and wealthy households). Post hoc tests showed significant differences in wage<br />
income between wealthy and poorest households (p = 0.003) and between wealthy and middle<br />
income households (p = 0.032). Remittances were not significantly different perhaps due to a<br />
very few households who depended on remittances as a source of income. Social grants were<br />
significantly different between wealthy and poorest households (p = 0.000) and between<br />
middle income and poorest households (p = 0.004). Social grants (2009/2010 rate) consisted<br />
mainly of child support grants (ZAR240/month) and old-age grants (ZAR1010/month) and a<br />
few foster child grants (ZAR680/month) and disability grants (ZAR1010/year). Households<br />
with more members under the age of 15 years and members who were 60 years or older had<br />
more income from child support grants and old-age grants. Like the San, there were<br />
significant differences in livestock and direct natural resources income between wealthy and<br />
poorest households (p = 0.006 and p = 0.000) and between wealthy and middle income<br />
households (p = 0.098 and p = 0.009) respectively.<br />
Tables 5.5 and 5.6 clearly show that the mean value of total natural resource income (direct<br />
natural resource consumption and livestock income) was generally higher for better-off<br />
households than the poorest ones. This parallels studies elsewhere (e.g. Cavendish, 2000;<br />
Fisher, 2004). However, the dependence pattern was somewhat uneven – while the poorest<br />
households tended to depend more on direct natural resource consumption than well-off<br />
households, well-off households depended more on livestock income than poorest<br />
households. However, taken together, direct natural resource consumption and livestock<br />
income generally played an important role for both communities despite considerable<br />
differential income values and income shares. The income shares and monetary values<br />
(Tables 5.5 and 5.6) derived from direct natural resource consumption and livestock income<br />
79
for the San and Mier respectively are generally comparable to findings elsewhere including in<br />
less arid environments (Table 5.1; see also Section 5.3.5 for findings on livestock income).<br />
On the whole, the findings show that direct natural resource consumption (32 %) contributed<br />
the most to mean aggregate San income per year followed by social grants (28 %), wage<br />
income (23 %), livestock income (14 %) and remittances (Figure 5.1, see also Table 5.5).<br />
Conversely, the main income source for all Mier households was wage income (47 %),<br />
followed by government social grants (27 %), livestock income (14 %), direct natural<br />
resource consumption (9 %) and lastly remittances (see also Table 5.6). A high dependence<br />
on social grants in the two communities is a clear indication that many people are generally<br />
poor, and is confirmed by the fact that most individuals lived on less than USD 1 per day. On<br />
average the Mier showed significantly higher non-farm incomes (a combination of wage<br />
income, remittances and social grants) than the San per annum (t = -2.01; p < 0.05), while the<br />
San had significantly higher income from direct natural resource use (t = 4.32; p < 0.01).<br />
There were no significant differences in livestock income between the two communities. The<br />
San on average derived 46 % of their total income from a combination of direct natural<br />
resource consumption and livestock income compared to the Mier’s 23 %, displaying a<br />
stronger and substantially higher dependence on natural capital.<br />
Figure 5.1: Dependence on the main income sources for San and Mier<br />
80
5.3.3 Household dependence on incomes from and value of different direct natural<br />
resource-based livelihood activities (excluding livestock)<br />
The proportion of San and Mier respondents that harvested and used different wild natural<br />
resources is shown in Table 5.7. A wide variety of natural resources were used mainly for<br />
subsistence purposes (provisional services or direct-use, see Chapter 3, Section 3.2.2).<br />
Fuelwood and medicinal plants were the only products that were used for cash income<br />
generation. More than 80 % of the San and Mier households harvested fuelwood, emphasising<br />
the importance of this natural resource product especially for households who either did not<br />
have electricity in their homes, or could not afford the cost of electricity. Fuelwood use was<br />
followed by medicinal plants as these were used by at least 80 % and 30 % of the San and<br />
Mier households respectively. Only San respondents were involved in craft-making. The<br />
percentage of San households who harvested natural resources was more than the Mier<br />
indicating that these results parallel those in the previous section with the San depending more<br />
on direct-natural resource income than the latter (Table 5.7).<br />
Table 5.7: Percentage of San (S) and Mier (M) households that used, harvested, received (as<br />
gifts), bought and sold selected natural resources<br />
Natural resource<br />
or resource-based<br />
activity<br />
Subsistence<br />
use<br />
Harvesting Gifts Buying Selling<br />
S M S M S M S M S M<br />
Fuelwood 88 83 88 81 - 2 - - 7 4<br />
Wild food plants 38 8 38 8 - - - - - -<br />
Wild plants for crafts 33 - 33 - - - - - 33 -<br />
Bush meat 89 51 23 16 56 35 10 - - -<br />
Medicinal plants 83 36 65 27 5 - 13 9 5 -<br />
Numbers do not add up to 100 % because not all sampled households used certain natural resources. Further,<br />
some people used natural resources but did not necessarily harvest them, while others used resources but did not<br />
commercialise them.<br />
It can also be seen that the percentage of respondents who reported harvesting medicinal<br />
plants and hunting bush meat was relatively lower than the percentage of the respondents who<br />
actually used these resources, obtained through purchases or gifts. The percentage of<br />
respondents who declared that they sold fuelwood for a living was also considerably low. This<br />
may be due to the fact that fuelwood harvesting for commercial purposes and bush meat<br />
hunting are illegal activities (see Chapter 7). Natural resources such as thatching grass and<br />
wood for construction were used more by the San than the Mier. Many livestock owners<br />
81
collected camel thorn seed pods for fodder provision while a few households collected these<br />
for cash income generation.<br />
The estimated mean direct-use values and proportion of income generated from different<br />
natural resources (per household per year) by different San and Mier income groups are<br />
presented in Tables 5.8 and 5.9 respectively. There were some striking differences regarding<br />
dependence on different sources of natural resource income. As expected, the San showed a<br />
significantly higher dependence on direct natural resource income than the Mier (Section<br />
5.3.2). For the San, it was mainly fuelwood (53 %), livestock income derived from browsing<br />
and grazing (34 %) and to a lesser extent crafts (13 %) and bush meat (3 %) that constituted<br />
the main sources of income for all households (Table 5.8). The average income from crafts<br />
was ZAR1776 ± 413 per year. However, in line with other studies in Southern Africa (e.g.<br />
Fisher, 2004), income from crafts-making (considered a low return livelihood activity in this<br />
context) was most important for the poorest, poorer and poor households, constituting at least<br />
29 % of their annual mean total natural resource income though the poorest sometimes<br />
derived less total income (Table 5.8).<br />
Table 5.8: Mean annual income of different natural resources and activities ± SE (in ZAR)<br />
and percentage (%) (in parentheses) of total natural resource-based income stratified by<br />
income quintile for sampled San households<br />
Natural resource or<br />
resource-based<br />
activity<br />
Poorest<br />
(n=20)<br />
Poorer<br />
(n=20)<br />
Income quintile All<br />
Poor<br />
(n=20)<br />
82<br />
Less-poor<br />
(n=20)<br />
Well-off<br />
(n=20)<br />
households<br />
(n=100)<br />
Crafts 1711±808 1170±753 3374±1437 2173±887 454±255 1776±413<br />
(47) (29) (36) (13) (1) (13)<br />
Fuelwood 1494±299 1503±357 4206±1405 11334±2667 21125±6122 7232±1658<br />
(41) (37) (45) (67) (43) (53)<br />
Wild food plants 5±3 10±5 0<br />
8±4 8±3 6±2<br />
(0) (0) (0) (0) (0) (0)<br />
Medicinal plants 1±0 0<br />
361±358 619±595 25±23 201±139<br />
(0) (0) (4) (4) (0) (1)<br />
Bush meat 0<br />
120±119 135±119 815±339 10015±393 417±115<br />
(0) (3) (1) (5)<br />
(20) (3)<br />
Livestock income 457±450 1294±689 1184±736 2050±880 17866±5888 4570±1369<br />
(12) (32) (13) (12) (36) (34)<br />
Mean natural 3668 4097 9260 16999 49493 14202±2125<br />
resource income per<br />
annum<br />
Total household 9032 15924 26790 38746 72797 32658<br />
income per annum<br />
The above calculations are based on income from natural resource and natural resource-related activities only.
By contrast, livestock income (61 %) and fuelwood (33 %) were the main sources of total<br />
natural resource income for all Mier households (Table 5.9). Game farming was only<br />
practiced by and important for well-off Mier households. With regards to livestock income,<br />
well-off San and Mier households derived a high proportion of their total income (more than<br />
poor to poorest households) from livestock (ZAR17866 ± 5888 and ZAR14758 ± 6402), with<br />
this constituting roughly 36 % and 62 % of mean annual natural resource income (Tables 5.8<br />
and 5.9). Though households in the less-poor to poorer categories had higher dependencies on<br />
livestock income, the actual value derived was substantially lower than that of well-off<br />
households. Livestock income was comparatively more important for the Mier than the San,<br />
as illustrated by high dependence across all quintiles and the total income generated (Table<br />
5.9). The contribution of wild food plants and medicinal plants was generally low and only to<br />
the San, while bush meat also contributed less but to both communities (and especially for the<br />
Mier), though some income quintiles relatively depended more on these resources than others<br />
(Tables 5.8 and 5.9).<br />
Table 5.9: Mean annual income of different natural resources and activities ± SE (in ZAR)<br />
and percentage (%) (in parentheses) of total natural resource-based income stratified by<br />
income quintile for sampled Mier households<br />
Income quintile and mean income bracket All<br />
Natural resource or<br />
resource-based activity<br />
Poorest<br />
(n=20)<br />
Poorer<br />
(n=20)<br />
Poor<br />
(n=20)<br />
Less-poor<br />
(n=20)<br />
Well-off<br />
(n=20)<br />
households<br />
(n=100)<br />
Game farming 0 0<br />
0<br />
0<br />
2405±1495 481±310<br />
(0) (0) (0) (0) (10)<br />
(5)<br />
Fuelwood 1692±491 2166±371 1743±495 2508±510 6831±4458 2988±928<br />
(74) (46) (29) (29) (29)<br />
(33)<br />
Wild food plants 2±1 0<br />
0<br />
0<br />
0<br />
0<br />
(0) (0) (0) (0) (0)<br />
(0)<br />
Medicinal plants 0 0<br />
0<br />
0<br />
0<br />
0<br />
(0) (0) (0) (0) (0)<br />
(0)<br />
Bush meat 0 40±27 300±258 120±119 20±20 96±57<br />
(0) (1) (5) (1) (0)<br />
(1)<br />
Livestock income 601±961 2484±1142 3877±1481 5958±1819 14758 ±6402 5536±1462<br />
(26) (53) (65) (69) (62)<br />
(61)<br />
Mean natural resource<br />
income per annum<br />
2295 4690 5920 8586 24014 9101±1684<br />
Total household<br />
income per year<br />
7075 17537 26272 37829 104313 38606<br />
The above calculations are based on income from natural resource and natural resource- related activities only.<br />
83
Consistent with the emerging trends in the preceding sections, Tables 5.8 and 5.9 show that<br />
well-off households derived more total income from fuelwood and livestock than poor to<br />
poorest households though poor households depended more on such income. For example,<br />
San and Mier well-off households made up 53 % and 46 % of all the income generated from<br />
fuelwood consumption respectively. Thus while, fuelwood was generally of high importance<br />
across all income quintiles in both communities as demonstrated by high dependence levels,<br />
well-off households tended to accumulate more total value from its use and sale. Well-off<br />
households were in this case interested in fuelwood harvesting because it offers good cash<br />
income opportunities (it has an attractive local market amongst tourists who visit the Park) as<br />
well as being a source of energy for home use, while the poor to poorest largely used it for<br />
subsistence purposes. Both communities obviously depended on fuelwood, though the Mier to<br />
a higher degree used fuelwood in cash generating strategies and to minimise electricity costs.<br />
Fuelwood was the primary source of energy (for cooking, heating and at times lighting) for<br />
more than 80 % of San households as they did not have access to electricity and for the<br />
poorest Mier households who could not afford other energy sources. Also of importance is the<br />
fact that fuelwood is the only wild resource that can be harvested in abundance considering<br />
the arid nature of the Kalahari region.<br />
With regards to quantities of fuelwood used, the average weight of a bundle of fuelwood<br />
needed for daily needs was about 10.25±7.55 kg for both the San and the Mier. The mean<br />
annual consumption of fuelwood for a rounded mean household size of six was estimated at<br />
3741 kg during non-winter months. Assuming an increased usage of 30 % of fuelwood in<br />
winter months (May to August), annual usage per user household added up to 4115 kg (or 686<br />
kg per capita per year). This mean is not far from 687 kg per person per year found by<br />
Shackleton (1993) and Williams and Shackleton (2002).<br />
5.3.4 Households dependence on value of and incomes from livestock<br />
The range of benefits derived through livestock ownership is well documented from several<br />
countries in Southern Africa, but seldom within a livelihood framework, or a complete<br />
valuation of all goods and services provided (Shackleton et al., 2000b). Shackleton et al.<br />
2000b argue that the contributions of livestock goods and services to rural households have<br />
been consistently underestimated in economic and livelihood security terms for several<br />
reasons including a focus on productivity, limited consideration of non-monetised products or<br />
84
services and a neglect of small stock, such as goats, sheep or poultry. This study considers<br />
livestock (including small stock) as an important source of livelihood (supported by wild<br />
natural resources) in terms of both direct household subsistence use or cash savings (meat,<br />
milk, draught power) and trade for cash income.<br />
The results illustrate a high degree of variation in livestock ownership and diversity, and the<br />
value attached to livestock among households both within and between the two communities.<br />
More than half (55 %) of the interviewed San households were livestock owners. However, if<br />
poultry, donkeys, mules and horses are excluded, only 38 % of households were livestock<br />
owners. Out of these, only 18 % owned cattle, while the rest kept small stock (sheep and<br />
goats). The number of cattle, sheep, goats and poultry per household ranged from 2-14, 3-180,<br />
4-150 and 1-50 respectively. By contrast, relatively more Mier households owned livestock<br />
(59 %) or about 52 % excluding poultry, donkeys, mules and horses. Out of the 52 %,<br />
approximately 37 % households owned cattle.<br />
Table 5.10: Number of livestock and direct use-values (in ZAR) of livestock (excluding<br />
poultry) for San and Mier households in 2009<br />
Category San Mier<br />
Cattle sheep Goats Cattle Sheep Goats<br />
Total number of stock per stock type for<br />
all households (n=100)<br />
160 1354 699 371 8461 2825<br />
Mean ± SD for all households 3 ±14 25±46 13±24 6 ±15 143±236 49±66<br />
Total value per livestock category 400,000 609,300 314,550 927,500 3,807,450 1,271,250<br />
Total value of livestock herd by<br />
community<br />
1,323,850 6,006,200<br />
Mean subsistence value (e.g. milk, meat)<br />
per household for all households<br />
2059 2965<br />
Mean cash income value per household<br />
per year for all households<br />
2511 2571<br />
Mean livestock value per household<br />
per year across all households<br />
4570 5536<br />
% of livestock-owning households 38 52<br />
Mean livestock value per household 8213 9383<br />
per year for livestock owning<br />
households<br />
Mean livestock value per household for all households are derived from Tables 5.5 and 5.6. Cash value refers to<br />
value from commercialisation of livestock and livestock products and services such selling of beasts, skins, and<br />
hiring.<br />
85
The number of cattle, sheep, goats and poultry per household varied from 1-84, 10-1400, 2-<br />
200 and 1-30 respectively. In both San and Mier communities, livestock-owning households<br />
generally had more sheep than cattle and goats (Table 5.10). In case of the Mier, farmers with<br />
access to larger pieces of land generally showed high total livestock income and dependence.<br />
For example, about 46 % of interviewed livestock owners had large pieces of land (at least<br />
1900 ha) either privately owned or rented from the Mier Municipality. These farmers<br />
accounted for approximately 75 % of all livestock (out of a total of 11286 excluding donkeys,<br />
mules, poultry and horses). Small stock production was a common activity among many<br />
households as illustrated by not only a high number of owning households but also higher<br />
number of sheep and goats than cattle (Table 5.10).<br />
Mean livestock income for the year was around ZAR4570 and ZAR5536 for all San and Mier<br />
households, but these figures respectively increased to ZAR8213 and ZAR9383 if only<br />
livestock-owning households were considered (Table 5.10). There were costs related to<br />
livestock production for the Mier averaging about ZAR2316 for all households or ZAR3926<br />
per year for livestock-owning households. These costs included among other things,<br />
purchasing of additional feed (during dry spells), fence maintenance, purchasing medicines<br />
and paying for herd boys. The overall mean direct-use value of livestock per year to all<br />
households and disaggregated by livestock-owning households (Table 5.10) is within the<br />
range of findings from similar studies elsewhere summarised in Table 5.11.<br />
All the San and Mier cattle-owning households interviewed said that cattle were the best form<br />
of savings due to their large size, minimal care needed for the calves, the ability to produce<br />
more milk and meat than small stock and the high price fetched on the market. Sheep rearing<br />
was regarded as the second best form of savings by cattle owning households and the best<br />
form of savings by non-cattle owners followed by goats. The main reasons highlighted<br />
included that sheep grew faster and therefore reproduced earlier and that less attention was<br />
needed once the lambs could walk. The delicious taste of mutton and lamb was frequently<br />
mentioned by many respondents. This is supported by the high average numbers of sheep<br />
across all households as shown in Table 5.10. As highlighted earlier, there was no significant<br />
difference between the San and Mier mean livestock income (income from the flow sale of<br />
livestock products and services). However, as expected, the mean value of the livestock herd<br />
86
(total number of stock) for Mier was significantly higher than that of the San (t = -3.88; p <<br />
0.01), showing that the Mier had larger livestock herds (Table 5.10).<br />
Table 5.11: Estimated direct use-values (USD) and income share (%) of livestock from<br />
selected studies<br />
Place/Region Description of<br />
region<br />
Sand River<br />
Catchment,<br />
Limpopo, South<br />
Africa<br />
Thorndale,<br />
Limpopo, South<br />
Africa<br />
Chivi,<br />
Zimbabwe<br />
Makana<br />
Municipality<br />
commonages,<br />
Eastern Cape,<br />
South Africa<br />
Wet and semiarid<br />
Value of<br />
livestock goods<br />
and services per<br />
annum<br />
1180 for owning<br />
households or<br />
260 for all<br />
households<br />
87<br />
% contribution<br />
to total<br />
household<br />
income<br />
Source<br />
- Shackleton et<br />
al., 2005<br />
Semi-arid 656 23 Dovie et al.,<br />
2006<br />
Semi-arid 144 - Campbell et al.,<br />
2002<br />
Semi-arid 148 4 Davenport, 2008<br />
Overall, livestock production was a key economic activity, though its mean value and<br />
proportion of total livelihood income was variable across households as has been noted in<br />
preceding sections. All the interviewed livestock-owning households considered livestock<br />
production as a form of savings. As expected, all San and a high proportion (73 %) of the<br />
Mier livestock owning households interviewed had no other form of savings. These<br />
households also had no other jobs, so livestock income was their only source of income<br />
(subsistence and cash income).<br />
Some of the respondents interviewed highlighted the cultural importance of livestock (and its<br />
fostering of social ties) as their motivation for livestock production (see also Chapter 6,<br />
Section 6.4.4.2). Many respondents said they often used their livestock for socially-important<br />
ceremonies such as weddings, birthdays and funerals instead of buying meat or hunting which<br />
is very expensive and time consuming respectively. Well-off households valued livestock as a<br />
source of extra cash income. Some of the heads of these (Mier) households were professionals<br />
such as teachers, nurses and social workers among others.
The main value of donkeys, horses and mules was provision of transport. All households who<br />
owned either a donkey or mule or horse, used them for transportation purposes to carry<br />
fuelwood, construction material, fetch water, get to their farms/fields, shops and clinic and<br />
other day to day needs. Only two out of all the livestock owning San households hired out<br />
their livestock to generate income and this amounted to ZAR2840 per year. Sometimes non<br />
livestock-owning households were offered livestock transport services ‘free of charge’ by<br />
livestock-owning households and in return they brought back the cart with fuelwood as a<br />
token of appreciation. Though the value of saving on transport (due to the availability of<br />
draught power) was not calculated, many households used livestock for transport services.<br />
This is especially important in this arguably remote area, where public transport is either<br />
scarce or beyond the reach of many. Therefore the economic value of livestock, in terms of<br />
household saving on public transport (and provision of daily transport needs), is potentially<br />
high and should ideally be recognised.<br />
Overall, the findings demonstrate the importance of livestock income (and the importance of<br />
grazing and browsing resources for livestock production in the region) as a key important<br />
source of livelihood for many households. The Kalahari communal livestock farming sector<br />
has multiple production outcomes, such as milk and meat for home consumption and is<br />
important for food security, financial capital storage, insurance, and cash income while<br />
donkeys, mules and horses provide transport services around the scattered small settlements.<br />
Benjaminsen et al. (2008) findings in Namaqualand are pertinent to this study’s findings.<br />
They illustrate that for most households, livestock keeping is but one of several livelihood<br />
sources, which often include other sources of income such as wage labour, remittances,<br />
pensions, and social security grants. In a relatively recent study of livelihoods in the drylands<br />
of Botswana and Kenya, Madzwamuse et al. (2007) and Burrow and Mogaka (2007)<br />
respectively, concluded that livestock production provided a substantial source of income for<br />
many rural households. Livestock was an indicator of social status, source of food and means<br />
of establishing social ties within such communities. This is especially important for people in<br />
drylands where generally chances and choices are limited (Anderson et al. 2004) and in<br />
particular crop production is often non-existent (as in this case study). As demonstrated<br />
above, there is no single reason behind livestock production – the reasons are not only<br />
economic but also social. Therefore, it may also be problematic to separate one value from the<br />
88
other as many households generally consider all the above-mentioned reasons equally<br />
important. The Grasslands Carbon Working Group (GCWG) (2011) aptly affirms that<br />
livestock production, which greatly depends on rangelands for its growth, is socially,<br />
culturally and economically critical to rural livelihoods.<br />
5.3.5 Natural resource income (direct natural resource and livestock and livestock<br />
products sales) for cash generation<br />
Table 5.12 illustrates the mean cash income derived from the sale of natural resources (wild<br />
natural resources and livestock) as a percentage of total natural resource-based income (cash<br />
and subsistence value) across different income quintiles for San and Mier per year. Yearly<br />
mean cash income derived from natural resources for all San households was ZAR7885 per<br />
household per year compared to a total natural resource income of ZAR14202 (Table 5.12)<br />
which means that roughly 56 % of all natural resource income was in the form of cash. The<br />
mean natural resource cash income per Mier household was ZAR4977 compared to a total<br />
natural resource income of ZAR9101 which means that some 55 % of total natural resource<br />
income was converted into cash income. Overall, the cash income component of natural<br />
resources constituted slightly more than half of total natural resource income which is<br />
consistent with other studies (e.g. Vedeld et al., 2004).<br />
Table 5.12: Mean natural resource-cash income (in ZAR) and percentage (%) of total natural<br />
resource (NR) income stratified by income quintile for San and Mier samples<br />
Community Income quintile<br />
San: Total NR income<br />
Cash income<br />
% of total income<br />
Mier: Total NR income<br />
Cash income<br />
% of total income<br />
Poorest<br />
(n = 20)<br />
3668<br />
1712<br />
(47)<br />
2295<br />
1337<br />
(58)<br />
Poorer<br />
(n = 20)<br />
4097<br />
1985<br />
(48)<br />
4690<br />
705<br />
(15)<br />
Poor<br />
(n = 20)<br />
9260<br />
5562<br />
(60)<br />
5920<br />
2812<br />
(48)<br />
89<br />
Lesspoor<br />
(n = 20)<br />
16999<br />
4979<br />
(29)<br />
8586<br />
8110<br />
(94)<br />
Well-off<br />
(n = 20)<br />
49493<br />
25186<br />
(51)<br />
24014<br />
11920<br />
(50)<br />
All<br />
households<br />
(n = 100)<br />
14202<br />
7885<br />
(56)<br />
9101<br />
4977<br />
(55)<br />
Total natural resource income figures (including livestock) for San and Mier are derived from Tables 5.8 and 5.9<br />
respectively.
However, the results should be interpreted with caution since only well-off households<br />
showed high levels of cash income derived from natural resources. Further analysis revealed<br />
that well-off households generated the highest total cash income from natural resources while<br />
the poorer income groups largely used these incomes for subsistence needs. However, given<br />
that only a few households (see Table 5.7) in both communities openly declared that they sold<br />
fuelwood as a livelihood strategy; statistical comparison of incomes earned by well-off and<br />
poorer households could not be made.<br />
Natural resource-based cash income was predominantly generated from fuelwood and<br />
livestock commercialisation. With regards to dependence on natural resource cash income,<br />
analysis by income quintiles revealed mixed outcomes. Poor households (middle income)<br />
showed the highest dependence (60 %) on cash income derived from the sale of natural<br />
resources, while less poor Mier households showed a very high dependence (94 %). However,<br />
in both communities well-off households still derived more total cash income than poor to<br />
poorest households – consistent with trends and patterns in the preceding sections. It is<br />
important to note that natural resource income could vary dramatically due to several reasons<br />
from year to year. For example, in good years (with good rainfalls) total natural resource<br />
income may be lower than during periods of drought because during droughts cash need is<br />
high and households are likely to sell more livestock to recover from drought stresses and<br />
shocks. Furthermore, natural resource income may be higher in years with big celebrations<br />
such as weddings, or during funerals of loved ones (livestock such as goats and sheep are<br />
usually slaughtered for these family events).<br />
The preceding findings generally concur with findings elsewhere that also demonstrate that<br />
wealthier households derive more income (both subsistence and cash) from natural resources<br />
and natural resource-based activities (such as livestock production) than the poorest<br />
households, though poorer households sometimes show a higher dependence (e.g. Cavendish,<br />
2000; Fisher, 2004; Vedeld et al., 2007). For example, well-off households benefitted more<br />
from activities such livestock production, fuelwood sales and game farming. This is perhaps<br />
due to the initial capital required (to buy stock and wild animals) in the case of livestock and<br />
game farming, which the poor cannot afford. Fisher (2004) found out that dependence on low<br />
return activities decreased with wealth, while high return activities increased with wealth in<br />
Malawi. Similarly, Kamanga et al. (2009) found that poor households had the lowest forest<br />
90
income and concluded that poor people are almost destitute and not able to participate in<br />
resource collection activities because they often lack labour, time and good health among<br />
other constraints.<br />
This study also shows that well-off households were attracted to certain resources such as<br />
fuelwood rather than medicinal and food plants among others. This is probably due to the fact<br />
that the latter were on the one hand less attractive due to the high opportunity costs (scarcity),<br />
and on the other hand they did not have substantial markets and were therefore not attractive<br />
in terms of cash income generation. Further, well-off households normally owned or had<br />
access to transport that could facilitate more resource harvesting. For example, donkey carts<br />
owning households could harvest more resources such as fuelwood (at least 300 kg per load)<br />
than households who had to carry the fuelwood (at least 10 kg per bundle). In case of bush<br />
meat, the illegal nature of hunting activities probably meant that respondents deliberately<br />
underreported benefits from bush meat, hence the low value.<br />
Furthermore, key informant interviews revealed that wealthier households had more political<br />
connections at local levels, and were able to influence both access and use of resources and<br />
even prices could vary which may be responsible for the differences in the value derived from<br />
natural resources. For example, poor people said they are often marginalised in terms of<br />
access and use of resources and community assets and often they do not access benefits such<br />
as income from eco-tourism enterprises, water for their livestock and transport (there is only<br />
one community vehicle) to access the Park (see Chapter 7, Section 7.4.5.2). It was also<br />
reported that development agencies often look for influential locals (who are likely to be well-<br />
off households, well known and powerful) to get rapport into the society. In the process, such<br />
households have more say in and benefits from resource access as illustrated in this study (see<br />
also Ambrosi-Oji, 2003).<br />
5.3.6 The safety net function of natural resources (wild natural resources and livestock)<br />
Roughly 60 % of all the San and Mier respondents interviewed reported that they turned to<br />
natural resources to raise cash in times of hardships. About 28 % of San and 80 % of Mier<br />
livestock owning households said that livestock income (through sales) provided much<br />
needed cash income in times of stress. In particular, owners of just a few animals regarded<br />
livestock as a safety net against misfortune, a store of wealth to be used during times<br />
91
hardships such as funerals and illnesses, to pay for school fees, repay debts and for prolonged<br />
dry seasons (see Shackleton et al., 2000b). Shackleton et al. (2000b) highlight that in some<br />
cases families that lose a breadwinner can meet their annual cash needs for several years by<br />
selling a few livestock each year. Benjaminsen et al., (2006; 2008) confirm that livestock<br />
keeping represents a safety net against fluctuations in other incomes as a bank account that<br />
people can dip into to make up for regular seasonal shortages or when other sources fail since<br />
some of the livelihood sources are insecure (see also Cavendish, 2000).<br />
Related to the safety function is the non-cash income role played by natural resources in rural<br />
livelihoods, especially in relatively subsistence, remote and marginalised economies such as<br />
in this case study. The cash income component of natural resources was slightly more than<br />
half of the total natural resource-based income for all San (56 %) and Mier (55 %)<br />
households, illustrating that almost half of the income from natural resources was in the form<br />
of ‘in-kind’ values (see Table 5.12). Income quintiles show that less-poor San households (29<br />
%) and poorer Mier households (15 %) had the least share of cash income from natural<br />
resources – displaying considerable ‘in kind’ values of natural resources to the income groups<br />
(Table 5.12). For instance, a majority (88 %) of San respondents revealed, during surveys,<br />
that they used fuelwood as the only and primary source of energy, since they neither had<br />
electricity nor could afford the costs of buying substitutes such as candles (for lighting),<br />
paraffin and gas for cooking and generating warmth during winter. In addition, a substantial<br />
proportion of Mier respondents with access to electricity indicated they still used fuelwood.<br />
When asked why they used fuelwood even though they had electricity in their households, a<br />
majority (94 %) of respondents said that they wanted to reduce the costs of electricity. They<br />
further said that electricity was mainly used for lighting and other low-power consuming<br />
appliances such as fridges, fans, televisions and radios among others, while fuelwood was<br />
used for heating and cooking. In fact the per capita fuelwood use per households was almost<br />
equal between the sampled San and Mier households (see Section 5.3.3). Most of the<br />
surveyed San and Mier households also said consumption of bush meat reduced the costs of<br />
buying meat in local butcheries.<br />
Thus, though the proportion of cash income from natural resources varies between income<br />
quintiles, overall the findings parallel findings elsewhere that own or in kind use of ‘free’<br />
resources result in considerable reductions in cash expenditure, a crucial livelihood strategy<br />
92
for poorer households (e.g. Shackleton et al. 2000b; Angelsen and Wunder, 2003; Sen, 2003;<br />
Kamanga et al., 2009; Mmopelwa et al., 2009). As such, one can conclude that natural<br />
resources potentially act both as safety nets for the poorest group of households and<br />
sometimes as ‘pathways out of poverty’ for less-poor and well-off households, while the use<br />
of natural resources serves to reduce costs associated with use of conventional services and<br />
products for poor and wealthy groups of households alike..<br />
5.3.7 Links between household characteristics and natural resource use<br />
Total natural resource income was regressed against a set of household and respondent related<br />
variables since it is often expected that households with different characteristics and access to<br />
assets may have different levels of natural resource income (Mamo et al., 2007; Kamanga et<br />
al., 2009). Household characteristics (conventional variables) such as non-farm income (i.e.<br />
wage employment, self-employment, remittances etc.), age, education, gender and household<br />
size among others are often related to natural resource income for reasons linked to both<br />
production and consumption decisions of different households (Vedeld et al., 2007). Tables<br />
5.13 and 5.14 present the results of the Ordinary Least Squares (OLS) multiple regression<br />
analyses.<br />
For San, age of respondents (0.026*) was negatively related to natural resource use, indicating<br />
that as age increases, there is generally a decrease in natural resource use (Table 5.13). It is<br />
often argued that the age of the household head may be positively related to natural resource<br />
consumption until a climax of physical strength is reached, where natural resource utilisation<br />
will decrease with age (see Mamo et al., 2007). Indeed, natural resource harvesting is an<br />
arduous activity considering the arid nature of the Kalahari area. People have to walk for long<br />
distances to collect important livelihood resources such fuelwood and this could only be done<br />
by the physically fit. In most cases households with older members were small (consisting of<br />
mainly husband, wife and sometimes a grandchild) and these relied more on government old-<br />
age grants than natural resources.<br />
93
Table 5.13: OLS regression of natural resource income against socio-economic variables for<br />
San sample<br />
Expected<br />
sign<br />
Coefficient Std Error t-value p-value<br />
(Constant) - - 2.093 0.039<br />
Non-farm income - -0.123 0.096 -1.283 0.203<br />
Age of HH + -0.271 0.120 -2.263 0.026*<br />
Education - -0.133 0.120 -1.103 0.273<br />
Gender + 0.231 0.094 2.446 0.016*<br />
HH size + 0.215 0.098 2.203 0.030*<br />
Membership in organisations + 0.057 0.094 0.604 0.547<br />
Livestock (herd) value + 0.270 0.095 2.835 0.006**<br />
N = 99; R 2 = 0.2122; R 2 adjusted = 0.1516; F = 3.502; p < 0.002<br />
*Represents statistically significant values<br />
Gender (0.016*), household size (0.026*) and the value of livestock herd (0.005**) were all<br />
positively related to natural resource income (Table 5.13). However, the correlation<br />
coefficients were very low, illustrating weak relationships between the chosen variables and<br />
natural resource income. With regards to gender, there were no significant differences in the<br />
mean natural resource income between male and female-headed households (t = 1.06; p ><br />
0.05). This is perhaps because some female-headed households had male members (such as<br />
older sons and relatives) who could harvest resources such as fuelwood. Further, in the<br />
absence of mature male members, all members in female-headed households were sometimes<br />
engaged in natural resource collection activities. Indeed, only a few households and in most<br />
cases female-headed ones reported that all household members had fuelwood collecting roles.<br />
Field observations in the study area generally showed that men were the predominant<br />
harvesters fuelwood for the majority of both San and Mier households, followed by women<br />
and children, in contrast to findings in many other places where women harvest for household<br />
use while men may still be the primary harvesters of fuelwood for sale (e.g. Shackleton et al.,<br />
1999; Masekoameng et al., 2005). This difference may be partly cultural, but could also be<br />
because there is more hard work in dry areas as trees are more dispersed, and the fact that<br />
people use donkey-drawn carts (often operated by men) to carry the fuelwood (see also<br />
Chapter 6, Section 6.4.5).<br />
94
Hunting was an entirely male activity, while collection of wild food and medicinal plants was<br />
the responsibility of both adult men and women for both the San and Mier. Children were in<br />
many cases not involved in wild plant, food and medicinal plant harvesting as they often<br />
could not distinguish between edible and non-edible plants. In addition, since the collection of<br />
wild food plants was largely opportunistic for many users, the main fuelwood and livestock<br />
herders were normally the main wild food and medicinal plants collectors. Planned wild food<br />
and medicinal plants harvesting were seldom reported. However, joint natural resource<br />
activities existed for the San. A typical example is the craft business that comprises essentially<br />
all family members. The whole family usually spends the entire day along the road leading to<br />
the Park, sharing duties, from collecting natural resource products (inputs), curing, shaping<br />
and designing them up to the final product ready for sale to tourists.<br />
With regards to household size, households with many members were sometimes seen to use<br />
more natural resources than households with fewer members. This is obviously because the<br />
more members a household has, the more the natural resource harvesting capacity and<br />
demand. However, in both positive and negative relationships, it is often the overall<br />
composition of individual households that influence resource use. For example, detailed<br />
examination of natural resource use by individual households revealed that in most instances,<br />
households with more males and healthy adult members utilised more natural resources than<br />
households who were female-dominated or with very old, young and sick members.<br />
For Mier, only the value of livestock herd (0.000***) had a significant positive association<br />
with natural resource income while non-farm income, age, education, gender of household<br />
head, household size nor membership in organisation were not related to natural resource<br />
income (Table 5.14). This perhaps confirms the fact that the Mier’s overall natural resource<br />
income is largely derived from livestock income rather than from direct natural resources<br />
consumption. Analysis of livestock-owned households illustrated a systematic relationship<br />
between access to land, size of livestock herd and the value and level of dependence on<br />
livestock income among the Mier. Farmers on private land showed significantly higher mean<br />
livestock income ZAR13899 ± 2392 than farmers on communal areas ZAR4568 ± 655 (t =<br />
2.05; p < 0.05). Livestock obviously need fodder and therefore Mier households with more<br />
land (rented and private land) often had larger livestock herds thus depending more on<br />
95
grazing, reflected in higher such natural resource income (see also Ambrosi-Oji, 2003;<br />
Adhikari, 2004).<br />
Table 5.14: OLS regression of natural resource income against socio-economic variables for<br />
the Mier sample<br />
Variable<br />
Constant<br />
N = 95; R 2 = 0.2533; R 2 Livestock (herd) value + 0.473 0.096 4.932 0.000***<br />
adjusted = 0.1939; F = 4.2638; p < 0.000<br />
*Represents statistically significant values<br />
Non-farm incomes, level of education of household head and membership in organisations all<br />
had no relationship with natural resource income in both communities. However, an analysis<br />
of individual households showed that better asset endowment allowed households the capacity<br />
to exploit more resources, though this cannot be generalised for all well-off households (see<br />
Mamo et al., 2007).<br />
With regards to education of household head, the absolute value derived from natural<br />
resources among some educated San and Mier households heads generally increased with<br />
improved opportunities that came with a higher education level. Households with higher<br />
education tapped more into income flows from natural resources. This is because they were in<br />
a better position to benefit from natural resources due to financial capital needed to invest in<br />
livestock production and game farming and assets such as cars and donkey carts for resource<br />
harvesting (see Section 5.5). A higher level of education normally improves opportunities for<br />
getting a better paid job which decreases dependence on resource income though the total<br />
value derived from natural resource income could be higher (see Cavendish, 2000, Adhikari,<br />
2004).<br />
Expected<br />
sign<br />
Coefficient Std error t-value p-value<br />
96<br />
0.460 0.647<br />
Non-farm income - 0.017 0.112 0.153 0.879<br />
Age of HH + -0.018 0.125 -0.142 0.887<br />
Education - 0.003 0.119 0.028 0.978<br />
Gender + 0.069 0.097 0.716 0.476<br />
Household size + -0.007 0.098 -0.069 0.945<br />
Membership in organisations + 0.066 0.098 0.671 0.504
With regards to membership in organisations, while some members benefit by being a<br />
member of an organisation, other households interviewed said being a member actually<br />
constrained them from using natural resources such that it is strategic and beneficial not to<br />
either become members or to participate in certain community meetings.<br />
Results in Tables 5.13 and 5.14 show R 2 adjusted values of 0.1516 and 0.1939, implying that<br />
approximately 15 % and 19 % of variation of mean natural resource income (consumption) is<br />
explained by some explanatory variables for San and Mier respectively. The results indicate a<br />
significant relationship between households’ socio-economic explanatory variables and<br />
natural resource use (F = 3.50; p < 0.01 for San and F = 4.26; p < 0.01 for Mier). Consistent<br />
with the general findings emerging from this study, it can therefore be concluded that at least<br />
one of the considered explanatory variables (predictors) is useful in predicting natural<br />
resource use – which is important in natural resource use programmes and conservation<br />
planning in the Park and surrounding farms. However, the relatively low R 2 values for San<br />
and Mier suggests that there are many other factors that affect variation in natural resource<br />
use.<br />
Thus, as generally expected, household socio-economic characteristics were related to natural<br />
resource use in complex ways. It is also important to note that, in reality different factors may<br />
influence resource use jointly and may be household-specific. Therefore, while the OLS tests<br />
have given an idea of the influence of several explanatory variables on natural resource<br />
consumption, the results should be used with caution since many other elements could explain<br />
resource consumption by the rural poor in the Kalahari. In other words, the results show that<br />
while the San and Mier natural resource use strategies fundamentally revolve around their<br />
respective assets (such as age, gender, education, livestock, household size, other sources of<br />
income, land etc.), natural resource use cannot be disconnected from the issues and problems<br />
of access associated with socio-cultural and institutional circumstances (see e.g. Wallman,<br />
1984; Kamanga et al., 2009). Therefore, variations in resource use and overall livelihood<br />
strategies within and between households could also be partly explained by the existing<br />
cultural factors (Chapter 6) and social institutional dynamics (Chapter 7) that often are beyond<br />
the control of individual households.<br />
97
5.4 CONCLUSION<br />
In conclusion, the findings show that natural resources represent an important livelihood<br />
source for both San and Mier communities of the Kalahari, among other livelihood sources<br />
such as wage income, remittances and government social grants. Despite little variation in the<br />
socio-economic characteristics of the San and Mier, there are still substantial differences in<br />
livelihood strategies, both in total household income and in composition of the livelihood<br />
portfolio. On the one hand, the San show a significantly higher dependence on direct natural<br />
resource consumption than the Mier, and on the other hand, the Mier show a significantly<br />
higher livelihood interest in livestock production as demonstrated by the high asset values of<br />
livestock. This clearly demonstrates that, the extent and forms of natural resource use and the<br />
overall significance of natural resources for local people’s livelihood vary between and within<br />
different San and Mier household groups.<br />
The overall picture that emerges from the Kalahari region is one where natural resources are<br />
utilised not only as a safety net, but as an important perennial source of livelihood for both<br />
poor and well-off San and Mier households. Considering that wealthier San and Mier<br />
households derive more income from natural resources than the poorest, the study argues for a<br />
pro-poor approach where special attention should be paid to those poor groups most<br />
dependent on natural resources, yet often also with the most limited access. These are<br />
extremely vulnerable households that conservation initiatives should support to improve their<br />
livelihoods. A failure to recognise such variations in natural resource use may result in<br />
designing inappropriate conservation policies that do not embrace local livelihood needs, are<br />
inequitable and fail to contribute to reducing vulnerability and poverty.<br />
98
CHAPTER 6<br />
CULTURE, CULTURAL VALUES OF NATURAL RESOURCES AND THE<br />
CONSERVATION LINK<br />
6.1 INTRODUCTION<br />
Criticism has been levelled against work on natural resources and livelihoods because of its<br />
failure to consider culture, which is considered essential in order to fully account for the<br />
various ways in which different groups of people make use of and find value in biodiversity<br />
(e.g. Cocks and Dold, 2004). There is now recognition that the environment is often a site of<br />
conflict between competing notions of cultural values of natural resources and interests of<br />
different people (Byers, 2006). Literature demonstrating not only the cultural values of wild<br />
natural resources but also how cultural values shape resource use spatially and temporally is<br />
gradually growing (Mandondo, 1997; Byers et al., 2001; Harmon and Putney, 2003; MA,<br />
2003; Hamilton 2004; Cocks, 2006; Kanowski and Williams, 2009; Crane, 2010; Chapter 3,<br />
Table 3.1). Indigenous and local people use natural resources to sustain their cultural identity<br />
and therefore may have systems (such as indigenous knowledge) in place that ensure these<br />
resources are conserved (e.g. scared forests) or sustainably managed. Some of the literature<br />
shows that many areas of highest biological diversity are inhabited by indigenous people,<br />
providing an ‘inextricable link’ between biological and cultural diversity (e.g. Posey, 1999<br />
cited in Cocks et al., 2006).<br />
However, the cultural meaning of nature and natural resources (in terms of both direct-use and<br />
non-use values) (see Chapter 3, Section 3.2.2; Figure 3.1) in South Africa is still poorly<br />
explored and often misunderstood (Cocks and Dold, 2004; 2006). This means that<br />
conservation and development decisions normally based on economic calculations alone –<br />
comparisons of the costs and the benefits of any planned initiatives on natural resource use for<br />
livelihoods – often omit or glance over cultural dynamics of natural resource use. Yet,<br />
incorporating local cultural values into projects can help ensure that conservation initiatives<br />
are compatible with local concerns and build respect and trust between local communities and<br />
project managers (Ntiamoa-Baidu et al., 2001). Harmony and Putney (2003) assert that<br />
traditionally and community-managed areas of wild natural resources can contribute<br />
meaningfully both to the conservation of biological diversity and to the maintenance of<br />
cultural identity if they are properly managed.<br />
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It is therefore important to better understand not only the daily use of natural resources for<br />
livelihood and economic purposes (Chapter 5), but also the cultural significance associated<br />
with or underlying such uses. An understanding of the complex and often diverse cultural<br />
meanings of nature in everyday life and how this influences access to and management<br />
decisions may improve perspectives on the contribution of natural resources to rural<br />
livelihoods (Crane, 2010).<br />
There is no question that the economic (utility) aspects of natural resource use are key<br />
components of rural livelihood systems. However, the cultural dimensions of natural<br />
resources (that include the cultural values attached to direct use of plants and animals,<br />
traditional knowledge, non-use values such as bequest and existence values and sacred sites)<br />
are similarly important for livelihoods for a number of reasons. First, there are cultural uses<br />
and values attached to medicinal plants, wild foods and wild animal species that ultimately<br />
influence the way such resources are used for some communities and social groups (Cocks et<br />
al., 2006; Pretty, 2006). Second, indigenous knowledge of natural resource use and<br />
management, accumulated over thousands of years, often becomes encoded in everyday<br />
cultural practices (Berkes et al., 2000). Third, bequest values (value of leaving use and non-<br />
use values to offspring) and existence values (value from knowledge of continued existence or<br />
preservation of certain plant and animal species) (see Chapter 3, Section 3.2.3; Figure 3.1) are<br />
important elements of culture that ensure natural resources are conserved for future<br />
generations. Last, sacred sites are often closely related to indigenous knowledge where<br />
elements such as taboos and myths ensure the sustainable use and management of natural<br />
resources.<br />
These various aspects of culture represent the cultural services of ecosystems (MA, 2003;<br />
Chapter 3, Sections 3.2.2 and 3.2.4; Table 3.1). Crane (2010) identifies crucial reasons why<br />
cultural factors are fundamental in understanding the importance of natural resources to<br />
different people. First, the concept of biocultural diversity, which includes language, norms,<br />
taboos, myths and belief systems, is valuable because it represents the range and richness of<br />
biodiversity and human cultures (see Cocks, 2006). Secondly and perhaps most importantly,<br />
culturally constructed meanings create the frameworks through which the varied importance<br />
of natural resources is analysed, evaluated, and prioritised.<br />
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In light of the above, the overarching goal of this Chapter is to deepen understanding of the<br />
relationship between culture and natural resource use in the San and Mier communities, by<br />
specifically exploring the cultural values of natural resources (often undervalued) and the<br />
linkages between culture and resource use and conservation. The specific objectives are to:<br />
establish the levels of general knowledge of culturally important natural resources<br />
(plants and animals) and explore the cultural dimensions of natural resources used by<br />
the San and Mier and how this varies between them;<br />
assess the cultural values associated with the presence of sacred sites, species of plants<br />
and animals and landscapes for the two community groups;<br />
determine whether indigenous knowledge related to natural resource use and<br />
conservation still exists and how this is transmitted from generation to generation and;<br />
illustrate the important link between natural resource use and culture with a view to<br />
improving the understanding and possibility for integrating people’s cultural values<br />
into conservation and development policies and approaches.<br />
Overall, this Chapter aims to contribute to the design of innovative conceptual frameworks for<br />
the inclusive assessment of local cultural values in natural resource conservation and<br />
livelihood issues. A broader understanding of the linkages between natural resource use and<br />
culture could better inform conservation policies by integrating cultural values into<br />
conservation and livelihoods initiatives (see Mandondo, 1997; Putney, 1999; Cocks et al.,<br />
2006).<br />
6.2 CONCEPTUALISING CULTURE AND CULTURAL VALUES<br />
6.2.1 Culture<br />
Culture is a complex and difficult concept to explain. It is unstable and polyvalent (Williams,<br />
1958) and its meaning is shaped and bound up with the problems it is being used to explain or<br />
discuss. In other words it is a two way process whereby the concept of culture attempts to<br />
explain intricate aspects such as behaviour, practices, norms, myths, beliefs, etc., but culture<br />
is also shaped by these aspects in so many complex ways. Though it is often subject to many<br />
different shades of meanings, most authors such as Eide et al. (2002:89) agree that culture is<br />
“…a coherent self-contained system of values and symbols as well as a set of practices that a<br />
specific cultural group reproduces over time and which provides individuals with the required<br />
signposts and meanings for behaviour and social relationships in everyday life”. One notable<br />
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feature of any identifiable culture is that it is not static but rooted in history and changes over<br />
time (Eide et al., 2002). As Eide et al. (2002:90) puts it: “Customs and traditions are inherent<br />
elements of all observable cultures, yet traditions are constantly being invented and<br />
reinvented, and customs, by which people carry on their daily lives, regularly change to<br />
conform to varying historical circumstances, even as they strive to maintain social<br />
continuity”.<br />
6.2.2 Elements of culture<br />
Culture consists of elements such as traditional knowledge, myths, norms, beliefs, rituals,<br />
taboos, customs and practices (such as the use and transformation of natural resources) and<br />
sacred sites. Traditional knowledge in this study context refers to long-standing traditions and<br />
practice of specific regions, groups or local people based on locally developed ways of natural<br />
resource use and management (Berkes et al., 2000; Pretty, 2006). It is sometimes referred to<br />
in literature as Traditional Ecological Knowledge (TEK), Indigenous Knowledge Systems<br />
(IKS), indigenous knowledge or local knowledge but this study uses the term traditional<br />
knowledge. Traditional knowledge encompasses local wisdom, knowledge and teachings of<br />
specific ways of sustainable natural resource use (Berkes, 1999). Several natural resource<br />
conserving practices of indigenous and local peoples that are drawn from their traditional<br />
knowledge systems have been described for many parts of the world and for many different<br />
cultures and environments (e.g. Berkes, 1999; Hunn et al., 2003; Cocks and Dold, 2006;<br />
Pretty, 2006). These studies document a wide variety of conservation strategies, ranging from<br />
normative ways of harvesting specific plants, cultural teachings against harvesting specific<br />
resources or harvesting at specific times or places, to selective or limited harvesting, to<br />
sanctions against waste (see Berkes, 1999; Folke, 2004). Traditional knowledge and aspects<br />
such as myths, beliefs, norms, rituals, taboos and customs are often closely linked to natural<br />
resource use and management.<br />
Information on the definitions of myths, beliefs, norms, rituals, taboos and customs is largely<br />
drawn from the Oxford Advanced Learner’s Dictionary by Hornby et al. (2000). Myths are<br />
defined as sacred narratives about natural or social phenomenon that many people believe but<br />
unsubstantiated by fact. The main function of myths is to justify an existing social system and<br />
account for traditional rites and customs (Guirand, 1987). Thus myths relate to beliefs, shape<br />
thoughts and interventions and determine individual interpretations about what is wrong with<br />
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the world and its solutions (Horne, 1993; Section 6.4.4.1). Policies underpinned by myths are<br />
almost bound to succeed (Vacarro and Norman, 2007). For example, the wilderness myth is<br />
considered powerful because it invokes ideas of pristine purity, unspoilt origins, and a world<br />
not marred by people (Vacarro and Norman, 2007) and this is why it is so difficult to shift.<br />
Beliefs are described as strong feelings (often held for a long period of time) that something<br />
exists or is true. Norms relate to the ways of behaving that conform to acceptable values<br />
within a given society. They are shared and internalised understandings by those involved,<br />
about the do’s and don’ts involved in particular situations (Ostrom et al., 2002, cited in Jones<br />
and Boyd, 2011; Section 6.4.4.2). Closely related to norms are customs and taboos. Customs<br />
refer to a habitual group pattern of behaviour that is transmitted from one generation to<br />
another in a society. It is argued that all customs are basically temporary since societies are<br />
perpetually changing. Taboos are defined as certain bans that relate to any activities that are<br />
forbidden based on moral judgment and beliefs of a society. Often, breaking societal taboos is<br />
usually considered as deviant behaviour and sometimes warrants punishment. There are<br />
beliefs that this punishment may be imposed through supernatural means (e.g. through the<br />
ancestors). Rituals refer to a series of actions that are always carried in the same way and<br />
performed mainly for their symbolic value, as may be prescribed by community traditions<br />
(Section 6.4.3.2). Related to rituals is reverence. Reverence refers to a feeling or attitude of<br />
deep respect for something sacred such as plants (Section 6.4.2.1), animals (Section 6.4.2.3),<br />
and places (Section 6.4.3.1). Places where valued natural and spiritual attributes come<br />
together are referred to as sacred sites (Mandondo, 1997; Section 6.4.3.1). Harmony and<br />
Putney (2003) describe sacred sites as places of spiritual-self recovery that have a strong<br />
connection to nature and its sustainable management. These sites are important for the<br />
biodiversity and natural features that they preserve and the associated cultural belief systems<br />
and values.<br />
Local norms and beliefs can bear a significant influence on land use and therefore the<br />
consequent value of a resource is a product of human interference with the landscape and its<br />
resources as shaped by taboos, traditional norms and beliefs among others (Byers, 1996;<br />
Ntiamoa-Baidu et al., 2001; Sheil and Wunder, 2002). Since traditional knowledge, norms,<br />
myths, taboos and beliefs among other cultural constituents are interlinked and provide lens<br />
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into understanding the value attached to different natural resources, a comprehensive natural<br />
resources and livelihood study should consider these aspects. However, literature shows that<br />
that modernisation and westernisation need and pressure maybe weakening these traditional<br />
belief systems and the control they assert over resources use (e.g. Pretty, 2006).<br />
6.2.3. Cultural values<br />
The above conceptualisation of culture is critical in understanding the cultural values of<br />
natural resources. However, there is need to understand ‘value systems’ before one can<br />
appreciate the meaning of value (Farber et al., 2002). According to Farber et al., 2002, a<br />
‘value system’ is defined as the intrapsychic (internal psychological processes of the<br />
individual) constellation of norms and precepts that guide human judgements and actions (see<br />
Chapter 3, Section 3.2.1 for different types of values). A society’s value system thus refers to<br />
the normative and moral frameworks (or discourses) people use to assign importance and<br />
necessity to their beliefs and actions (Kepe, 2002; 2008a). Literature on cultural values<br />
(including spiritual and heritage aspects) underlines that these can exert a strong influence on<br />
local preferences for natural resources (Davidson, 1990; Henning, 1998 cited in Sheil and<br />
Wunder, 2002; Posey, 1999 cited in Cocks and Dold, 2006; Putney, 1999). However, the<br />
specific value, degree and order of importance placed on biodiversity may vary from region to<br />
region and from people to people hence the need to study specific local scenarios. As Byers<br />
(1996) maintains, people make decisions about how to use the natural resources in their<br />
environment in the context of their cultural values. This means that each community and<br />
culture has its own array of values. In this study context, cultural values are understood as<br />
beliefs and customs that are related to the usefulness and importance of natural resources<br />
within a particular group (including traditional knowledge of harvesting and protecting natural<br />
resources and landscapes, myths, taboos, rituals, sacred sites and reverence) that form the<br />
foundation for habits and actions.<br />
The argument is that community-managed resource initiatives need to be particularly sensitive<br />
to the cultural values of many rural people, especially regarding the ways in which these<br />
influence their perception and use of certain resources and features of the landscape. Thus the<br />
concept of culture and its associated aspects such as practice, spirituality and rituals, myths<br />
and beliefs are seen as constitutive elements of conservation and development (Vacarro and<br />
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Norman, 2007). South African National Parks (SANParks) to some extent has recognised the<br />
culture and cultural values of San people in the land claim agreement through giving access to<br />
the Park for cultural activities (see Chapter 4, Section 4.2.2.2). When dealing with issues of<br />
land and natural resource use, it is imperative to understand the complex notion of landscape,<br />
which embraces a wide range of social, spiritual, political, ontological and historical meanings<br />
(Mandondo, 1997). As a result sustainable livelihood approaches (Chapter 3, Section 3.2.3)<br />
are increasingly challenged to meaningfully integrate culture into conservation and<br />
development thinking and practice as an essential dimension. The holistic approach of a<br />
livelihood focus provides insights into ‘how culture matters’ in natural resources<br />
management. People-oriented conservation and development calls for approaches that further<br />
our understanding of the roles of these cultural aspects of natural resource use and sustainable<br />
livelihoods.<br />
6.3 RESEARCH METHODS<br />
The study used both quantitative and qualitative methods employed in two different stages of<br />
the study. The first stage involved a set of a structured questionnaires (Appendix 5) which had<br />
questions guided by different foci namely (a) culture and identity, (b) the importance and<br />
perception of the environment as a whole, (c) plants and animals species used and revered<br />
and (d) sites of cultural and spiritual significance (also myths, taboos, norms, etc.) This was<br />
administered to 200 households, 100 in each community (San and Mier) (see Chapter 3,<br />
Section 3.5).<br />
Structured questions allowed a documentation of a species list of all the plants and animal<br />
species that individual households were aware of (see Appendices 1 and 4), followed by<br />
ranking of the commonly used plant and animal species used for various purposes. The<br />
ranking was conducted in terms of importance on a scale of 5, with 1, 2, 3, 4, and 5 equalling<br />
most important, second most important, important, slightly important and not important<br />
respectively, for the purposes of enabling a comparison of the relative importance of species<br />
with cultural significance. Open-ended questions were asked to pave way for deeper<br />
discussions on the cultural aspects of natural resources.<br />
In the second stage, informal key informant interviews with community elders, certified<br />
herbalists, traditional healers, and traditional leaders (for triangulation purposes too) were<br />
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conducted. San and Mier elders were approached to recount their life stories in such a way as<br />
to indicate their clan and family relationships, understanding of traditional knowledge, rituals,<br />
stories, myths, healing and medicinal practices, hunting and gathering practices and places,<br />
land marks, burial sites, sources of food and sustenance. Chennells (2001) argues that a<br />
concrete proof of a common cultural identity (related to myths, beliefs, norms, etc.) among<br />
the San became a tangible and central core around which the community began to recognise<br />
their interconnectedness as a cultural community. Informal interviews were also conducted<br />
with the youth to assess if there were differences in levels of cultural knowledge on resource<br />
use between the young and the old and as a way of finding out if traditional knowledge is<br />
passed successfully to younger generations.<br />
Information and insights were also drawn from various (and abundant) secondary sources of<br />
data that look at subsistence living conditions of the San (e.g. Hitchcock, 1987; Lee, 2001),<br />
including a recent complementary study by Mannetti (2010) entitled “Understanding plant<br />
resource use by the Khomani Bushmen of the Southern Kalahari”. The cultural characteristics<br />
of the San and the Mier were compared to illustrate how culture influences and shapes<br />
resource use and dependence.<br />
6.4 RESULTS AND DISCUSSION<br />
6.4.1 Knowledge of culturally important plants and animals<br />
In keeping with their cultural identity, the San depended more on direct natural resource<br />
utilisation in general and specifically for consumption of wild foods, medicinal plants and<br />
bush meat, while the Mier showed a higher dependency on livestock production (see Chapter<br />
5). Consequently, it was expected that the San would have a wider knowledge of the uses and<br />
cultural significance of wild plants and animals. Overall, a wide variety of culturally<br />
important plants and animals were used by the San, with a total of 63 plant and 20 animal<br />
species compared to the Mier’s total of 22 plant and four animal species (see Appendices 1<br />
and 4 for a list of the plants and animals used). The plants used (based on growth forms)<br />
include dwarf shrubs, shrub, grass, herbs, succulents and trees.<br />
The most preferred plant species (cited by 70 % and 50 % of San and Mier households<br />
respectively) was Acacia erioloba, because of its multiple uses. First and foremost, it is the<br />
only abundant hardwood of a high quality that does not burn fast and generates lasting<br />
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charcoal. Its pods are used for making crafts and as fodder for both livestock and wildlife.<br />
Apart from providing shade, the tree’s bark, leaves and roots have many medicinal properties<br />
valuable to people, livestock and wildlife. Acacia erioloba therefore is considered important<br />
both for subsistence and cultural purposes (including making of crafts) by the San. Other<br />
species such as Boscia albitrunca, Acacia tortilis, Acacia erubescens, Acacia karoo,<br />
Parkinsonia africana, Carissa haematocarpa and Acacia mellifera have varying degrees of<br />
importance.<br />
Respondents had varying knowledge and understanding of cultural values attached to wild<br />
natural resources. For example, only 53 % of the San survey respondents considered natural<br />
resources to be culturally important. The remaining 41 % had no knowledge about cultural<br />
values while 6 % said there were no cultural connections at all. Out of the respondents who<br />
considered natural resources to be culturally important, roughly 27 % of the households cited<br />
medicinal plants only as culturally important. The remaining portion either attached cultural<br />
values to all the plants and animals they used or only mentioned specific plants and animals as<br />
culturally and spiritually important. However, the fact that people continue to use plants such<br />
as medicinal plants (83 % of sampled San households, see Chapter 5, Table 5.7) despite the<br />
availability of modern alternatives is often because it is part of their culture and they like to<br />
use these even though the main purpose is utilitarian – for treatment when they are sick. The<br />
Mier respondents revealed that their cultural values were more related to livestock production<br />
and traditional cuisines (e.g. mutton and beef dishes) rather than direct resource consumption.<br />
Only 36 % of sampled Mier households used medicinal plants (Chapter 5, Table 5.7).<br />
6.4.2 Cultural values related to direct-use (values) of plants and animals<br />
6.4.2.1 Medicinal plants<br />
With regards to medicinal plant use, a majority of the San (83 %) used medicinal plants when<br />
members of their households are sick in contrast to only 36 % of Mier households (see<br />
Chapter 5, Table 5.7). Approximately 65 % and 27 % of San and Mier households<br />
respectively indicated that they collected the plants from the wild, while a few households got<br />
medicinal plants from friends, relatives and traditional healers (Chapter 5, Table 5.7). A wider<br />
variety of plants were used for medicinal purposes (38 out of 63 plant species) rather than for<br />
other uses (Appendices 1; see also Mannetti, 2010) and on average the San used more plants<br />
(37 plant species) for medicines than the Mier (17 species). The San elders and the Traditional<br />
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Council (see Chapter 7, Section 7.4.2.2) said, during key informant interviews, that they used<br />
indigenous plants as medicines as part of their cultural beliefs, norms and practices, despite<br />
the availability of a mobile clinic. Furthermore, some survey respondents said it was<br />
sometimes cheaper and more convenient, particularly if a household member fell sick at night<br />
and considering that the nearest local clinic is located about 20 km away from their<br />
settlements and they generally have no transport.<br />
Medicinal plants were largely harvested in the surrounding resettlement farms. Only 5 % of<br />
the survey respondents reported collecting medicinal plants from the Contract Park<br />
corresponding to a few herbalists who had limited access for medicinal plant harvesting only<br />
(see Appendix 3 for a list of plants that can be harvested in the Contract Park). A local small<br />
herbal shop (at Andriesvale) sells a number of proprietary traditional (herbal) products. The<br />
average annual direct-use value of medicinal plants for a user household was very low<br />
ZAR201 (see Chapter 5, Table 5.8). However, though the value and contribution of medicinal<br />
plants to local people’s lives was low in absolute quantitative and monetary terms, their<br />
cultural significance is important, especially for the more traditional groups of San. This very<br />
low value illustrates the limitations of using money as a proxy for measuring resource value.<br />
Access and use of traditional medicines is considered integral to San culture and identity.<br />
Table 6.1: Main medicinal plants used by San and Mier communities<br />
Plant species San Mier<br />
% users out of 83 total users % users out of 36 total users<br />
Harpagophytum procumbens 67 53<br />
Aptosimum albomarginatum 52 25<br />
Dicoma capensis 31 28<br />
Solanum 29 22<br />
Galenia sp. 19 19<br />
Hoodia gordinii 17 17<br />
Senna italic 14 25<br />
Some of the most frequently used medicinal plants by the San and Mier were Harpagophytum<br />
procumbens, Aptosimum albomarginatum, Dicoma capensis and Solanum spp among others<br />
(Table 6.1). The specific quantities of the harvested plants, the frequency of harvest and value<br />
of specific plants used varied within households and between the two communities. These top<br />
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plants are said to cure most common ailments such as headaches, stomach-aches, colds and<br />
flu. In particular, Harpagophytum procumbens was referred to as an ‘all cure’ plant. In cases<br />
where households did not get plants of prime choice, other plants (substitutes) were used.<br />
There are unconfirmed claims that some San traditional healers know traditional cures for<br />
HIV/AIDS and cancer-related sicknesses. The plant species used for specific and complex<br />
health problems are beyond the scope of this study, though they are highly recognised.<br />
Medicinal plants have symbolic and spiritual significance for the Bushmen and are an<br />
important cultural element of their society. During early days, the San solely depended on<br />
traditional medicinal plants, but with the changing of the physical and socio-economic<br />
environment today, many people are turning to modern medicines. Despite this, many San<br />
still use medicinal plants for health and cultural reasons. Most ‘traditionalists’ interviewed<br />
argued that the farms designated for traditional resource use (see Chapter 4, Figure 4.1 and<br />
Section 4.2.3) were important to protect medicinal plant species since livestock grazed on<br />
medicinal plants (without observing biological limits to use) and could therefore deplete the<br />
resource stocks and flows. Goats and donkeys were highlighted as being chiefly responsible<br />
for destructive grazing. As one respondent interviewed said:<br />
“It will be difficult to reflect back (in San history) if the medicinal plants are all<br />
depleted by livestock”.<br />
Conversely, some San and Mier livestock farmers said the medicinal plants were important<br />
for their livestock such that they did not have to buy expensive modern veterinary medicines<br />
(see Section 6.7).<br />
6.4.2.2. Wild food plants<br />
Thirty-eight percent of San households sometimes utilised wild food plants in contrast to the<br />
Mier’s 8 % (Chapter 5, Table 5.7). The bulk of households who used wild foods said wild<br />
foods provided food and water for their livestock such as goats, horses and donkeys. Amongst<br />
the San households who did not use or harvest wild plants most indicated “they did not eat<br />
wild plants” while 11 % said “they were modern San and not interested” or “they did not<br />
know anything about wild food plants at all”. A majority of Mier non-user households<br />
indicated they were either “not interested” or “did not have time to harvest wild food plants”.<br />
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Hoodia gordinii was the most commonly used plant species by the bulk of San households<br />
using wild foods (79 %) followed by Citrullus lanatus (47 %), Cucumis africanus (45 %) and<br />
Pergularia daemia among others. The San have chewed Hoodia gordinii (succulent) for<br />
thousands of years to stave off hunger and thirst during long hunting trips in their ancestral<br />
parched Kalahari desert. Edible plants such as Hoodia gordinii have also been known to<br />
contribute to the health of the San people especially in harsh Kalahari environment where<br />
there was no easy access to modern medicines. The contribution of local foods to reducing<br />
health risks has always been recognised as part of the local traditional knowledge which<br />
forms a greater part of the San’s complex cultural and belief system (Chennells, 2007). Like<br />
medicinal plants, the economic contribution of wild foods to total livelihoods was very low<br />
with the direct-use value estimated at a mere ZAR6 and ZAR0 per year per household for the<br />
San and Mier respectively (see Chapter 5, Tables 5.5 and 5.6). In a study of wild plant use by<br />
the San, Mannetti (2010) found out that edible plants comprised less than 20 % of all plants<br />
used – contrary to findings by Lee (1968) of the San’s subsistence activities in Namibia,<br />
where vegetative products provided roughly 60 to 80 % of the annual diet by weight (see also<br />
Steyn, 1984). This perhaps illustrates the modernisation of the San way of life combined with<br />
the general scarcity of natural resources given various land-use changes that are not consistent<br />
with the San traditional ways of living. For example, the creation of KTP resulted in the loss<br />
of San way of life and knowledge as the San were squeezed out of their traditional lands<br />
(Chapter 4).<br />
Seventy-five percent of San survey respondents who used wild plants agreed that plant<br />
species were increasingly becoming scarce, and that it was not profitable to invest time in<br />
gathering plants for food. Respondents had varied explanations for the scarcity of plant<br />
resources. Competition for plant resources with livestock and wild animals, overharvesting<br />
and that the region is getting drier were common explanations. Nonetheless, the cultural<br />
importance of wild food plants was still highly valued, because though only 38 % of<br />
households used these for subsistence purposes, almost 63 % of San respondents still<br />
maintained that wild food plants were important for their Bushmen identity and practice.<br />
Apart from a few Mier households who used wild plants for their healing properties almost all<br />
the households stated that wild food plants were important for their livestock.<br />
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6.4.2.3 Wild animals<br />
While up to 44 % of the Mier households used bush meat for household consumption, only 16<br />
% of households actively hunted (see Chapter 5, Table 5.7). Wild animals were important to<br />
the Mier people for their subsistence value only. The most hunted species in descending order<br />
were springbok (Antidorcas marsupialis), steenbok (Raphicerus campestris) and duiker<br />
(Sylvicapra grimmia) – cited by 44 %, 38 % and 31 % of households respectively. By<br />
contrast, 89 % of San households used wild meat for home consumption though only 23 %<br />
admitted that they hunted (Chapter 5, Table 5.7). This perhaps is due to the illegal nature of<br />
hunting activities. The San regarded several wild animals important for both their direct use<br />
value (meat, crafts, and medicinal properties) and non-use values (cultural, spiritual). Like the<br />
Mier, common animal species hunted for subsistence purposes were springbok (83 %),<br />
steenbok (61 %), duiker (39 %) and gemsbok (Oryx gazella), (13 %). In both San and Mier<br />
communities, exchange of game meat as gifts from family members and neighbours working<br />
on neighbouring game farms was common. Fifty-six percent of all sampled San households<br />
(or 63 % of bush meat consumers) and 35 % of all Mier households (or 69 % of bush meat<br />
consumers) received bush meat as gifts (see Chapter 5, Table 5.7). Exchange of gifts is<br />
considered important in building social capital (networks) by creating local connections<br />
among individuals within communities (Pretty and Ward, 2001; Chapter 3, Sections 3.2.3 and<br />
3.4; Chapter 7, Sections 7.4.6 and 7.5). It is a vital cultural component that punctuates the San<br />
and Mier way of life. A majority of San households (74 %) indicated that wild animals were<br />
culturally important. Animals such as the eland (Taurotragus oryx), springbok, gemsbok and<br />
steenbok among others are held highly and stories related to how they sustained life in early<br />
days are an attribute of San folklore.<br />
The relationship between the San and wildlife is famously depicted in their Bushmen rock art<br />
(Thomas, 1989; Lewis-Williams, 1998). In particular, the eland is considered by the San as an<br />
important meat source and a holy animal (see McCall, 2000). It is very large (perhaps the<br />
largest antelope in the world), has high amounts of fat – which is important for any foraging<br />
community – and is tasty. There is a belief among the San that the eland behaves like a human<br />
being – it can shed tears if it is persecuted and listens and understands human behaviour. As<br />
one San member aptly said during interviews:<br />
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“The secret was to stay with her in the field without interfering with her way of life. In<br />
that way the eland became very friendly and generous”.<br />
The San reported during key informant interviews that when there were persistent droughts,<br />
the eland, apart from providing food (meat, protein and fat) to them also offered milk to lost<br />
or thirsty cattle calves to the extent that some regarded it as a god. Moreover, its blood was<br />
mixed with other substances to make durable paint for crafts and houses. Therefore, it is<br />
considered the most culturally important animal among other animal species. Though some<br />
authors argue that the faunal component of painted rock art was not a true reflection of either<br />
the faunal population of the area or the diet of the hunters (e.g. Vinnicombe, 1972), the<br />
predominant depiction of the eland among other animals such as springboks, hartebeest,<br />
gemsbok and lion, could be further proof that the Bushmen consider the eland a spiritual<br />
animal.<br />
The springbok was also valued both for its subsistence use and medicinal properties.<br />
Knowledgeable elders interviewed maintained that its stomach had healing properties since it<br />
feeds on almost all plants that have healing properties. Springbok horns were said to have<br />
healing properties as well. Animal skin, bones and horns were also used as inputs into the<br />
local San craft-production business. Crafts-making (art, curios, wall hangings, ostrich-shell<br />
beadwork, hand-painted cards, painted ostrich-shell earrings and painted gourds) was not only<br />
an important livelihood source for the San community but attained cultural significance.<br />
According to Mhiripiri (2008) the traditional materials used to make crafts perpetuate<br />
perceived Bushmen traditions (of sustainable use and dependence on natural resources).<br />
Inputs such as ostrich egg shells, seeds, porcupine quills, skins, hooves, horns and other<br />
related natural materials are often used in making different types of necklaces, mobiles and<br />
wall-hangings sold by the roadside stalls and at the craft centres such as SîSEN crafts (see<br />
Chapter 7, Section 7.6.3).<br />
6.4.2.4 Cultural tradition related to livestock production<br />
Though the San reported no cultural practices associated with the management of livestock<br />
production (adoption of livestock farming is relatively new to this hunter-gather group),<br />
household surveys and key informant interviews showed that subsistence use of livestock<br />
products (particularly meat) for weddings, birthdays and funerals is a common cultural<br />
practice, perhaps substituting for wild game products. On the other side, the Mier are<br />
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traditionally livestock farmers though other sources of livelihood are becoming increasingly<br />
important (see Chapter 5). Indeed, cattle and small stock such as goats and sheep were the<br />
mainstay of the livelihoods of both communal and leasehold Mier farmers in the area. Though<br />
less than 10 % of Mier households surveyed indicated that livestock production had cultural<br />
connections, the Mier derived more income from livestock browsing and grazing than the San<br />
(Chapter 5). Key informant interviews with older household heads provided some information<br />
on the cultural values of livestock production and the importance attached to grazing and<br />
browsing. Some of the most obvious direct livelihood values to individuals, households and<br />
the community were milk production, meat, draught power, blood and fat – an important<br />
component of their way of living. The most culturally important values of livestock relate to<br />
savings, investment, security and inheritance.<br />
First, local people reported during interviews that livestock has always been regarded as the<br />
best form of investment and security for the Mier and often the only savings opportunity<br />
available to them as there is little access to reliable banking services in the area. Secondly,<br />
livestock-owning households (59 %) generally reported that their stock function as insurance<br />
against times of adversities such as recurrent droughts, illness, debts, etc. They placed value<br />
on the herd’s total size and the greater the size, the greater the chance of addressing risks and<br />
surviving adversities. Studies in drylands indicate that households with larger herds often<br />
recover faster during times of adversity (IIED, 2009). Third, households with larger herds<br />
highlighted that the inheritance value was also important for their interests in livestock<br />
rearing. They said that their livestock herds had been inherited from earlier generations such<br />
that livestock production, important for subsistence provision and establishing family ties<br />
through birthdays and other family events, was part of their family tradition (see also Chapter<br />
5, Section 5.3.4). According to IIED (2009) inheritance value is critical for new families to<br />
establish and form a means of survival for families and societies through strengthening social<br />
networks (Chapter 3, Section 3.2.3; Chapter 7, Sections 7.4.6 and 7.5). As earlier noted,<br />
slaughtering a cow, goat or sheep for activities such as weddings and funerals is an important<br />
and common cultural practice in both the San and Mier communities, which also helps to<br />
build social ties and relationships. This illustrates that the importance of natural resources<br />
should not only be understood in terms of direct-use or consumption related values, but also<br />
in terms of the indirect support it offers to culturally important natural resource-based<br />
activities such as livestock production. The close relationship between subsistence (savings,<br />
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livelihood security and safety nets) and cultural values (inheritance, way of life) is clearly<br />
demonstrated. Livestock production as a way of life for the Mier is a feature of their culture<br />
(Chapter 4).<br />
6.4.3 Cultural values related to intangible elements in the landscape<br />
6.4.3.1 Sacred sites<br />
Only 9 % of San respondents in the survey had knowledge about the existence of sacred sites.<br />
Several sacred sites were identified by respondents namely the Bush Camp, the Captain tree,<br />
Witdraai caves (grot) in Witdraai resettlement farm and burial sites in the Park. Spiritual rain<br />
dances were conducted (sometimes on request by tourists) at the Bush Camp. They were<br />
considered the most important way in which the spirit mediums of the San could be invited to<br />
reconnect to the present San generation. The Captain tree is the largest Acacia erioloba<br />
(camel thorn) tree in the resettlement area and symbolises the important economic and<br />
cultural position occupied by this tree species in the lives of the San people (see Section<br />
6.4.1). The caves are culturally important as it is reported that the Bushmen took meat to the<br />
caves in the early days during hunting excursions. The caves were also used as hiding spots<br />
during previous wars. Burial sites both in the Park and the resettlement farms were considered<br />
highly sacred. They have a strong attachment to the modern-day San way of living since ‘the<br />
spirit of the dead continuously interacts with the present generation’. Asked where the most<br />
important history was, Dawid Kruiper, the traditional and spiritual leader of the San said:<br />
“It is in the Park, the site of our ancestors’ graves and where I grew up looking after<br />
the sheep and goats of settlers”.<br />
In recognition of this cultural importance, a field school known as ‘Imbiwe’ has been<br />
established in the Park for the purposes of reviving the deteriorating San culture. The San<br />
traditional leader and his close family members sometimes spent days in the Park, an activity<br />
that some San members were not interested in doing. Sacred sites were closely related to<br />
sense of place values – having a sense of belonging to a particular place is associated with<br />
recognised features of their environment, including cultural aspects of the ecosystem.<br />
Questions relating to whether or not a person would relocate if resources were degraded are<br />
commonly asked to measure people’s sense of place (see Shamai, 1991). Asked if they would<br />
relocate if the land was degraded, most survey respondents (> 90 %) said they would not.<br />
However, the reasons behind this were multi-dimensional. While some San households valued<br />
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a sense of place (cultural), others cited (economic) reasons associated with day-to-day<br />
survival or a combination of cultural and economic motivation. Some indicated they did not<br />
have anywhere to go and that they had to live within their means. Therefore, the reasons for<br />
staying in a place may be both cultural and economic. Moreover, the act of distinguishing<br />
cultural and economic aspects maybe problematic, since these are often interlinked.<br />
6.4.3.2 Rituals and healing dances<br />
Closely linked to the functioning of sacred sites are rituals. There are many interesting aspects<br />
of San culture, but historically their connection with the natural world was mostly expressed<br />
through their rock art and healing/trance dances (Thomas, 1989; Lewis-Williams, 1998).<br />
However, only 24 % of survey respondents indicated they had knowledge about rituals such<br />
as traditional healing and rain dances. Out of this, a further few actually knew what kind of<br />
wild animals (such as springbok, eland and hartebeest) were slaughtered during the dancing<br />
ceremonies. Most people indicated they did not actively participate in rain dances and that the<br />
dances did not happen often. This is in contrast to early historical times when traditional rain<br />
and healing dances were done on average four times a month (see Katz, 1982). The South<br />
African San Institute (SASI) (see Chapter 7, Section 7.6.3) confirmed that the San sometimes<br />
conducted the rain and healing dance ceremonies at Andriesvale shopping centre or at<br />
Witdraai Bushmen camp, often upon requests by tourists.<br />
The healing dances were central to the Bushmen’s way of life and a lot about their Bushmen<br />
lives could be learnt through them. ‘Rain dance animals’ were also recorded through rock art.<br />
When the Bushmen did their rain dances, they would go into a trance to ‘capture’ one of these<br />
animals. In their trance they would kill it, and its blood and milk became the rain (Bleek,<br />
1933). As depicted in the rock art, the rain dance animals they ‘saw’ usually resembled an<br />
eland (Katz, 1982). The San healers held special powers but according to the Bushmen’s way<br />
of living, they were not thought of as higher or better (Katz, 1982). Healing was performed<br />
not to become a more prominent and powerful person but for the good of the entire<br />
community. Healers would also go in a trance in order to get spiritual power from the<br />
ancestors. The relationship between the San and wildlife in their rituals shows the spiritual<br />
importance placed on such resources, though the findings show that this is no longer as strong<br />
as it used to be in the past.<br />
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6.4.4 Indigenous knowledge around biodiversity use<br />
6.4.4.1 Indigenous knowledge of sustainable plant and animal use<br />
The Mier did not have specific indigenous knowledge related to plant harvesting for<br />
households use (see next section). Their indigenous knowledge related to sustainable and<br />
traditional livestock production. With regards to the San’s use of wild plants, key informants<br />
(the elderly and certified herbalists) mentioned certain norms, rules and practices that were (or<br />
are supposed to be) followed. For example, the size of the plant determines the quantity that is<br />
harvested. The bigger the plant, the more material harvested. This is done to enable young<br />
plants to reach maturity for the benefit of all community members and users. In addition, the<br />
key informants said that many people harvest wild plants (especially medicinal plants) after<br />
the rains because the plants are green and easy to identify. Therefore, it is easier to distinguish<br />
between poisonous and non-poisonous, and bitter and edible plants. During this period, it is<br />
also possible for some plants (stem) to be planted back into the ground (the ground will be<br />
wet in summer) if the roots are used. This practice was not confirmed and practiced by many<br />
though. A few respondents with a better ecological knowledge harvest plants all year round<br />
since the roots and stem normally remain fresh while the upper part is dry.<br />
For certain plants, such as Hoodia gordinii, only smaller new shoots are harvested given that<br />
bigger and older parts are very bitter for consumption. Most plants are dried, grounded and<br />
mixed with other plants and water to be used for long periods of at least three months. For<br />
example, 125 g of Harpagophytum procumbens can be used for an average period of three<br />
months by a family of ten. This quantity is enough since household members seldom get sick<br />
simultaneously. This treatment and storage of the plants is a form of adaptation to the arid<br />
conditions where resource stocks may be inadequate at particular times of the year.<br />
Indigenous knowledge systems are often closely linked to local taboos, myths, habits and<br />
beliefs around the use of plants and animals (Section 6.2.2). Approximately half (47 %) of<br />
San respondents had knowledge of local taboos and myths. Only a few out of these, mostly<br />
elderly people, could meaningfully explain what these taboos and myths were and what they<br />
meant for conservation of their resources and culture. However, the San elders explained that<br />
the mere awareness and belief that such indigenous knowledge systems (including myths,<br />
taboos, norms, beliefs) existed, even without a deeper understanding of what they entail, is<br />
important and forms part of their traditional conservation practices.<br />
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One such myth is that if soil is not spread/sprinkled over a plant that has been cut, the plant<br />
will not grow again, which will bring misfortune to the (offender) harvester. In fact, this is to<br />
prevent the sun from directly heating the fresh cut. In addition, there is a belief among the San<br />
that if a plant is within the home vicinity, it cannot be harvested because human shadows<br />
would have been cast on the plants. The common folklore is that the healing properties of that<br />
plant will become dysfunctional. One San respondent interviewed explained:<br />
“This is only to make sure that such plants are protected for future generations. They<br />
(future generations) will constantly get reminded about how the Bushmen survived on<br />
wild plants and how they sustainably conserved these plants. If these plants are not in<br />
close proximity to where we stay, what will our children and grandchildren say of our<br />
conservation principles?”<br />
It is also a common norm and practice that when a medicinal plant is harvested (bark, stem,<br />
leaves or flower), the harvester should leave something valuable (for example, a 5 cents coin)<br />
to show respect for the plant. This is seen as a way of avoiding destructive harvesting<br />
practices. As can be seen in the following testimony:<br />
“No-one can leave anything valuable if the plant is no longer there”.<br />
In other words, the use, existence and bequest values of plants are highly valued and respected<br />
by the San for their useful properties and just because they exist for future generations to see<br />
(Section 6.1; see also Chapter 3, Section 3.2.2; Figure 3.1; Barbier et al., 1997). Moreover,<br />
only deadwood is supposed to be harvested, according to San cultural norms. In addition,<br />
some plants such as Walafrida saxatilis (Moedershout, commonly known as luck stick) are<br />
believed to bring luck to individuals. Today, it is still common to find small pieces of ‘luck<br />
stick’ in a #Khomani San’s wallet or on necklaces and wrist laces. As part of the myths, it is<br />
believed that some misfortunes such as deaths to harvesters and their families and bad luck<br />
among others are consequences of not respecting community taboos such as unsustainable<br />
harvesting of plants and hunting of pregnant animals (Section 6.2.2).<br />
Many analysts say that myths, norms and taboos are responsible for the sustainable and<br />
traditional management of natural resources (Tanaka, 1980; Katz, 1982; Pretty, 2006). For<br />
example, plant and animal species that are believed to bring luck (e.g. Walafrida saxatilis<br />
(Moedershout) and Atherurus africanus (Aardvark) respectively) are also traditionally used<br />
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for medicinal purposes and considered culturally important hence the users are likely to<br />
harvest then in a sustainable way – because the beliefs state that community members will be<br />
lucky if they harvest these sustainably while myths say misfortunes will fall upon individuals<br />
who do not follow community norms and practices of sustainable harvesting. Further, the<br />
knowledge that both plants and animals provide both utilitarian and cultural values could act<br />
as incentives that can promote sustainable use.<br />
Communication between trees and wild animals is also believed to be integral in the<br />
functioning and health of nature. For instance during key informant interviews one San<br />
respondent said:<br />
“If there is a hunting leopard behind a tree, a branch may fall and the prey will be<br />
alert. The conservation principle of the San is win-win. People depend on nature and<br />
nature depends on people. If you kill an animal you must eat it but these days modern<br />
hunters (with rifles) just shoot wild animals without tracking them”.<br />
The last statement was in reference to the report that trophy hunters did not have traditional<br />
animal tracking skills to allow them to follow wounded animals with the result that many<br />
animals died due to gun wounds well after the hunting days. It is now a requirement for<br />
trophy hunters to be accompanied by trained San trackers, though reports say this procedure is<br />
often bypassed. With regards to bush meat, hunting is only allowed in winter using dogs and<br />
bows and arrows. The reason for hunting in winter is that it makes it easier to preserve meat –<br />
meat goes off faster in summer due to high temperatures. In addition, most animals reproduce<br />
in summer, so this is a way to avoid hunting pregnant animals, or mothers feeding young<br />
ones. Key informants also said that bows and arrows are the recognised San traditional<br />
hunting methods and this legacy needs to be perpetuated.<br />
It can be clearly recognised that the aforesaid explanations confirm the realities and elements<br />
of sustainable resource use and management behind myths, beliefs, norms and practices -<br />
aspects that epitomise the San way of living up to today (see also Section 6.6). However, it<br />
should be noted that though the above-mentioned elements of San culture may provide the<br />
basis for sustainable use and management of natural resources, not all community members<br />
shared such understanding of indigenous knowledge on sustainable use practices, due to the<br />
different perceptions on natural resource use among different social groups (see Chapter 8).<br />
For example, critics warn that the so called traditional harvesting practices are not always<br />
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sustainable (e.g. Massyn and Humphrey, 2010). Some destructive harvesting practices include<br />
the collecting of plants for their roots. For instance, approximately 40 % of all the plants used<br />
were harvested for their roots (see Appendix 2). Moreover, the fact that 63 % of the<br />
respondents reported greater scarcity especially of wild animals, wild foods and medicinal<br />
plants than before is perhaps testimony to unsustainable harvesting practices and increasing<br />
pressure on resources. However, some argue that the scarcity of wild animals is due to<br />
multiple factors including conflicts (and associated deviant behaviour such as overharvesting<br />
and poaching), poor fencing and lack of water. Some claim that most wildlife moved to<br />
nearby Mier Game farms where there is a reliable water supply.<br />
6.4.4.2 Traditional knowledge of sustainable livestock production<br />
The Mier indigenous knowledge related to livestock production and associated rangeland<br />
management. The Mier reported that they have developed their knowledge for the sustainable<br />
managing of livestock over the years. They have developed a rich package of traditional<br />
livestock management knowledge and practices, such as herd splitting to avoid stock loss<br />
(from droughts, diseases, poachers, wild cats). Their rich knowledge provided them with<br />
strategies of managing grazing resources in the harsh Kalahari drylands. The Mier highlighted<br />
that though they did not directly depend on natural resources for their subsistence needs (apart<br />
from fuelwood use), they highly valued the forage and medicinal plants grazed from the<br />
landscape by their livestock that substituted for expensive fodder and modern veterinary<br />
medicines.<br />
Strategies to reduce and adapt to land degradation were considered by the Mier as the<br />
embodiment of unique traditional knowledge (see PANRUSA, 2001) and some Mier<br />
members considered it as supernatural power (pers. comm.). The Mier stressed the cultural<br />
importance of traditionally rearing livestock in the challenging harsh climatic conditions of<br />
the Kalahari. They further argued that unsustainable livestock grazing management practices<br />
(such as overstocking) presented a threat or pressure on livestock production as a whole, and<br />
therefore on the integrity of their spiritual and cultural resource values. Traditional responses<br />
to droughts and dry periods and reduced forage included livestock rotation to avoid pressure<br />
on wild resources and the use of Citrullus lanatus (tsamma melons), especially after heavy<br />
rains (which reduced pressure on pasture and water points since tsamma melons are a source<br />
of both food and water). The choice of small stock (sheep and goats over cattle) was also<br />
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considered as a way of adapting and managing scarce wild resources. Small stock can manage<br />
to browse more readily than cattle (PANRUSA, 2001). Thus, a healthy livestock system that<br />
supports a culturally important livestock production business for the Mier potentially acts as<br />
an incentive to conserve their environment.<br />
Overall, their indigenous knowledge of wild natural resources and livestock production<br />
promotes the conservation of both the environment and their cultural values. The study<br />
findings concur with findings elsewhere that assert that livestock is socially, culturally and<br />
economically significant to rural livelihoods (e.g. UNDP, 2006; IIED, 2009; GCWG, 2011).<br />
However, the low numbers of people with the cultural knowledge means that there is need to<br />
revive traditional ways of livestock management for sustainable use of resources, especially<br />
given that unsustainable practices that relate to livestock grazing and carrying capacity of<br />
Mier land have been reported. Though some relatively recent findings in similar environments<br />
such as Namaqualand (e.g. Benjaminsen et al., 2008), suggest that the reported levels of land<br />
degradation (in communal areas) from overgrazing may not be as serious as commonly<br />
imagined, there are reasons to believe that current practices, if unmanaged may potentially<br />
lead to degradation sooner than later (see Chapter 7).<br />
As could be discerned from the preceding sections, indigenous knowledge related to<br />
sustainable resource use and livestock production (grazing) have been the hallmark of San<br />
(Bushmen) identity (Hitchcock, 1982) and Mier cultural heritage, though it is no longer fully<br />
intact. Despite this, cultural knowledge (and differences in traditional knowledge) still shapes<br />
natural resource access, use and management particularly in the San and Mier resettlement<br />
farms. Therefore, there is a need for traditional knowledge not only to be revived but also to<br />
be meaningfully harnessed within existing conservation programmes (see next section).<br />
6.4.5 The transmission of cultural knowledge from generation to generation<br />
As noted, less than half of the San respondents indicated that they were aware of traditional<br />
knowledge on plants and animal use. This is also supported by the fact that a relatively higher<br />
percentage of both the San and Mier households used prepared plant based medicines than<br />
those that actually harvested (Chapter 5, Table 5.7). Interviews showed that traditional<br />
knowledge generally increased with age and decreased with higher levels of education (see<br />
Mannetti, 2010). Male headed households also tended to have more knowledge than female<br />
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headed households on indigenous plants and animals. Contrary to the findings of Lee (1968,<br />
1979), men were the dominant gatherers of plants (for fuelwood, food and medicines). The<br />
situation (also highlighted in Chapter 5) is somewhat different from findings elsewhere (e.g.<br />
Shackleton et al., 1999; Masekoameng et al., 2005) possibly because of the ever increasing<br />
dryness of the environment and diminishing resources. This means longer distances have to<br />
be travelled, bigger trees for fuelwood have to be felled and more time should be spent in the<br />
field for a worthwhile gathering or hunting trip. All these activities are arduous and<br />
potentially risky hence naturally become designated for males (Chapter 5, Section 5.3.7).<br />
Therefore, their contact with plants and animals is generally more than women.<br />
Moreover, KTP Management (through SANParks) offered training to male trackers and park<br />
guides on local plants and historical Bushmen plant use which could be responsible for the<br />
differences between men and women in terms of knowledge of plants (Mannetti, 2010). Some<br />
respondents interviewed said the trends showed that things were changing and that the forces<br />
of modernisation could not be escaped. For example the loss of the native language was<br />
highlighted as partly explaining the loss or lack of understanding of traditional knowledge.<br />
Less than 5 % of the San respondents could speak their native language, partly resulting from<br />
historical factors – where the San were assimilated into the Mier community through the<br />
Group Areas Development Act of 1955 that classified people according to colour and almost<br />
lost their identity (Chapter 4). The majority of the San spoke Afrikaans, an adopted modern<br />
language. Pretty (2006) documents how the loss of language can lead to the extinction of<br />
traditional knowledge. David K Harrison, the author of “When languages die” (cited in<br />
Makhanya, 2011) simply puts it: “When a language is lost, centuries of human thinking about<br />
time, seasons, edible plants, landscapes, myths, the unknown and the everyday are all lost.<br />
This is the hub of the matter, the destruction of knowledge.” Indeed, as has been noted earlier,<br />
many of the #Khomani San people living in this Kalahari region today do not have a long-<br />
standing tradition and knowledge of surviving in a harsh environment as their livelihoods<br />
have been bolstered by government social grants for many years.<br />
Furthermore, not so many school-going children had time to spend in the field to acquire<br />
traditional knowledge related to collection of wild plants and hunting of animals. This perhaps<br />
shows the delicate nature of traditional knowledge against the rapid pace and forces of<br />
cultural erosion and acculturation in rural landscapes (Pretty, 2006). Nevertheless, it is<br />
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perhaps a combination of different factors that explains the variations in the understanding of<br />
indigenous knowledge between different age groups and gender (including historical,<br />
physical, economic, and external factors).<br />
An overwhelming majority of plant users (> 90%) answered that they had learned about wild<br />
plants during their childhood, with the remaining respondents stating that they acquired this<br />
knowledge only once reaching adulthood. Most respondents said that their knowledge of wild<br />
plants and animals was acquired through field excursions with elders (especially parents and<br />
grandparents), highlighting the importance of family networks given the community‘s<br />
isolation. Some claimed they have used plants for their entire lives as a Bushmen custom. All<br />
responses showed that the plant users within the San community learned by doing, by<br />
participant observation and by sharing activities, corresponding to the results of Lozada et al.,<br />
(2006) (cited in Mannetti, 2010). This means in spite of the San’s turbulent history of<br />
dispossession from their ancestral lands and subsequent isolation, transmission of traditional<br />
knowledge on wild plant and animals has occurred within this community, though it has been<br />
decreasing. The transmission of this wisdom entails learning traditional ecological knowledge<br />
as found in other cases (Berkes et al., 2000), in addition to the sharing of traditional<br />
knowledge (Ohmagari and Berkes, 1997). This is especially relevant in the case of both the<br />
San and Mier communities since they now own land in an area that is highly important for<br />
wild natural resource conservation in the Kalahari region. In light of this, a field (cultural)<br />
school was established in the Contract Park in an effort to transmit and preserve San<br />
traditional knowledge<br />
6.4.6 Imbiwe field school<br />
The motivation behind the establishment of Imbiwe cultural school was the recognition that<br />
the rich San culture was being lost due to different forces. The main goal of the cultural field<br />
school was for the transmission of traditional knowledge to the younger San generation<br />
through spending time in the field with senior knowledge holders. This was premised upon<br />
the fact that for generations, face-to-face transfer of wisdom and practical know-how, from<br />
animal husbandry to plant use, had sustained the livelihood and identity of rural communities<br />
in Africa. In the field school, the younger generation learns and observes traditional<br />
custodianship and respect of the land while the elders nurture an enthusiasm for cultural and<br />
natural resource management practice in them. The ultimate purpose was to develop an<br />
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understanding of the complex traditional relationships between land and the people, providing<br />
a clearer understanding of traditional land and natural resource management. For example,<br />
dissemination of information on traditional medicines is expected to encourage the younger<br />
generation to use medicinal plants in health care, and to facilitate ongoing sustainable use of<br />
medicinal plants (Mannetti, 2010). Consequently, this would avoid the loss of the knowledge<br />
through diminishing use of plants as medicines. Traditional San language and wild animal<br />
tracking are also part of the cultural training programme. The traditional San elders praised<br />
their tracking skills and boasted that there is hardly evidence that any San member has lost his<br />
or her life to wild animals such as lions in the wild. This is because there was enough prey for<br />
carnivores (due to sustainable management of the resources) and the San had special ways to<br />
avoid confrontation with wild animals. The Bushmen often disguised themselves as animals<br />
so they could get close enough to grazing herds to spear them. The head of an animal was an<br />
important part of this disguise and was also used in dancing and miming of the actions of<br />
animals.<br />
However, evidence (demonstrated in preceding discussions) on the variability of indigenous<br />
knowledge and interest on various aspects of natural resource use may serve to illustrate that<br />
the old visions of the San as a hunter-gatherer society and the Mier as entirely traditional<br />
livestock farmers are no longer valid. The differences in knowledge may probably be enough<br />
evidence of diminishing or threatened indigenous knowledge. Alternatively, this perhaps<br />
represents a candid reflection of how poor rural people adapt to the ever-changing social,<br />
physical, economic conditions (market economy) by diversifying their livelihood options –<br />
that may mean a movement from specialising on certain type of resources. Therefore,<br />
successful conservation needs to incorporate information on how the value of resources is<br />
culturally perceived by all the different groups of social actors present in the area designated<br />
for conservation and development (see Hunn et al., 2003) and how this is changing.<br />
Notwithstanding the place occupied by traditional cultural practices in modern day<br />
conservation, the findings do not only challenges stereotypes associated with indigenous<br />
communities but also brings to the fore the importance of considering how the values<br />
associated with different ways of life and adapting to changing physical, social and economic<br />
environments affect material subsistence strategies.<br />
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6.5 CONCLUSION<br />
The Chapter has explored culture, cultural values attached to natural resources and the nexus<br />
of culture and resource use in the light of natural resources and livelihood studies. Local<br />
community groups regularly use wild plants and animals, making the use of nature<br />
inseparable from their cultural identity. Thus the findings are consistent with similar findings<br />
elsewhere that demonstrate that culture is a combination of the material and non-material<br />
activities and products of a given social group which separates it from other groups. The<br />
findings demonstrate that knowledge on culture is variable, and that the cultural values<br />
assigned to certain natural resources are often unpredictable and at times contradictory. For<br />
the San, it may be that they were dispossessed of their land and with it came the erosion of<br />
their culture and a dependence on government social welfare grants. Thus, their history of<br />
dispossession has had an impact on how they give cultural meaning to natural resources and<br />
places. As has been noted, culture is not static, but regularly and gradually changes to<br />
conform to changing circumstances. Therefore, there is a need for a careful cultural analysis<br />
of different communities for conservation programmes aimed at conserving both biological<br />
and indigenous cultural diversity.<br />
It has also subsequently been illustrated in line with other studies that, the value of natural<br />
resources for some groups (e.g. the San traditionalists) cannot be solely understood in<br />
monetary or quantitative terms. This is because natural resource use is culturally-inspired and<br />
is connected to complex cultural systems such as myths, norms, beliefs and spirits that contain<br />
key symbols of natural resource importance. Thus, many of the most important issues facing<br />
the local rural communities, their identities, perceptions and beliefs for example, cannot be<br />
meaningfully reduced to numbers or adequately understood without reference to the<br />
immediate cultural context in which they live. The study further illustrates that such<br />
traditional and cultural practices can have influence over natural resource management if<br />
given support and where possible revived, in that they can act not only as pivots around which<br />
communities make decisions on resources use but also as powerful constraints to the misuse<br />
of resources, standing-in as guardians of the land (Schoffeleers, 1978).<br />
In sum, culture is inextricably bound up with the use and management of natural resources,<br />
and aspects such as conservation and local belief systems form part of a way of living.<br />
Despite the fact that few San and Mier households have knowledge of, and fewer uses of<br />
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traditional resource management strategies, traditional conservation practices of indigenous<br />
people remain an important foundation and component for future sustainable conservation<br />
strategies that should be revived along cultural restoration initiatives such as the Imbiwe Field<br />
(Cultural) School. Conservation approaches should recognise that cultural meanings and<br />
values of natural resources among users is diverse and people are a combination of more<br />
‘modernised’ and ‘traditional’ resource users that co-exist. Hence, conservation approaches<br />
should be flexible and adaptive by factoring in traditional conservation strategies in<br />
combination with modern science (see Ostrom et al., 2007).<br />
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CHAPTER 7<br />
ACTORS AND INSTITUTIONS GOVERNING NATURAL RESOURCE ACCESS<br />
AND MANAGEMENT IN THE DIFFERENT LAND PARCELS<br />
7.1 INTRODUCTION<br />
Globally, a myriad of national parks and their surrounds continue to be the traditional<br />
homelands of indigenous and local communities. These lands are endowed with different<br />
types of wild natural resources (firewood, grass, medicinal plants, bush meat, fodder, etc.) that<br />
support rural people’s livelihoods. In some cases, co-ownership, collective and collaborative<br />
management of parks and communal areas are legally recognised. Given that most poor rural<br />
people directly depend on natural resources for their livelihoods, more effective local<br />
governance of these resources through local institutions has long been considered key to<br />
tackling conservation challenges (Ostrom, 1990; Hulme and Murphree, 2001; Berkes, 2008a),<br />
as well as for improving livelihood security (Fabricius et al., 2004; Pretty, 2006). Yet despite<br />
an ever increasing compilation of work on issues related to institutions and sustainable natural<br />
resources management, the challenges of understanding the relationship between institutions,<br />
governance of natural resources and local livelihoods remain complex, multi-stranded and<br />
salient, particularly in intricate arrangements where parks have to be ideally managed in<br />
unison with surrounding communal lands (e.g. Ascher, 2001; Blomquist, 2009).<br />
While the integration of conservation and development needs of local people has occupied<br />
centre stage in the last decades (see Hulme and Murphrey, 2001; Adams et al., 2004; Hayes,<br />
2006; Sunderland, 2006; Sunderland et al., 2008; Chapter 2, Section 2.2), these strategies<br />
encounter problems at the local scale that relate directly to the institutional and governance<br />
frameworks within which they are nested (Watts, 2006; Homes-Watts and Watts, 2008).<br />
Furthermore, local level implications of institutional and governance arrangements on natural<br />
resources management and livelihoods often receive little focus (Brown and Lassoie, 2010).<br />
In many conservation projects worldwide, local institutions and organisations have been<br />
crafted to govern natural resources both in parks and communal areas (Ostrom, 1990; Young,<br />
2002; Vatn, 2005; Hayes, 2006; Kepe, 2008b).<br />
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However, many such attempts have demonstrated limited success and even failures, and park-<br />
people conflicts are more the rule than the exception (Ntiamoa-Baidu et al., 2001;<br />
Brockington, 2004; Holmes-Watts and Watts, 2008; Brown and Lassoie, 2010). As Sayer et<br />
al. (2000:14) puts it: “There are still very few clearly successful cases where local people’s<br />
development needs and aspirations have been reconciled with protected area management”<br />
despite the continuous establishment of conservation projects. Consequently, the governance<br />
of parks and adjacent communal lands has come under scrutiny and debates about appropriate<br />
local institutional arrangements for natural resources management have emerged (Poteete and<br />
Ostrom, 2002; Watts, 2006; Berkes, 2007).<br />
The Kgalagadi Transfrontier Park represents the first ‘Peace Park’ on the African continent<br />
that integrates conservation and local livelihood needs and is lauded as a model for acceptable<br />
future conservation approaches (Chapter 4). However, local level impacts, and in particular,<br />
aspects related to institutions, interactions among actors, governance of natural resources and<br />
effect on local communities’ livelihoods have not been systematically analysed. Such an<br />
analysis is critical in understanding complex land tenure issues, institutional aspects, and<br />
natural resource governance (characterised by co-management in the Park and community-<br />
based management in the surrounding resettlement farms) to best inform respective<br />
conservation and livelihood policies.<br />
The delivery of these policies in practice is based on understanding several related issues. As<br />
earlier highlighted natural resource value is socially constructed and contested and it is<br />
therefore critical to focus on institutions as terrains of negotiations (Kepe, 2008a; Chapter 3,<br />
Section 3.4). This includes how institutions shape individual and collective behaviour, and<br />
how individuals and groups shape institutions and the subsequent impacts on natural resource<br />
governance (Vella, 2003). Poteete and Ostrom (2002) argue that effort to promote sustainable<br />
natural resource use through effective governance depends on the application of well-<br />
grounded theories about the development, evolution, interaction, and consequences of<br />
institutions. It is hoped that findings from this study will provide lessons for a better<br />
understanding of the institutional landscapes and natural resource governance in current and<br />
future co- and community-based management practices within and beyond the South African<br />
context.<br />
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The specific objectives of this Chapter are to:<br />
identify the different institutions and actors (and their constituencies) responsible for<br />
governance of natural resources in the KTP (co-managed) and the surrounding<br />
resettlement farms (community-based management);<br />
analyse the interactions and power dynamics between these institutions and actors and<br />
local level governance of natural resources in the Park and resettlement farms; and<br />
provide lessons and propose core strategies for improving governance of natural<br />
resources important for sustainable natural resource management both within and<br />
outside of the Park.<br />
7.2 CONCEPTUAL DEVELOPMENT: PARKS, PEOPLE AND RESEARCH<br />
FRAMEWORKS<br />
7.2.1 Transfrontier Parks (TFPs) and Contract Parks<br />
Generally, the concept of conservation with people in parks is now common currency in<br />
international conservation literature and debates (Chapter 2). The principal idea in such<br />
initiatives is to integrate ecological integrity (conservation) and local development needs.<br />
Subsequently, the establishment and management of Transfrontier Parks (TFPs) in Africa is<br />
increasingly shaped by and premised upon the current co-management principles that are at<br />
the heart of people-parks debates (Chapter 2, Section 2.2.2). In line with the above view, the<br />
idea in the KTP was to allow local San and Mier communities, access and sustainable<br />
resource use rights in the various zones of the Park, against a background of land<br />
dispossession (Chapter 4, Section 4.2.2). As earlier discussed, the advent of Contract Parks (in<br />
TFPs) worldwide was seen as a way of involving local people in the management of natural<br />
resources that they have traditionally relied upon and improving people-park relations (see<br />
Chapter 2, Section 2.2.2). This is undoubtedly a realisation that local community relations do<br />
impact parks, particularly in the diverse and complex relationships for negotiating land tenure<br />
and resource use arrangements as in this study.<br />
7.2.2. Frameworks and approach<br />
This study’s analyses largely draws on the Sustainable Livelihoods Framework (Chapter 3,<br />
Section 3.2.3). The study looks at the relationship between actors, institutions and institutional<br />
contexts and how these influence resource access and use (i.e. livelihoods). In this study,<br />
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institutions are commonly conceptualised as both formal and informal constraints such as<br />
rules, laws, conventions, constitutions, norms, decision making procedures, and programmes<br />
that define social practices, and guide interactions among individuals (North 1990; Young,<br />
2002; Vatn, 2005), by stipulating what actions are required, permitted, or forbidden in<br />
particular situations (Poteete and Ostrom, 2002; Chapter 3, Section 3.4.1). Organisations and<br />
individuals will be considered as actors that typically emerge as players whose activities are<br />
guided by the rules of the game (institutions) in which they participate (Young, 2002; Chapter<br />
3, Section 3.4.1).<br />
In order to systematically identify and understand multiple institutional arrangements, nested<br />
actors and the complex interactions in this study, the study makes use of the IAD framework<br />
by Ostrom et al., (1994) (Chapter 3, Section 3.3.3; Figure 3.2). To the researcher, the<br />
framework recognises multiple levels of decision making, while preserving the capacity to<br />
study a particular level. This simplifies the task of studying an institutional governing system<br />
without addressing all of the influences that conceptually can be linked to behaviours and<br />
outcomes (Richardson, 2004). The Chapter also draws on political ecology (Peet and Watts,<br />
2004) to analyse interactions among actors and their institutions. Political ecology is broadly<br />
defined as the study of power relations in land and natural resources management<br />
(Benjaminsen et al., 2008). At the heart of political ecology is a focus on asymmetries of<br />
power among actors providing valuable perspectives for understanding social dynamics<br />
(Robbins, 2004). Such a comprehensive approach provides a much more flexible conceptual<br />
platform for understanding livelihoods through analysing socially-rooted interactions,<br />
explicitly focusing on access to opportunities and natural resources and the workings of power<br />
among actors.<br />
In addition, the study also draws on common property resources theory (Ostrom, 1990), to<br />
analyse natural resource arrangement in the communally-owned San and Mier resettlement<br />
farms. Common property resources (CPRs) refers to natural resources to which more than one<br />
individual has access, but where each person’s consumption reduces availability of the<br />
resource to others (Ostrom, 1990). Further, while more than one individual has access under<br />
common property resources, the resources may be excludable. Ostrom’s design principles<br />
highlight how common property resources could be managed without falling prey to the<br />
‘tragedy of the commons’ (see Hardin, 1968). The 8 design principles are summarised in<br />
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Table 7.1. First, rules should clearly define who has what right to natural resource access and<br />
use. Second, adequate conflict resolution mechanisms should be in place, and third, an<br />
individual’s duty to maintain the resource should roughly match the benefits. Fourth,<br />
monitoring and sanctioning should be carried out either by the resource users (local people) or<br />
by someone who is accountable to the users. Fifth, sanctions should be graduated, lenient for<br />
a first violation and stricter as violations are repeated. Sixth, governance is more successful<br />
when decision processes are democratic, in the sense that a majority of users are allowed to<br />
participate in the design and amendment of the rules and seventh the right of users to self-<br />
organise is clearly recognised by outside authorities. Lastly, where common property<br />
resources are part of larger systems, appropriation, provision, monitoring, enforcement,<br />
conflict resolution and governance activities can all be organised in multiple layers of nested<br />
enterprises.<br />
Table 7.1: Summary of Ostrom’s design principles (Adapted from Ostrom, 1990:90)<br />
Principle Explanation<br />
1. Clearly defined boundaries Individuals or households with rights to withdraw<br />
resource units from the common pool resource and the<br />
boundaries of the common pool resource itself are clearly<br />
defined.<br />
2. Congruence a. The distribution of benefits from appropriation rules<br />
is roughly proportionate to the costs resulting from<br />
provisional rules.<br />
b. The rules governing the contribution required of<br />
each user must mirror local conditions<br />
3. Collective choice<br />
Participation by all affected individuals in deciding on<br />
arrangements<br />
and modifying operational rules should be possible<br />
4. Monitoring Either the local users themselves or persons accountable<br />
to the local user are responsible for monitoring<br />
compliance with collective decisions.<br />
5. Graduated sanctions Sanctions should be graduated to reflect the severity,<br />
frequency, and context of resource use violation.<br />
6. Conflict resolution Low-cost and readily available conflict-resolution<br />
mechanisms<br />
mechanisms must exist to mediate conflicts among<br />
resource users and between users and officials.<br />
7. Minimum recognition of Users must have recognition of their own rights to<br />
rights<br />
organise institutions<br />
8. Nested enterprises Appropriation, provision, monitoring, enforcement,<br />
conflict resolution and governance activities are<br />
organised in multiple layers of nested enterprises.<br />
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In sum, Ostrom’s framework highlights the problems arising from common property resource<br />
use and management and identifies the complex system of variables, rules, and external<br />
constraints that affect the design of common property resource management regimes. This is<br />
consistent with the preceding frameworks and conceptualisation, in the sense that it<br />
recognises that conservation sites are characterised by existence of multiple actors and<br />
institutions, where overall conservation and livelihood outcomes are shaped by interactions<br />
and power dynamics within these socio-ecological systems.<br />
The above conceptualisation provides a framework within which to understand the San and<br />
Mier cases. The community-owned and managed San and Mier resettlement farms exactly<br />
suits the above conceptualisations. Further, the two communities are not isolated, but are<br />
subject to externally initiated interventions with regards to financial resources, logistical<br />
aspects, tourism partnerships, capacity development, livelihood issues and cultural revival<br />
programmes among others (see Thondhlana et al., 2011). Hence, the sustainability of natural<br />
resource use, particularly in the resettlement farms (common property resources) remains a<br />
challenge – providing raison d'être for a broader understanding of current resource<br />
management arrangements to better inform policy for good natural resource governance.<br />
7.3 RESEARCH METHODS<br />
The study drew on both primary (household questionnaire interviews, key informant<br />
interviews, observations) and secondary data sources (books, articles, journals, minutes, rules<br />
and regulations documents and local newspaper reports). Information was collected for both<br />
the Park co-management arrangements as well as governance and management processes for<br />
the resettlement farms. The first phase of field work involved the administration of 100<br />
questionnaires in each community (see Chapter 3, Section 3.5). The first set of household<br />
questionnaires covered local people’s general access to natural resources in and outside the<br />
Park and provided insights into the actors and institutional arrangements in both communities<br />
including aspects such as membership in organisations, participation in community meetings<br />
and perspectives on effectiveness of organisations such as SANParks (Kgalagadi<br />
Transfrontier Park Management) and other local actors (Chapter 3, Section 3.5). Some<br />
respondents did not give comments and answers to certain questions asked during interviews<br />
because they did not use any natural resource from the Park other than from getting firewood<br />
(and other resources) in the resettlement farms for subsistence purposes.<br />
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In the second phase, 50 questionnaires (Appendix 7) were purposely administered (to<br />
respondents who had indicated that they had knowledge about the various actors responsible<br />
for natural resources management in the resettlement farms and the Contract Park) from a list<br />
of respondents created from the initial survey of 100 San households. The second set of<br />
questionnaires was specifically tailored to capture indicators of community governance<br />
performance (such as participation, decision making, attitudes towards leaders and<br />
accountability) and indicators of socioeconomic benefits provided by the Park and farms such<br />
as whether respondents had received benefits or whether community projects had been<br />
implemented as promised and points of conflicts (see Collomb et al., 2010). The Mier were<br />
not covered in the second phase since a majority of households (92 % out of 100) indicated<br />
(in the first phase) they were either not a member of any governance body or did not have any<br />
idea about existence of any local institution (except for the Municipality). Instead, informal<br />
interviews were conducted to get people’s perceptions about the performance of the<br />
Municipality.<br />
Personal interviews (see Appendix 6) with key informants such as South African National<br />
Parks (SANParks) (KTP management), Department of Land Affairs, eco-tourism business<br />
partners, Traditional San Council, Mier Municipality and local NGOs captured general<br />
information on the characteristics of local institutional regimes, local actors, who and what<br />
they represent and their values. Identified officials from the above-mentioned organisations<br />
provided insight into the nature and economic impacts of different institutions in the area.<br />
Much of the primary data related to how different land parcels are managed, conflicts arising<br />
from conflicting interests and what this means for future conservation efforts was largely<br />
obtained through personal interviews. The Contract Park Constitution (i.e. The !Ae!Hai<br />
Kalahari Heritage Park Bundle) was an important source of information on aspects related to<br />
general agreements, authority, roles and responsibilities of the principal stakeholders (i.e. Park<br />
Management, San and Mier communities) responsible for co-management in the Park (see<br />
Borsch and Hirshfeld, 2002).<br />
7.4 RESULTS AND DISCUSSION<br />
7.4.1 The actors: roles, constituencies and governance arrangements<br />
Several actors are involved in natural resources governance, development and livelihood<br />
interventions in the Park and the resettlement farms. Table 7.2 shows the different actors and<br />
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institutions that are responsible for governance of natural resources in the different land<br />
parcels. The actors include government departments and agencies, NGOs, private operators,<br />
community-based operators, local community members and committees and individual<br />
stakeholders.<br />
Table 7.2: Various actors and institutions responsible for natural resources governance<br />
Land parcel and actors Institutions (rules)<br />
Contract Park and rest of Park<br />
Kgalagadi Transfrontier Park<br />
Management<br />
Joint Management Board<br />
Private Safari Operator<br />
Technical advisors<br />
Department of Land Affairs<br />
San Park committee<br />
San Elders (Traditional Council<br />
San Farms<br />
CPA committee<br />
Department of Land Affairs<br />
Traditional Council<br />
San Technical Advisors<br />
South African San Institute<br />
(SASI)<br />
Bushmen Farming Association<br />
Mier Farms<br />
Mier Municipality<br />
Mier community<br />
Town Forums (not active)<br />
Livestock farmers cooperative<br />
(Formal/informal)<br />
National Environmental Management:<br />
Protected Areas Act 57 of 2003<br />
The Ae!Hai Kalahari Heritage Park<br />
Agreement (2002)<br />
Communal Property Association Act<br />
Protocols for sustainable resource use (2007)<br />
Kgalagadi National Park Management Plan<br />
2006<br />
Indigenous knowledge systems<br />
Communal Property Association Act<br />
CPA constitution<br />
Indigenous knowledge systems (informal<br />
rules)<br />
Indigenous knowledge systems (informal<br />
rules)<br />
Municipal by-laws e.g. in terms of renting<br />
land<br />
The predominant rules governing natural resource access and use are largely formal though<br />
unwritten informal indigenous knowledge systems are used in the respective resettlement<br />
farms (see Chapter 6, Section 6.4.4). Indigenous knowledge systems are also expected to be<br />
part of the rules regulating natural resource harvesting in the Park. The actors and their<br />
respective institutions have multiple objectives that address conservation and livelihoods from<br />
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a diversity of angles, such as law, policy, wildlife management and ecosystems and local<br />
livelihoods. It is these actors, their institutional affiliations, constituencies and roles in natural<br />
resource governance that will be described and analysed in the following sections.<br />
7.4.2 Park and Contract Park actors and institutions<br />
7.4.2.1 SANParks and Kgalagadi Transfrontier Park Management (KTPM)<br />
South African National Parks (SANParks) is the principal and leading conservation authority<br />
in all national parks in the country. It is an organisation supported by the government through<br />
the Department of Environment and Tourism and its main mission and responsibility is to<br />
develop and manage a system of national parks that represents the biodiversity, landscapes,<br />
and associated heritage assets of South Africa for the sustainable use and benefit of all (see<br />
SANParks, 2006). Kgalagadi Transfrontier Park Management (KTPM) is responsible for<br />
achieving these objectives on behalf of SANParks. KTPM is made up of the Park Manager,<br />
Game Rangers and the ‘People and Conservation’ Officer.<br />
In all the co-management initiatives in the Park, the National Environmental Management:<br />
Protected Areas Act 57 of 2003 supersedes all the formal rules regulating resource protection,<br />
access and use (see Act No. 10, 2004, Section 8). According to the !Ae!Hai Kalahari Heritage<br />
(or Contract) Park agreement (hereinafter the agreement), KTPM has the power to regulate<br />
natural resource access and use within the Commercial Preference Zone (V-Zone) and the San<br />
Symbolic and Cultural Zone (S-Zone) (see Figure 4.1; Chapter 4, Section 4.2.2.2) and is<br />
responsible for performing all duties that the agreement enforces upon it. Though the Contract<br />
Park is under the management of a Joint Management Board (JMB) (see next Section), KTPM<br />
has unrestricted right of access to any part of the Contract Park for nature conservation-related<br />
responsibilities such as infrastructure maintenance, security of the Contract Park, monitoring<br />
and taking control measures with regards to fauna and flora, veterinary services, general<br />
rehabilitation of damage caused by natural causes and any activity related to conservation<br />
functions though ownership rights rest with the San and Mier communities (see Bosch and<br />
Hirshfeld, 2002).<br />
In addition and in line with the agreement, KTPM agree to facilitate on request by<br />
communities development in support of the Contract Park, training of field guides, designing<br />
of management plans and assistance with game management. According to KTPM, the<br />
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Contract Park is so far properly managed under the JMB and meeting the primary<br />
conservation objectives. There is also a general willingness by KTPM to contribute their<br />
experience and expertise (as part of its social responsibility) in sustainably managing natural<br />
resources in the San farms to improve local people’s livelihoods, buoyed by nuanced<br />
understanding and realisation that parks cannot be managed as distinct units from their local<br />
ecological, social-political and economic surrounding areas. Further, there is understanding<br />
that natural resources will be depleted if the surrounding farms are not sustainably managed,<br />
and this is likely to create future pressure on Park resources.<br />
7.4.2.2 The Joint Management Board (JMB)<br />
The Contract Park Agreement requires the formation of a Joint Management Board (JMB).<br />
The JMB is a forum where representatives of SANParks (i.e. KTPM), San and Mier<br />
communities take decisions on the management of the Contract Park. KTPM and the Mier are<br />
each represented by three members (including the Park Manager for the former and Mayor for<br />
the latter). The San community is represented by a Park Committee, with the advice of<br />
Traditional Council and Technical Advisors (see Section 7.4.2.3). The Park Committee is a<br />
group of San members who represent the common interests of the San constituency or<br />
Communal Property Association (CPA) (see Section 7.4.3.1). The Traditional Council<br />
consists of a group of knowledgeable and well respected San elders who give wisdom and<br />
advice on sustainable natural resource practices and bring knowledge of informal institutions<br />
(within the indigenous knowledge system framework) both in the Park and the San farms (see<br />
Bosch and Hirshfeld, 2002; Chapter 6, Section 6.4.2.1).<br />
In general terms, the JMB is responsible for the formulation, implementation and monitoring<br />
of an effective framework for the management and development of the Contract Park<br />
(Holden, 2007; Grossman and Holden, 2009). The functions of the JMB include among other<br />
things informing other parties about actual or intended development in the Contract Park and<br />
rest of Park, to generally manage the implementation of the Contact Park agreement, promote<br />
integrated management between the San and Mier with the aim to achieve balanced eco-<br />
tourism related development, and to prevent and resolve disputes between stakeholders.<br />
Community representatives in the JMB are responsible for ensuring that their respective<br />
constituencies support the co-management agreement by disseminating key information and<br />
decisions relating to the Contract Park management and development (Bosch and Hirshfeld,<br />
135
2002). The San Park Committee (or representatives of the San constituency in the JMB), for<br />
example, is supposed to report back to all San members through the various Ward<br />
Committees of the respective farms such as Witdraai and Scotty’s Ford. Ward Committees are<br />
contact points within the different San farms whose main duty is to get and disseminate<br />
information from the JMB representatives and on various management issues in the San<br />
farms. The Mier Municipality is supposed to disseminate information to Town Forums<br />
(elected town representatives) who should later circulate this information to their respective<br />
constituencies. However, in both communities poor levels of accountability were evident (see<br />
Sections 7.4.7.1 and 7.4.7.2). In the case of the Mier, Town Forums were either non-existent<br />
or basically inactive.<br />
However, it is important to note that despite the above-mentioned JMB functions, the JMB is<br />
not a legal entity that can be either sued for failing to meet its contractual agreements or to be<br />
held responsible for its actions. For example, the JMB has the right to approve or amend<br />
management plans, though KTPM has the overriding right to make decisions on natural<br />
resource use in the Park. This means the JMB does not have power to make independent<br />
decisions on resource use in the Contract Park, without SANParks approval though there is<br />
room in the agreement for the principal parties (KTPM, San and Mier) to establish the JMB as<br />
a legal entity by written agreement. With regards to handling profits generated from the<br />
Contract Park community lodge, the Department of Land Affairs (DLA) is responsible for<br />
administering the profits on behalf of the San community as per a court agreement (see<br />
Section 7.4.3.1), while the Mier Municipality administers the Mier community profits (see<br />
Section 7.4.3.2).<br />
7.4.3 Actors and institutions in the resettlement farms<br />
7.4.3.1 The San Communal Property Association (CPA)<br />
The restitution of communal land rights procedure in South Africa involves an observance of<br />
the Communal Property Associations Act 28 of 1996. The Act enables communities to form<br />
juristic bodies, known as Communal Property Associations (CPAs), in order to acquire, hold<br />
and manage property on a basis agreed to by members of a community in terms of a written<br />
CPA constitution (SAHRC, 2004). Accordingly, members of the #Khomani San claim are<br />
collectively known as the San CPA and the assets of the community are supposed to be<br />
managed by an elected CPA executive committee.<br />
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However, there is no functional CPA committee at the moment due to reasons related to<br />
internal conflicts, mismanagement of funds and corruption (see Robins, 2001; Ellis, 2010;<br />
Thondhlana et al., 2011). The term of the first CPA committee ended in April 2001 after an<br />
audit initiated by the Department of Land affairs (DLA) found the committee guilty of gross<br />
mismanagement of funds. A new CPA committee was later elected in July 2001. It is reported<br />
that this committee's term of office also ended controversially during 2002 with the DLA<br />
having to step in to prevent the sale of the farm Erin to cover debts incurred by executive<br />
members (Makomele, 2009, per comm.). The DLA lodged an application to the High Court to<br />
place the San CPA under its administration in terms of the CPA Act. The San CPA was<br />
subsequently placed under the DLA administration in November 2002. The DLA<br />
administrative offices are located in the Northern Cape provincial capital, Kimberley, more<br />
than 600 km away from the San community farms. It is reported that a new executive<br />
committee was elected in 2003 (and other committees later) but these committees were under<br />
the administration of the DLA and therefore did not have the normal powers of such a body in<br />
terms of the CPA Act.<br />
The DLA was expected to appoint a Farm manager to oversee day-to-day management of<br />
different farms (Bosch and Hirshfeld, 2002) but this is reportedly still outstanding. Further,<br />
the DLA has not yet introduced an alternative management structure or system to date, a<br />
worrisome development for most San members who thought their situation was going to<br />
improve. The duration of external administration is still unclear due to the absence of an<br />
explicitly set time-frame and conditions under which administration will become internal.<br />
While the constitution is reasonably clear on the substantive rights that individuals may have,<br />
the practice has been that land users disregard these stipulations, amid heightened internal<br />
conflicts and the committee has been powerless to address the matter (see Section 7.4.6).<br />
Informal traditional rules are used in the management of natural resources in the farms<br />
(sustainable plant harvesting, hunting, etc.) but not everyone understands how these rules<br />
operate or follow them (Chapter 6, Section 6.4.4).<br />
7.4.3.2 The Mier Municipality and community<br />
There is an absence of an active, well defined community organisation for the Mier<br />
community. The Mier Contract Park, game farms and farmland are de facto communal<br />
property but de jure Mier Municipality property. The Municipality is the legal owner and<br />
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leases farms to individual farmers. The farmers have a chance to buy the leased farm in a<br />
given number of years after convincing the authorities that he/she can manage the land and<br />
run a livestock business viably. The Mier Municipality is also responsible for providing<br />
services such as water, sanitation and other social services to the San but do not have a natural<br />
resource management role in San farms. According to Grossman and Holden (2009), with<br />
regards to natural resource management and other livelihood initiatives within the Mier<br />
community, the situation is simpler than the San’s in that the Mier community is a relatively<br />
more cohesive one, with a functional institution (a Local Municipal Council) in place and has<br />
greater capacity and experience. Furthermore, the Mier have among other things successfully<br />
managed a relatively lucrative hunting and tourism operation on their land bordering the KTP<br />
for a number of years and there are a number of successful small livestock farmers (Chapter<br />
5) and entrepreneurs in the area. Therefore, they have arguably fewer expectations and less<br />
reliance on the outcome of what happens in the Park as compared to the San community.<br />
7.4.4 External organisations supporting institutional, development and governance<br />
arrangements<br />
Table 7.3 shows the main NGO actors who have been involved in natural resources<br />
management and key livelihood activities in one way or the other. Apart from the principal<br />
JMB parties, there are other independent NGO’s, private operators and individuals interested<br />
in indigenous people aspects, conservation and rural livelihoods, who have been actively<br />
involved in natural resource governance and management issues both in the Contract Park and<br />
the farms, through provision of advice and funding support to the San.<br />
138
Table 7.3: NGOs and independent actors and their primary areas of focus<br />
NGOs/other actors Focus<br />
SASI (for San) Cultural and linguistic issues<br />
Miershoop Pan Game farm management<br />
Witdraai Bush Camps management<br />
Traditional guiding and tracking<br />
Development of the handcraft sector (SîSEN)<br />
Technical Advisors (for San) Traditional plant monitoring and evaluation in the<br />
Park and farms<br />
Cultural preservation (Park and farms)<br />
African Safari Lodge<br />
Foundation (for San)<br />
Ecotourism (Park and farms)<br />
Ecotourism initiatives (Park and farms<br />
Farm Africa (San and Mier Land care project in the area and livestock<br />
production on the San and Mier farms<br />
Peace Parks Foundation (for<br />
San)<br />
7.4.4.1 South African San Institute (SASI)<br />
Cultural preservation and eco-tourism (in the Park)<br />
South African San Institute (SASI) is an independent NGO that operates with the various San<br />
groups in South Africa. SASI also works in partnerships with wider groups that represent<br />
minorities such as the Working Group of Indigenous Minorities in Southern Africa (WIMSA),<br />
whose responsibility among others is to promote the rights of the San people. Some of the<br />
initiatives that have been used to promote the livelihoods of the San people in their ancestral<br />
lands include; promotion of rights, community mobilisation, fund raising, lobbying and<br />
networking, training and capacity building, cultural heritage and language development,<br />
health and social development and income generating programmes. SASI is responsible for<br />
the financial management (together with DLA) of the San game farms (Miershoop Pan game<br />
farm) and community Bush Camp in Witdraai Farm, training of guides, SîSEN crafts, health<br />
shop and the information centre. SîSEN craft is a San craft project where San members make<br />
traditional crafts that are sold at a common market. The respective members are supposed to<br />
get a certain percentage of the profits later after a deduction of administrative, technical and<br />
organisational (marketing) support costs by SASI. SASI has been playing various supportive<br />
and advisory roles for the San pre- and post the 1999 land claim.<br />
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7.4.4.2 San Technical Advisors and Africa Safari Lodge Foundation<br />
The San technical advisory team consists of two individuals who have been working with the<br />
San community before, during and after the 1999 land claim process. African Safari Lodge<br />
Foundation is a non-profit organisation interested in aspects of conservation and livelihoods<br />
by local and indigenous communities. Both the San Technical Advisors and African Safari<br />
Lodge Foundation have been involved in the Imbiwe cultural school initiative (Chapter 6,<br />
Section 6.4.6), monitoring and evaluation of natural resource stocks in the Contract Park and<br />
designing of the Erin Development Plan (an eco-tourism initiative in the farms) among other<br />
things – related to conservation and livelihood for the San both in the Park and the farms.<br />
7.4.4.3 Peace Parks Foundation, Farm Africa and Private operator(s)<br />
Peace Parks Foundation is an NGO that is responsible for facilitating the establishment of<br />
Transfrontier Conservation Areas (TFCs) and developing human resources, thereby<br />
supporting sustainable economic development (that improves local livelihoods), the<br />
conservation of biodiversity and regional peace and stability. Farm Africa is an NGO that<br />
focussed on key livelihood and enterprise projects in the area, though it is no longer active in<br />
the area. It embarked on a livestock production project for interested livestock and ‘would be’<br />
livestock farmers and developed a ‘sheep bank’ whereby a prospective farmer was able to<br />
start a flock of sheep. However, at the time of research neither Farm Africa nor the ‘sheep<br />
bank’ initiative was functional. A private operator, runs the community lodge (!Xaus) in the<br />
Contract Park on behalf of KTPM, San and Mier communities. The profits generated by the<br />
lodge are shared equally among the three principal parties of the JMB and the private<br />
operator. All the NGOs and the private operator mentioned do not have decision making<br />
responsibilities in the Park and resettlement farms, though they sometimes attend JMB and<br />
other meetings in advisory capacities.<br />
Figure 7.1 summarises the main actors that are involved in natural resource governance<br />
aspects in the different San and Mier land parcels. As can be seen from Figure 7.1 and the<br />
preceding sections, the study areas represents a complex arrangement – where nested actors<br />
and various institutions responsible for natural resources management in the Contract Park<br />
and the resettlement farms, operate at different and multiple levels (local, external, civil,<br />
government, horizontal and vertical) with multiple objectives. More often than not, some of<br />
the various actors have management responsibilities or interests both in the Park and the<br />
140
farms, making natural resource governance aspects interlinked, multifaceted and therefore<br />
essential for local livelihoods and conservation both in the different land tenure arrangements.<br />
In outlining the framework for this Chapter’s analyses (Section 7.2.; see also Chapter 3,<br />
Section 3.3.3) it was especially highlighted that typically, various and multiple levels of<br />
decision making by various actors exist and that everything is connected to everything else<br />
(see Richardson, 2004), adding to the complexity in understanding conservation and<br />
livelihood challenges.<br />
Park committee<br />
South African<br />
San Institute<br />
(SASI)<br />
90<br />
80<br />
70<br />
60<br />
50<br />
East<br />
40<br />
West<br />
30<br />
20<br />
10<br />
North<br />
0<br />
Farm<br />
1st Qtr 2nd Qtr 3rd Qtr 4th Qtr Representatives<br />
Land parcels San Resettlement Area Park & Contract Park<br />
San Council<br />
Figure 7.1: Nested actors involved in land and natural resources governance (Adapted from<br />
Thondhlana et al., 2011)<br />
7.4.5 Interactions among actors and governance of natural resources in the Park and<br />
resettlement farms<br />
Boesman Raad<br />
(Bushman committee)<br />
Bushmen Farming<br />
Association<br />
Erin & Witdraai<br />
Ward<br />
Committee<br />
Department of<br />
Land Affairs<br />
The governance front of natural resources in the Contract Park and farms is characterised by<br />
various degrees and forms of cooperation and conflict. Different actors have different natural<br />
resource use interests and pursue sometimes conflicting goals in line with their institutional<br />
141<br />
Technical<br />
advisors<br />
Peace Parks<br />
Foundation<br />
JMB (San community reps,<br />
SANParks and Mier<br />
Municipality)<br />
Mier Municipality<br />
Town Forums<br />
Mier Resettlement Area<br />
Private<br />
concessionaire
affiliations and values. This section looks at the different actors and structures described<br />
above, their approaches to natural resource management and how this impacts on<br />
conservation and livelihood issues. The main institutions (rules, constitutions, norms) that are<br />
used to regulate resource access and use in the different land parcels by different actors are<br />
highlighted as well as the challenges associated with heterogeneity, access to benefits,<br />
accountability and conflict resolutions among others. The main aim is to demonstrate the<br />
complex network of inter-linkages among actors and institutions, the performances of various<br />
actors and impacts on local conservation and livelihood outcomes and the possibility of<br />
strengthening existing natural resource governance systems or crafting news one where, the<br />
existing ones are failing.<br />
7.4.5.1 Kgalagadi Transfrontier Park Management (KTPM) and resource governance in the<br />
Park<br />
Though, the KTP co-management arrangement represents a step forward towards integrating<br />
ecological and livelihood needs of the San and Mier (as compared to many parks worldwide),<br />
the situation is not without problems and challenges related to resource access and benefits. In<br />
all its dealings with communities, KTPM has been very unequivocal in its primary objective.<br />
For example, in the Protocols for Sustainable Resource Use (see #Khomani San, 2007),<br />
KTPM reiterates that it is important to make the distinction that resource use within the Park<br />
will ultimately not be towards the support of livelihoods but rather serve as a way by which<br />
the San (young and old, men and women) can re-connect with their cultural heritage. Natural<br />
resource use as a livelihood strategy will take place on the eight farms outside the Park<br />
(Chapter 4, Figure 4.1) because KTPM mandate is conservation and this will always come<br />
first.<br />
Suggestions about growing plant species from seeds or bulbs collected within the Park on the<br />
farms awarded to the San, so that access to the Park is minimised have been made.<br />
Furthermore, there is always suspicion that local people cannot be trusted to use resources<br />
sustainably. For example, KTPM stated that an underlying threat to sustainable resource use is<br />
that people may over-utilise resources for fear of not being ‘allowed’ to harvest them again.<br />
Yet the San are considered highly traditional and the Traditional Council (committee of San<br />
elders) is seen as key to advisory services on sustainable use in the Park, drawing on<br />
indigenous knowledge. This raises challenging questions of whether Park regimes have<br />
142
changed or plan to change the way they deal with local communities and if they can<br />
meaningfully support local livelihoods.<br />
Park institutions (including their actors) have historically held the view that human beings and<br />
natural resources should be separated (e.g. Oates, 1999; Terborgh, 1999; see also Wilshusen<br />
et al., 2002). Elements of this world view are not far from reality on the ground in the KTP.<br />
Some San members interviewed argued that KTP regulations (that are ironically approved by<br />
the Traditional Council) did not represent the interests of all community members. While the<br />
land restitution and the co-management attempts between KTP authorities and local<br />
communities attracted a high political profile, KTPM and some NGOs may have achieved<br />
regional and global mileage from this project that does not fully include local communities. A<br />
KTP management staff commented on the matter:<br />
“Kgalagadi Transfrontier Park is in the spotlight, with this conservation with people,<br />
SANParks get mileage and overseas markets are attracted”.<br />
Analysis of the !Ae!Hai Kalahari Heritage Park agreement showed that the conditions for<br />
making the rules were somewhat restrictive since they were largely in the hands of KTPM. It<br />
was evident that the KTPM largely used the ‘traditional’ narrative to minimise or restrict<br />
resource use in the Contract Park. For example, hunting in the Contract Park is not allowed<br />
without culture and traditional dance. Rules in the Park state that traditional rituals are<br />
supposed to be respected and applied, and youths will be included according to custom.<br />
Traditional hunting methods (bow and arrow) and materials should be used, including assegai<br />
and knobkerries while long bows are prohibited. Taking hunted meat out of the Park is also<br />
forbidden. KTPM ironically deal closely with ‘traditionalist’ proponents (Section 7.4.6)<br />
(respected elders) in the area.<br />
Some local members interviewed complained that local leaders were co-opted and seemingly<br />
used to champion resource preservation rather than resource conservation, in the name of<br />
preserving culture (see also Finer et al., 2009). The so called ‘modernists’ (Section 7.4.6)<br />
argued that KTPM traditional thinking was at best an effort to exclude San members from<br />
resource access and at worst a conscious approach to imagine that the San still lived in the<br />
past as hunter-gatherers, where they could assemble in the Park (as a family) for the purposes<br />
143
of consuming bush meat (Section 7.4.6). Moreover, the respondents were against a romantic<br />
hunter-gatherer world view that refers to lack of interest shown by such groups in attaining<br />
material wealth, which they said only served to further marginalise them. Thus a ‘hunter-<br />
gatherer’ world view of the San culture is seen by other San members as a strategy to either<br />
allow or restrict access to natural resources – demonstrating how different interpretations of<br />
culture by certain institutions are used to gain power to control resource access and behaviour<br />
of users. According to Ramutsindela (2002, 2007) and Kepe et al. (2005), landownership and<br />
authority over land is not just about having ownership rights but is about who uses the land or<br />
who dictates the rules of land use. The San and Mier communities are autonomous entities in<br />
the agreement but not independent hence they cannot make decisions in their own right.<br />
As highlighted in Chapter 4 (Section 4.2.2), there is a further agreement between KTPM and<br />
the San community in the rest of the Park for cultural visits and symbolic purposes for<br />
interested members. However, normal provisions with regard to access to rest of the Park (e.g.<br />
normal access fees, etc.) apply to San members who may want do their ‘walk abouts’ for<br />
rekindling their cultural and spiritual connections to their ancestral land. This arrangement<br />
potentially restricts access to natural resources, since most communities may not be able to<br />
raise Park entry fees, considering that they also have to meet the costs of travelling from the<br />
farms located approximately 60 km away. There is also concern that while KTPM prohibits<br />
the San and Mier people from collecting dead fuel in the Park, it actually buys fuelwood (at<br />
ZAR0.60/kg) from the surrounding San and Mier farms for selling (at ZAR5/kg) to tourists<br />
who visit the Park. Field evidence and surveys showed that KTPM actually provides an<br />
incentive for unsustainable harvesting of fuelwood in the San farms for meagre incomes –<br />
which increases the likelihood of future pressure on Park resources once fuelwood, a key<br />
livelihood source, is depleted in the resettlement farms.<br />
These findings align with the widely argued opinion that conservation agencies have<br />
conservation objectives uppermost in their corporate goals and conscience, with their<br />
expertise and experience focused on biodiversity conservation (e.g. Wilshusen et al., 2002;<br />
Kepe et al., 2005, Berkes, 2007). This is supported by the fact that more staff are assigned to<br />
resource protection (wardens and guards) as compared to ‘People and Conservation’ (just one<br />
officer). Overall, the findings illustrate that power dictates the ability and capacity to make<br />
rules and without the power to make rules, decision making is compromised which is<br />
144
consistent with one of this study’s conceptual frameworks, political ecology – that highlights<br />
that asymmetrical power relations among actors shape natural resource access and<br />
management. During personal interviews, some San respondents said that they do not trust<br />
their community leaders (and to a lesser extent SANParks), since their (modernised San)<br />
interests (e.g. hunting in the Contract Park for subsistence uses) are considered as not being<br />
part of San cultural practices. Loss of trust among community members in co-management<br />
initiatives is a dilemma since it is argued that if people trust each other and expect others to<br />
cooperate, they are likely to contribute to collective action, form groups, attend and<br />
participate in meetings, making it easier to delegate tasks, share information or to devolve<br />
power to local levels (Pretty and Ward, 2001; Berkes, 2008b). Ntiamoa-Baidu et al. (2001)<br />
emphasise that trust particularly appears to be a determinant of success in many cases of co-<br />
management, as a prelude to building a working relationship that improves natural resource<br />
governance. However, as one can discern from the preceding discussions, the situation is far<br />
from the desired one. The findings imply that imposing blue-print co-management approaches<br />
(such as the one solely based on traditional or cultural practices in the Contract Park) that do<br />
not factor in the various preferences and perceptions of different people is likely to fail in the<br />
long run.<br />
7.4.5.2 NGOs, interactions with community groups and natural resources governance<br />
In many communities worldwide, NGOs have active and leading roles in aspects related to<br />
conservation, particularly in co-management, community-based natural resource governance<br />
arrangements and rural livelihoods. Of the NGOs in the Kalahari area (Table 7.3), all have<br />
traditionally focused on cultural preservation aspects and eco-tourism opportunities for the<br />
San, whilst Farm Africa has played a smaller role, predominantly focusing on a Land Care<br />
project in the area and livestock on the farms owned by the San and Mier (Grossman and<br />
Holden, 2009). Kepe et al. (2005) mention that the Mier have been overlooked largely due to<br />
the much-publicised discourses on indigenous peoples and campaigns internationally for<br />
recognising aboriginal rights, such that the San claim was highly publicised and held a high<br />
political profile. Indeed, from being one of the most powerless and marginalised groups in the<br />
region, the San now have significant national and international support through organisations<br />
such as SASI, Government (Department of Land Affairs), Technical advisors and other<br />
interested actors.<br />
145
Literature shows that NGOs’ can easily get funding both locally and globally if they work<br />
along traditional and cultural land rights issues (Finer et al., 2009). The findings illustrate that<br />
traditionalists receive much administrative and financial support from NGOs, SANParks and<br />
other like-minded agencies. For instance, the National Lottery Trust Distribution Fund<br />
donated ZAR4.8 million (US$685,714) in support of the communities to pursue their<br />
livelihood opportunities and cultural regeneration through sustainable use of resources in their<br />
Contract Park (see also Section 7.5). The money was administered by the Peace Parks<br />
Foundation and locally through the San Technical Advisors. However, many local<br />
communities argued that this and other donor money was not really benefiting the<br />
communities. Instead, it only benefited certain individuals who were known to be strong<br />
traditionalists while little attention was, paid in understanding what livelihoods mean for other<br />
social groups.<br />
Indeed, most actors such as the Park Committee, Traditional Council and to a certain extent<br />
NGOs such as SASI, Technical Advisors among others identify strongly with the San culture,<br />
identity and (traditional) subsistence use of resources. Their predominant aim is to establish<br />
conditions that restore and protect their traditional values. Therefore, there are concerns raised<br />
that the CPA Traditional leaders and other subsidiary committees arbitrarily decide on issues<br />
of land administration, allocation and applicable land use rights that only benefit<br />
‘traditionalists’ (see next Section). Though these NGO actors sometimes have common<br />
values, each of them had distinct goals and ways of achieving them and sometimes the actors’<br />
goals and the performances were not consistent with the expectations of various groups of the<br />
San community. For example, a significant proportion of San respondents (60 %) generally<br />
complained about how community money was spent by SASI. Though SASI reported that<br />
profits raised from hunting quotas in 2010 were used to pay for community members’ debts at<br />
local shops, many people claimed that they did not benefit from the scheme and further<br />
questioned the criteria that was used to select members in need. Some community members<br />
interviewed claimed that the money benefitted well-off households (due to their influence in<br />
the community) rather than the needy (see Chapter 5, Section 5.3.5). A further 24 % had no<br />
idea at all about any decisions made or profits raised since they were ‘minding their own<br />
business’. Some San members were not happy about the criteria by which hunting quotas<br />
were allocated or the high hunting fees that were gazetted without their consent.<br />
146
Moreover, during field work it became apparent that the local health centre (that is operated<br />
by SASI and sells traditional medicines) was open albeit intermittently and the training of<br />
local San guides had apparently stopped or was not in full throttle as before. In addition, a<br />
field visit to the community Bush Camp in Witdraai showed the facility was in a state of<br />
disrepair with a serious need for a substantial face-lift. In addition, many crafters preferred to<br />
sell their crafts directly along the road to the Park than to SîSEN crafts, since they did not get<br />
their profits as per agreement with SASI. Such issues serve to confirm the concerns<br />
highlighted by respondents and therefore do not only question the effectiveness and<br />
accountability of SASI in particular but also other actors such as DLA and NGOs, who work<br />
closely with the San community.<br />
Field evidence supports Robins’s (2001) argument that community divisions could have been<br />
deepened by contradictory NGOs and donors’ single-sided objectives to provide support for<br />
traditional leadership, San language and cultural survival and to inculcate modern ideas such<br />
as livestock farming. Finer et al. (2009) assert that even such seemingly benign entities such<br />
as NGOs contribute to a vicious cycle that undermines the development of effective local<br />
community bodies and institutions, since they tend to work with specific individuals or groups<br />
of individuals. They further argue that local communities are often antagonistic to each other,<br />
and in their dealings with outsiders they can be disorganised, unruly, easily co-opted, and<br />
unpredictable. This perhaps highlights the challenges of multiple NGO actors and pitfalls of<br />
externally initiated interventions.<br />
7.4.6 Conflicting interests and heterogeneity within communities<br />
Homogeneity may have a bearing on collective action. For example, sharing important social,<br />
cultural, or economic characteristics may increase the desire to co-operate (Ostrom, 1990;<br />
Cleaver, 1999). The challenge is that heterogeneity can exist along multiple dimensions as<br />
will be illustrated. As noted in Chapter 4, the present day #Khomani San people, due in a<br />
large part to their history of forced removals and separation, are not a homogeneous society<br />
but a collection of different people brought together to make up the required number for the<br />
land claim. They are united only by their ancestors’ experience of being hunters and gatherers<br />
in the Kalahari region and by their dispossession and marginalisation (Chennells, 2001;<br />
2009).<br />
147
Key informant interviews with SANParks officials, San traditional leaders and Technical<br />
Advisors revealed that while prior to the land claim community solidarity, social cohesion and<br />
cultural continuity were somewhat evident, leading to a successful land claim, the post<br />
settlement period was and continues to be characterised by social fragmentation and intra-<br />
community conflicts between so-called ‘traditionalists’ and ‘modern Bushmen’. Interviews<br />
with traditionalists (groups of people who follow customary practices) showed that on the one<br />
hand, traditionalists want land to be reserved for traditional purposes such as hunting,<br />
gathering of medicinal and food plants and cultural connection to land such as walks and<br />
rituals. The traditionalist group wishes the original agreement (where San resettlement land<br />
was designated for specific purposes such as livestock production, traditional use and wildlife<br />
farming) to stand. Their argument is that specific pieces of land should be protected to<br />
preserve and revive San cultural heritage. Livestock destroy culturally important plant species<br />
such as medicinal plants. The traditionalists group further argues that, though they may not<br />
use the medicinal plants as before due to the availability of modern health facilities such as<br />
mobile clinics, protecting their heritage is of paramount importance for the benefit of future<br />
generations. Their argument is supported by emerging evidence that wild game is<br />
disappearing due to uncontrolled and unsustainable hunting practices in the community-<br />
owned San resettlement farms (Erin and Miershoop pan) (SANParks, 2009, pers. comm.;<br />
Massyn and Humphrey, 2010). Given this, they strongly argue that there is need for some<br />
form of protection; for instance game farms that could protect culturally important species<br />
such as springbok, gemsbok and eland that will not only preserve cultural practices and<br />
heritage values but also bring income to the community through eco-tourism activities.<br />
On the other hand, personal interviews with the modernists (loosely described as modernised<br />
San including those interested in livestock farming) revealed that this group of people wanted<br />
more land for livestock production and housing. The livestock and housing proponents, on the<br />
other hand argue that their land has so far been unproductive and therefore, a ‘white elephant’.<br />
They said that more land, including that earmarked for cultural purposes, should be made<br />
available for livestock production, income generation and housing development. This group<br />
believes that things have changed and that the bush can no longer sustain the old Bushmen<br />
lifestyle. Rather the resettlement land should be used in line with their changed lifestyles.<br />
These internal differences within the San have led to, for example, about ZAR15 million<br />
(US$2.14 million) housing project funds (for the San) lying idle in government coffers<br />
148
ecause they cannot agree on where to build the houses (Makomele, 2009, per comm.). They<br />
further argued that traditional conservation only benefited the traditionalists. For example,<br />
many local members complained that some traditionalists hunted illegally since they did not<br />
apply for hunting licenses as per the rules and hunt outside the hunting season (between May<br />
and August). Most respondents (within the modernist group) claimed that a large number of<br />
springboks have been unlawfully and unsustainably harvested in the name of ‘traditional<br />
hunting’ that excludes some CPA members, often labeled modernists. Subsequently, these<br />
contestations have initiated a debate about who has the right to manage and make decisions<br />
about the game and other resources on the San resettlement farms.<br />
Further, some San members said during interviews that conflicts between San social groups<br />
are as a result of opportunities that come up with external players. A case in point relates to<br />
the South African Council for Scientific and Industrial Research (CSIR) who together with an<br />
American pharmaceutical company, Pfizer, wanted to develop an indigenous plant called<br />
Hoodia gordinii into an appetite suppressant drug (see Chennells, 2007; Chapter 3, Section<br />
3.6; Chapter 8, Section 8.4). Though the conflict involving the developing a drug was finally<br />
resolved (CSIR had conducted research on and patented Hoodia without prior informed<br />
consent by the traditional owners, the San, who had used the plant for many years), claims of<br />
deepened conflicts resulting from CISR one-sided approach of working with the San<br />
Traditional Council only were reported. Robins (2001) argues that the traditionalist versus<br />
modern Bushmen dichotomy is itself at the heart of donor and NGO development agendas,<br />
and ultimately widens the differences already present in the community. The internal conflicts<br />
and divergent meanings at the heart of this struggle are well reflected in the following<br />
statement by one San member interested in livestock production:<br />
“. . .but things have changed; there is no more food in the veld to eat. The truth is the<br />
Bushmen cannot go back to the bush to live like their forefathers. Today the Bushmen<br />
buy coffee from the shop but used to make coffee in the bush (from the witgatboom<br />
roots). They also buy meat from the shop rather than relying on bush meat. The<br />
important thing is to know where you come from. I am a real Bushman in my thinking<br />
and in my blood. In the past, the Bushmen did not drink alcohol like what is happening<br />
today. Money is also important now and you can never go anywhere in the world<br />
without money. Today being San is determined by traditional regalia not by their<br />
values. There is nothing like traditional and modern San”.<br />
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However, some argue that this is also partly due to the Department of Land Affairs (DLA)<br />
and Mier Municipality neglect and tardiness and a general lack of any post-settlement support<br />
(SAHRC, 2004; see also Andrew et al., 2003). For example, under the agreement, the Mier<br />
Municipality should provide services such as houses, water, sanitation and electricity, as well<br />
as develop hunting and tourism infrastructure and ‘Arts and Culture Centres’ (SAHRC, 2004).<br />
Nonetheless, it is unclear whether and when these projects will begin. The conflicts have<br />
manifested themselves in different forms, from absconding meetings, general lack of interest<br />
and selective cooperation to violent actions. For example, it is reported that a former<br />
commercial farmer was allegedly hit by a shovel by a local San member. Such struggles and<br />
subsequent erosion of vision and trust impact on the higher level management structures<br />
required for natural resource management. These tensions highlight the fact that natural<br />
resource governance is characterised by contestations over meanings, inherent power play and<br />
general disagreement regarding land and resource use strategies.<br />
From a political ecology perspective discussed in this Chapter’s conceptual framework<br />
(Section 7.2.2), there is a deepening conflict and power struggle between different San social<br />
groups regarding how land is used and controlled. These findings show that the San<br />
community-owned and managed landscapes are complex, conflict-ridden and far from being<br />
homogeneous cultural constructions contrary to common beliefs and expectations. These<br />
contestations are in line with the IAD framework (Section 7.2.2) that demonstrates that the<br />
attributes of the community within which actors are embedded (e.g. common understanding,<br />
homogeneity or heterogeneity of resource use preferences and distribution of resources among<br />
members), shape actor’s choices, interactions, governance of resources and the overall<br />
conservation and livelihood outcomes.<br />
Interviews with selected San and Mier respondents revealed that the two community groups<br />
have sharply contrasting, but also converging, views on what the Contract Park can offer them<br />
– partly an illustration of the intercultural differentiation between them. For example, the<br />
Mier, in keeping with their history, are generally more interested in livestock farming than<br />
gathering of plants and hunting of wild animals. While the San traditionalist group feel that<br />
the main importance of the land is in terms of heritage conservation and preservation of their<br />
culture, the Mier community, like the ‘modern San’, is more concerned with the economic<br />
benefits (e.g. livestock production, job creation) their land can bring. This is partly the reason<br />
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why the Mier have often been excluded from donor and other poverty alleviation and<br />
conservation initiatives and have thus come to feel neglected in favour of the San (Kepe et al.,<br />
2005). This creates problems for the Mier as they feel they are not obtaining the same support<br />
and recognition, and leaves them relatively powerless on the JMB and in other structures. At<br />
the same time, it became clear from surveys, that there is also a growing mistrust of the Mier<br />
by the #Khomani San with reports that the Mier are poaching firewood and wild animals in<br />
nearby San resettlement farms.<br />
Within the Mier, heterogeneity is embedded in land tenure issues and status and power of<br />
individuals. Most interviewed Mier respondents who had their livestock on communal land<br />
lamented that the land was not large enough for their livestock and indicated they would want<br />
to have their own private land. They argued that well-off people (farmers) had more influence<br />
in the Municipality hence easily got private land and were overall doing better than communal<br />
farmers (see Chapter 5). There is also growing antagonism between farmers with livestock on<br />
communal farms and those without farmland at all, due to the questionable ways and<br />
procedures through which land is given. It should also be emphasised that interviews with<br />
different respondents (youths, men and women) within the San and Mier communities,<br />
showed that some San and Mier members are were not at all interested in potential land-based<br />
livelihood activities in the Contract Park and the resettlement farms as they wanted to pursue<br />
other livelihood strategies such as paid employment. As can be discerned from the preceding<br />
discussion, there is substantial heterogeneity between and within the San and Mier<br />
communities and access to land is contested. Who gets what land is a clear demonstration of<br />
the embedded power relations in land and resource allocation (see Scoones, 1998), with<br />
particular groups of people being perceived to be favoured to the disadvantage of others (e.g.<br />
the enrichment of a few influential rich Mier livestock farmers, see also Chapter 5).<br />
Unfortunately decreasing collective action, as illustrated in this study, results in individualistic<br />
behaviour that undermines governance arrangements and results in unsustainable resource use<br />
on the resettlement farms with potential long term negative impacts on livelihoods. While it is<br />
profitable in the short-term for individuals to harvest resources, long-term impacts are<br />
depressing. For example, though a few households (just 7 % and 4 % of sampled San and<br />
Mier households respectively) reported fuelwood sales, key informant interviews and<br />
observations showed that illegal fuelwood (especially camel thorn) harvesting for commercial<br />
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purposes was taking place on both San and Mier farms. Camel thorn is a nationally protected<br />
species in South Africa. As noted earlier, uncontrolled and unsustainable hunting practices<br />
have also been reported on San resettlement farms (Massyn and Humphrey, 2010). This<br />
means there is compelling need for local communities (despite their seemingly wide<br />
differences) to unite towards the common good of improving livelihoods through good natural<br />
resource governance. As one San member echoed:<br />
“People need to work together, understand each other and respect and trust the<br />
opinions of others. At the moment the community is very much divided”.<br />
Given these inter and intra-community differences, it can perhaps be argued that the problems<br />
of natural resource governance in the San and Mier resettlement farms arise from the<br />
decisions based on (false) perceptions that the preferences and perceptions of the different San<br />
and Mier users are the same. As Ostrom et al. (2007) reflect, community-managed areas such<br />
as the San and Mier resettlement farms and collaborative approaches such as the joint<br />
management of the Contract Park are frequently “portrayed as cure-all”. But, the findings of<br />
this study illustrate that individuals facing the same situation (related to resource use) vary in<br />
their needs, behaviour and reactions.<br />
Thus, in keeping with the Sustainable Livelihoods and the Institutional Analysis and<br />
Development Frameworks, the findings illustrate that the different nature of communities in<br />
which different actors operate, transforming structures, relationships and institutions shape<br />
access to opportunities, and produce multifarious forms of social, economic and<br />
environmental outcomes. The present study shows that social systems for conservation and<br />
livelihoods are complex, involving multiple actors and institutions, with different and<br />
sometimes overlapping set of goals that results in resource use-related conflicts.<br />
7.4.7 Accountability and benefit perceptions<br />
This section is based on the surveys administered among the San and Mier communities to<br />
measure aspects related to accountability and perceptions of benefits among others. Empirical<br />
evidence based on proxies used to measure good governance such as accountability,<br />
participation and benefits perceptions (Section 7.3) are discussed in detail. According to<br />
Collomb et al. (2010) accountability and benefits perception are indicators of good<br />
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governance and socio-economic benefits because they identify observable signs that particular<br />
elements of sustainable natural resource management are being met by the available actors<br />
and institutions.<br />
7.4.7.1 Accountability aspects within the San community<br />
According to Collomb et al. (2010), indicators of good governance and socio-economic<br />
benefits (such as horizontal accountability and benefits perception respectively) identify<br />
observable signs that particular elements of sustainable resource management are being met<br />
(by institutions). Most San respondents interviewed (60 %) said the CPA leaders generally<br />
made decisions without telling them, and they were only told what was happening. Out of<br />
this, only 12 % said the decisions were good, while 64 % felt that the decisions made were<br />
bad and selfish. According to the CPA constitution, CPA members have certain rights and<br />
responsibilities related to drafting and understanding of the constitution, use of their land (for<br />
residence, agriculture, and natural resource use such as using wild plants and hunting),<br />
choosing of committee members, standing in elections and information feedback (on general<br />
progress of community activities, assets, finances and management issues) through the CPA<br />
executive committee but they have not been able to exercise these rights since the CPA<br />
committee was disbanded (see Section 7.4.3.1).<br />
However, slightly more than half of San respondents (52 %) indicated they were consulted<br />
during the constitution building process, while only 44 % said the constitution had been<br />
explained to them earlier or in the past 12 months. This is perhaps understandable because<br />
since the land restitution in 1999, new members have gradually settled in the area. As a matter<br />
of fact ever since the commencement of this project in 2009, newly resettled San members<br />
have been continuously encountered. Predictably, a majority of the respondents (72 %)<br />
generally perceived that the constitution did not organise the community well. Out of this, 50<br />
% said the constitution was either bad or very bad, 14 % (reasonably well) or 16 % (neutral).<br />
Seventy-eight percent said that most people did not follow the constitution as demonstrated by<br />
reported cases of corruption, poaching, heightened intra-community conflicts among other<br />
issues. Twenty-percent had no knowledge of the constitution at all, perhaps representing the<br />
newly resettled members.<br />
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Respondents were asked if they had knowledge of their rights related to standing in an<br />
election, making decisions on the use of wildlife or CPA money, remove incompetent/corrupt<br />
officers, or choosing leaders among others in accordance with the local constitution. Table 7.4<br />
shows the proportion of respondents who had knowledge of such rights. As can be clearly<br />
observed from Table 7.4, knowledge of certain rights such as the right to stand in an election,<br />
vote for CPA leaders and remove corrupt leaders or employees is generally high. However,<br />
less than half of the respondents had knowledge about rights related to checking financial<br />
accountability, amending the constitution, demand for a meeting and choosing local safari<br />
operators or tourism partners. While some of the rights are not explicit, they are implicit in the<br />
CPA constitution.<br />
Table 7.4: Knowledge of local constitutional rights among San respondents<br />
Right Proportion (%) of respondents<br />
Stand in an election definite 100<br />
Vote / choose CPA leaders 98<br />
Remove incompetent/corrupt employees 66<br />
Amend the constitution 44<br />
Make decisions on the use of wildlife/CPA money 42<br />
Check how CPA money was spent 30<br />
Demand for a meeting (e.g. for explanation of committee<br />
26<br />
performance)<br />
Set animal quotas for hunting 22<br />
Choose your tourism partners (Joint Venture) 18<br />
Choose your hunting safari operator 16<br />
Ninety percent of San respondents did not have any knowledge of financial reports. Most<br />
respondents (86 %) perceived that CPA finances were badly accounted for (since there was no<br />
annual budget and expenditure showing sources and amount of income generated). Among<br />
other things, about half of both the San and Mier respondents interviewed did not know how<br />
and how much money was spent, progress of projects, hunting quotas, how many animals<br />
were shot in the previous year, the price of animals sold to the hunters, the income generated<br />
from community campsites and the generated income from the Contract Park community<br />
lodge.<br />
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Responses on questions related to local community meetings, attendance, agendas and<br />
outcomes, overall revealed that most people felt this was unsatisfactory. Only 22 % of the San<br />
respondents indicated they had attended both the monthly and annual general meeting, while<br />
the rest of the respondents either did not know there was a meeting or did not feel like<br />
attending. Out of those who attended, a majority (64 %) felt the meetings were generally<br />
neutral to less than satisfactory. Many respondents claimed that there were so many<br />
uncoordinated meetings such that most people had no time to attend, especially considering<br />
that the outcomes of the meetings did not directly benefit their households. It is the nature of<br />
human behaviour to abscond activities that do not benefit them. Asked if they knew the CPA<br />
chairman or leader and financial manager, several names were mentioned (in the Department<br />
of Land Affairs, SASI, Traditional Council, Technical Advisory Team among others). This<br />
confirms and illustrates the effects of the existence of many actors and their divergent<br />
interests and the consequent cumbersome and uncoordinated meetings, as this testimony by<br />
one San respondent illustrates:<br />
“Leaders change after every meeting, people are confused”.<br />
Twenty percent of respondents (who attended meetings) said conflicts masked and derailed<br />
the purpose of most meetings. Respondents cited information dissemination (78 %),<br />
corruption (44 %), lack of jobs and nepotism issues (12 %), no benefits and empty promises<br />
(40 %) as the predominant reasons behind conflicts and general lack of interest in CPA<br />
meetings and activities. Aspects related to culture, in particular ethnic identity and the<br />
associated traditionalist – modernist debate (see Section 7.4.6) were also said to be at the heart<br />
of community conflicts. Referring to the lack of access to information on the Contract Park by<br />
ordinary community members, one San respondent commented:<br />
“I need a permit before going to the Park, but I don’t know the procedures of how to<br />
get it”.<br />
Indeed, many respondents were not aware of how the Park and Contract Park functions and<br />
how they could get permits for visiting it. Some of the respondents said they did not get<br />
feedback because administrators perceived that they could not understand financial issues.<br />
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This stereotyping is clearly illustrated in one member’s (Traditional leader’s son) comments<br />
on the matter:<br />
“We are the true Bushmen. We do not get feedback on monetary issues because they<br />
think we are the true Bushmen and we do not understand figures but we need those<br />
figures. Only the Mier people take high positions (referring to the local SASI financial<br />
administrator).”<br />
However, the lack of easy access to information is perhaps and partly due to geographic<br />
location. For example, people in Rietfontein and Welkom are far from Andriesvale (the main<br />
San location where administrative offices are located) and hence do not get informed in time.<br />
Nonetheless, those people claimed that they only got informed when the authorities needed<br />
them most.<br />
7.4.7.2 Accountability aspects within the Mier community<br />
Very few respondents (ranging from 0 - 29 %) knew about the existence of a community<br />
Contract Park and game farms and how these land parcels were governed (Table 7.5). A few<br />
households who knew about their existence had visited them. However, they did not know<br />
how much conservation-related income was generated from the game farms and Contract<br />
Park for the Municipality annually.<br />
Table 7.5: Proportion of Mier respondents with knowledge on different land parcels and their<br />
management<br />
Respondents Land parcel<br />
Contract Park Game Farm<br />
% respondents with knowledge of the existence<br />
of community land parcels<br />
29 25<br />
% respondents with knowledge land parcel<br />
management responsibility<br />
10 11<br />
% respondents who attended or have knowledge<br />
of feedback meetings<br />
0 0<br />
% respondents with knowledge of income raised<br />
annually from Contract Park and game farms<br />
0 0<br />
Though differences within the Mier community are not as conspicuous as their San<br />
counterparts, they have their own unique problems. For example, the preconditions under<br />
which one is awarded land by the Municipality has lately come under scrutiny as many<br />
156
landless members believed it only benefitted the rich, senior municipal workers and their<br />
relatives (see Section 7.4.6). All Mier households (54 % of livestock owners) who grazed<br />
their livestock in communal farms perceived that communal farms were too small to<br />
accommodate the number of livestock they had or wished to have. In addition, cultural<br />
differences were noted between the older and younger Mier generations. Though historically,<br />
the older generation almost entirely depended on livestock production, a significant<br />
proportion of the youth was not at all interested in livestock farming (see also Koster, 2000).<br />
The youth are getting more educated and their wishes for a ‘good life’ transcend livestock<br />
production as a livelihood activity. They want to see development projects that generate job<br />
opportunities.<br />
With regards to benefits perception, most Mier members interviewed mentioned that they did<br />
not get any meaningful benefits promised from the resettlement farms and Contract Park. In<br />
actual fact, they said they did not know they were supposed to benefit (in some way) from the<br />
Contract Park and game farms. Households interviewed generally felt that game hunting fees<br />
were too high for them, though local members paid less than external hunters. They further<br />
argued that the hunting fees were unaffordable and only benefitted well-off households. The<br />
Mier Municipality said it used these hunting fees and other proceeds from the Contract Park<br />
to develop the area under its jurisdiction and help lower taxes paid by community members.<br />
Nevertheless, all households did not know how much money was generated by several game<br />
farms and the Contract Park per year, or what they would have paid in taxes if the game<br />
ranches did not exist (Koster, 2000). An analysis of membership in organisations revealed that<br />
only a few Mier respondents (8 %) were members of an organisation. Most respondents said<br />
that they were not interested in joining organisations or attending meetings because only<br />
community (political) leaders benefited from participation in such meetings.<br />
As can be learnt, the communities are characterised by heterogeneity, differential or zero-<br />
access to critical information and a general lack of knowledge about how their resources are<br />
governed. However, without accountability, transparency and access to information can be<br />
compromised and therefore the influence that communities may potentially have on decision<br />
making. When people lack information, coordination becomes difficult despite common goals<br />
(Collomb et al., 2010).<br />
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7.4.7.3 San and Mier perceptions of benefits<br />
San households were asked if they perceived to have had benefitted from the land restitution<br />
programme (Contract Park and farms). The respondents gave mixed responses, though many<br />
people felt the benefits were relatively worthwhile in the farms but either non-existent or<br />
curtailed in the Contract Park. Table 7.6 shows the respondents’ overall perceptions of<br />
benefit. Forty-one percent of the San respondents (Table 7.6) did not give comments because<br />
they either did not use any resource from the Park or did not know what form of benefits were<br />
supposed to be derived from the land parcels apart from getting fuelwood (in the farms) for<br />
subsistence use (Section 7.3). Thirty-one percent perceived that they had not benefitted from<br />
the land restitution. This group of respondents said that things were not so different from<br />
before they got land. They cited lack of basic services including perennial water shortages,<br />
lack of toilets, houses and electricity as indicators that their situation has not yet improved.<br />
Some members highlighted that they had become poorer than before and that this was leading<br />
them to unsustainable resource use practices such as commercialising camel thorn and<br />
allowing outsiders to graze their livestock in communal property for a small fee.<br />
Table 7.6: San respondents’ general benefit perception from the Park and farms<br />
Benefit perception % respondents (n=100)<br />
No comments, do not know if we are supposed to benefit in<br />
any way<br />
41<br />
Empty promises, nothing has changed, no benefits at all 31<br />
Benefitted but not satisfied, still need improvement 16<br />
Land restitution improved lives (has access to land and<br />
livestock)<br />
4<br />
Only benefitted a few individuals 4<br />
Benefitted but conflicts are drawing us back 3<br />
No money is getting to the community 1<br />
Indeed, reports and surveys showed that while rules that prevent members of the San<br />
community trading their rights to utilise benefits on the communal farms exist, some members<br />
reportedly did so. Apart from selling the natural resource products they individually produced<br />
from utilising natural resource rights, some members allowed non-members to, for example,<br />
bring livestock onto San community farms for the purposes of generating extra cash income.<br />
In the process some poor San members have become labourers in their resettlement farms –<br />
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looking after third party livestock. The following comment illustrates that some community<br />
members have become herders of outsiders’ livestock in their own community farms:<br />
“We have become servants in our own father’s house.”<br />
Other San members interviewed believed they were used in the land claim to make the<br />
required numbers and have since become increasingly neglected and marginalised by their<br />
leaders. They further alleged that job opportunities in the Park and within the surrounding<br />
resettlement farms primarily benefitted people from Andriesvale, in particular those who are<br />
politically powerful (such as the community leaders and traditionalists). One case in point<br />
relates to the Imbiwe field school (Chapter 6, Section 6.4.6) where it is claimed that most<br />
beneficiaries originate from Andriesvale.<br />
Further, at the moment, Tourism Development Plans for the San community are being drafted<br />
for the other sections of the Park and resettlement farms. However, many people either did not<br />
know about this arrangement or believed that it was going to be a replica of the Contract Park<br />
where no cash benefits really trickled down to local communities. Such benefits are supposed<br />
to be in the form of infrastructural development but almost all households said there were no<br />
development projects in the communities arising from the Contract Park’s profits. Both the<br />
San and Mier perceived that apart from seasonal employment opportunities and selling of<br />
crafts, the cash benefits from the Contract Park did not necessarily benefit them. Some 16 %<br />
of the respondents said they had benefitted but there was need for improvement, while a few<br />
were completely satisfied. A community member expressed the following on the matter:<br />
“The land restitution improved our lives because some people are working for SASI,<br />
SANParks and local lodges (as guides).”<br />
Lack of land management capacity by local communities (especially those interested in<br />
livestock production) was highlighted as a critical hindrance to successful livestock<br />
production. The following comment was said by one of many community members interested<br />
in livestock farming:<br />
“There are empty promises. The government just gave us land without skills, capacity<br />
and animals (referring to cattle, sheep and goats) for livestock production for a<br />
living”.<br />
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The above testimony was also a reaction to the fact that the government, through the<br />
Department of Land Affairs has not yet appointed a Farm Manager as promised since the land<br />
claim and has not allowed a local committee to be appointed since it was disbanded in 2002.<br />
In an SABC 2 News Interview (dated 22 February 2010), the Premier of the Northern Cape,<br />
Hazel Jenkins indirectly noted the lack of skills and capacity issues when she said that<br />
Municipalities were financially strapped in order to support land reform through skills<br />
development, training and farming support for resettled households. Institution and capacity<br />
building and knowledge sharing among local members and other actors could help in<br />
improving the lives of local communities and towards achieving the goal of self-sufficiency.<br />
However, taking into account positives and negatives the San and Mier overall perception<br />
towards wildlife and how it could improve their lives was strongly positive for all the<br />
respondents. Surprisingly, when asked if SANParks (KTPM) respected community views (in<br />
light of limited access and expected benefits from the Contract Park), a significant proportion<br />
(47 %) said “yes”, while, 26 % and 27 % said “no” and “don’t know” respectively. Those<br />
who said yes perceived that KTPM should be hailed for allowing resource use by the local<br />
people in the first place, and that KTPM was more organised than their local leaders,<br />
generally provided feedback though their local leaders who did not disseminate the<br />
information, created job opportunities and markets (for crafts) and showed effort to involve<br />
them. Some of the respondents further said that they could not go to the Park due to the long<br />
distance (at least 65 km from areas around Andriesvale).<br />
As could be learnt from the above sections, resource benefits are either curtailed or non-<br />
existent for both San and Mier, which has overall resulted in lack of cooperation in<br />
community-based related projects. Cleaver (1999) asserts that where communities do not<br />
benefit from community-based initiatives, non-participation in collective activities is rational<br />
and beneficial since it reduces costs and other structural constraints of resource use. Ostrom<br />
(1990) design principles (Section 7.2.3) also stress that among other things, the distribution of<br />
benefits should be roughly match the costs of one’s commitment and that collective choice<br />
arrangements are dependent on and should enable participation of all affected individual in<br />
resource management activities. Ostrom further adds that institutional change is incremental<br />
and sequential, enabling users to realise the benefits of change before moving on to new and<br />
desirable institutional arrangements. Therefore, unfulfilled expectations, combined with<br />
suspicion of committee leaders and coordination problems, discourage cooperative norms and<br />
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thus capacities for collective action for governance of common property resources, as<br />
illustrated in this study. Hence, individual members find it profitable to override and illegally<br />
harvest (sometimes unsustainably) natural resources. This raises questions such as; do the<br />
institutions and their actors meaningfully represent the interests of all the community<br />
members?<br />
7.5 CORE STRATEGIES FOR IMPROVING NATURAL RESOURCE<br />
GOVERNANCE IN THE PARK AND RESETTLEMENT FARMS<br />
Is co-management successfully being achieved in the Contract Park? Is community-based<br />
management working as expected in the farms? These are some of the questions arising from<br />
the various discussions in the preceding sections. The answer has to be partly no because of<br />
the conflicts and challenges discussed and a cautious yes given the emerging opportunities<br />
and promising advances from the different land parcels.<br />
Recent events inside the Contract Park provide good opportunities for strengthening co-<br />
management. The government’s decision to build a community lodge (!Xaus Lodge) in the<br />
Park shows the positive and encouraging efforts towards the welfare of the community<br />
through ecotourism and therefore the creation of jobs and income generating opportunities<br />
such as craft sales. The lodge is seen as a means of earning rent from the concessionaire,<br />
providing jobs to community members and teaching traditional skills to both San youths and<br />
tourists. At present, a private operator is running the lodge on behalf of the two communities.<br />
The concession fee is divided between the three parties (SANParks, San and Mier) and the<br />
private operator and must be used for the development and maintenance of Park and Mier area<br />
infrastructure.<br />
Furthermore, the National Lottery Trust Distribution Fund made available ZAR4.8 million<br />
(US$686 000) for the Contract Park in support of the communities to pursue their livelihood<br />
opportunities and cultural regeneration through sustainable use of their ancestral land (Section<br />
7.4.5.2). Sustainable resource use protocols for the Contract Park have been developed and<br />
the development of a monitoring and evaluation system (using cyber trackers) for sustainable<br />
resource use is being undertaken by the San Technical Advisors (see #Khomani San, 2007).<br />
This will help show what resources are where and when. Cultural protection and enhancement<br />
programmes such as the Imbiwe, Bobbenjanskop and Tierwyfie field schools in the Park and<br />
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the Bushmen camp in Witdraai farm are further positive enterprises, but need immediate<br />
monitoring and further expansion if they are to meaningfully benefit the #Khomani San. Also<br />
encouraging is the completion of a Development and Management Plan for farm Erin, a 5000<br />
ha farm outside the Park, to manage it as a fenced game farm. This is intended to benefit the<br />
#Khomani San community through employment and reconnection to the ‘wild’ as<br />
experienced Bushmen trackers and hunting guides will provide a unique hunting experience<br />
for visitors (EMDP, 2009).<br />
However, while the Contract Park provides a window of opportunity for the local<br />
communities, ecotourism initiatives have been criticised for not improving livelihood<br />
security, in particular the tendency to create temporary employment and largely benefitting<br />
external players instead of local communities (see Laudati, 2010). Further, whilst the<br />
conservation objectives of the Contract Park are less directly compromised than in the farms,<br />
in the medium to longer term they may be compromised if anticipated social and economic<br />
benefits do not accrue to the community and if areas of conflict are not adequately addressed<br />
(see Grossman and Holden, 2009). Given the presence of many actors with multiple and<br />
conflicting objectives, divided communities, uncoordinated conservation and livelihood goals<br />
and unsustainable natural resource use practices, some strategies that may improve the<br />
governance of natural resources are suggested (see also Chapter 8, Section 8.3).<br />
First, the rights of community members and responsibilities of actors should be revisited<br />
where the agreements in the Contract Park and farms clearly define community members’<br />
rights and the responsibilities of actors. Second, the various actors need to become entirely<br />
capacitated to address, become aware and respectful of the access and rights held by local<br />
San and Mier people. Actors need to recognise the different power dynamics, needs and<br />
aspirations embedded in the broader societal relationships. Adaptive actors and institutions<br />
are necessary in the context of this case study, where changes in the economic, social,<br />
political processes and structures of the San and Mier people may substantially alter the ways<br />
in which access to wild resource use is dealt with (see Folke et al., 2005).<br />
Third, with regard to natural resource management in the farms, farm-specific rules need to<br />
be written down by the San and their representatives through a negotiated process to define<br />
and get a buy in into these rules, especially given the composition of the communities (a mix<br />
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of traditionalists and modernists). Though rules and regulations give a narrow understanding<br />
of what happens on the ground, they guide actions and form a framework for monitoring use.<br />
Fourth, given that the San CPA is still under DLA administration, there is need for the<br />
government to take an active role (not necessarily a leading one), in order to spearhead the<br />
need for conservation and meaningfully contribute to local livelihoods in both the Park and<br />
the resettlement farms (e.g. appointing a Farm Manager and electing a CPA Executive<br />
Committee). A willingness to gradually devolve authority and the embracing of the principle<br />
and ethic of community-based and co-management in the farms and Park respectively is the<br />
key to potentially unlock all the benefits that may arise from cooperation among all the actors<br />
involved, in particular for the San and Mier communities.<br />
The fifth issue relates to coordination and collective action. Apart from providing information<br />
(on finances, resource stocks, quotas, etc.), actors must overcome coordination problems,<br />
distributional struggles and the incentive problems associated with access to resources.<br />
Constructing effective co- and community-based management arrangements is not only a<br />
matter of building actors and institutions, it is also a matter of building social capital in<br />
general (Pretty and Ward, 2001; Section 7.4.6; Chapter 3, Section 3.2.3; Chapter 6, Section<br />
6.4.2.3) and in particular trust between the parties (see Berkes, 2008b). Lastly and perhaps<br />
most importantly, the above suggestions come with high transaction costs for both<br />
communities and actors. Therefore, the San and Mier communities should cultivate a high<br />
degree of tolerance and commitment while at the same time there is need for urgent provision<br />
of the necessary resources for capacity building and skills transfer and the willingness to do<br />
so by the responsible actors.<br />
7.6 CONCLUSION<br />
Given multiple actors, with multiple and sometimes conflicting objectives, effort towards the<br />
establishment of appropriate local institutions and improvement of relationships among actors<br />
should consider that natural resources can only be managed at multiple levels, with vertical<br />
and horizontal interplay and accountability among actors (see Berkes, 2007). Good natural<br />
resources governance should be measured against meaningful involvement of the San and<br />
Mier members making sure that effective user participation, bridging of organisations,<br />
partnerships and local leadership are integral to the process. However, in light of the<br />
differences that often characterise communities (as illustrated in this Chapter), ‘situation-<br />
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specific’ and ‘tailor- made’ rather than ‘rigid’ and ‘blueprint’ approaches are likely to be more<br />
successful in future natural resource governance arrangements involving local communities.<br />
In other words, co-management and community-based natural resource governance<br />
arrangements should be based on a broader understanding of the diverse interests of different<br />
actors in order to strike a balance between ecological integrity and local livelihood needs.<br />
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PART III: INTEGRATION, ANALYSIS AND CONCLUSION<br />
CHAPTER 8<br />
NATURAL RESOURCES, LIVELIHOODS, GOVERNANCE AND COMPLEXITY IN<br />
THE KALAHARI: A SYNTHESIS OF FINDINGS<br />
8.1 INTRODUCTION<br />
How significant are dryland system natural resources from the Kgalagadi Transfrontier Park<br />
and the surrounding resettlement farms to the San and Mier communities? What are the<br />
cultural values and the culturally-inspired uses of natural resources to the two community<br />
groups? What institutions govern natural resource access and use in the different land parcels<br />
and how effective are they? These are some questions that have been addressed in Chapters 5,<br />
6 and 7. This Chapter attempts to analyse the meaning of the findings in Chapters 5, 6 and 7<br />
for conservation, sustainable natural resource governance and livelihood outcomes for the<br />
#Khomani San and Meir within the KTP and surrounds. It further suggests issues and<br />
questions that need to be considered for an improved understanding of these complex issues<br />
in future research.<br />
To do this, first, the Chapter develops a framework (Figure 8.1) to enable an integrated<br />
analysis of how one set of results from the empirical chapters informs another, thereby<br />
drawing together the different findings of this research. Second, and in light of the findings,<br />
specific practical and local level recommendations for sustainable natural resource<br />
management in the Contract Park, the rest of Kgalagadi Transfrontier Park and the<br />
resettlement farms are suggested. Third, a framework (Figure 8.2) for conceptualising natural<br />
resource use-related conflicts highlighted in this study is presented and discussed. Fourth, a<br />
broader integrated framework and ideas (Table 8.1) that provide a holistic way of<br />
conceptualising the role of natural resources in conservation and livelihood research, are<br />
presented. The last section presents concluding remarks.<br />
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8.2 UNDERSTANING THE SIGNIFICANCE OF NATURAL RESOURCES TO<br />
RURAL LIVELIHOODS IN THE KALAHARI<br />
8.2.1 Introduction<br />
The following propositions related to natural resource use (see Chapter 1, Section 1.5) by the<br />
San and Mier people have been addressed in the foregoing Chapters:<br />
Natural resources play an important role in the livelihoods of rural dwellers in the<br />
Kalahari area and make a significant contribution to the broader livelihood portfolio of<br />
local San and Mier households (Chapters 5).<br />
Cultural values shape the importance attached to and the uses of natural resources and<br />
therefore cultural values represent a framework in which the value of natural resources<br />
is negotiated, contested and interpreted (Chapter 6).<br />
The interactions, different interests and unequal power relations among different<br />
actors (groups, individuals and organisations) generally shape the institutional<br />
landscape and governance of natural resources, particularly resource access for<br />
livelihood use by different San and Mier users (Chapter 7).<br />
Particularly, the last two key points, otherwise referred to as social (conditional) factors, have<br />
a critical influence on how resources are used and hence on the overall significance of natural<br />
resources to livelihoods. Therefore, a better understanding of how these factors interact and<br />
influence the contribution of natural resources to rural livelihoods is critical in conservation<br />
planning.<br />
8.2.2 The relationship between cultural values, institutional arrangements and the<br />
contribution of wild natural resources to rural livelihoods<br />
The findings suggest that the role that wild natural resources play in local San and Mier<br />
livelihood portfolios is important, as shown by high levels of natural resource use and the<br />
diversity of natural resources used. However, the use and contribution of natural resource to<br />
the livelihoods of the San and Mier communities is not uniform and simple, rather it is varied<br />
and complex between and within the two communities, partly resulting from multiple<br />
perceptions, preferences and interpretations of what these resources can offer.<br />
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This study has shown that the contribution (direct-use value) of natural resources (A, Figure<br />
8.1) to the San and Mier communities is not only shaped by conventional household-related<br />
attributes (B) such as access to land, cash income and demographics (age, household size,<br />
level of education, gender) but is more importantly conditioned by cultural dynamics (C) and<br />
institutional arrangements and actors (D).<br />
C. Cultural values<br />
(History, perceptions,<br />
preferences, cultural<br />
practices)<br />
B. Household<br />
attributes<br />
(Income, land, livestock,<br />
demographics)<br />
D. Institutions and<br />
actors<br />
(Rules in use, users,<br />
incentives, practices,<br />
interests, interactions)<br />
Figure 8.1: Framework for understanding the contribution of natural resources to livelihoods<br />
8.2.1.1. Household attributes (B)<br />
A. Direct-use values<br />
(Subsistence use, safety net<br />
function; pathways out of<br />
poverty, reduction in<br />
income expenditure, only<br />
source of livelihoods,<br />
fodder)<br />
Different patterns of use and dependence on natural resources were observed between and<br />
within the San and Mier communities in relation to different (conventional) household<br />
attributes (B, Figure 8.1) (see Chapter 5). For example, for the poorest San and Mier<br />
households, natural resources were important and regarded as continuous safety nets that also<br />
prevented them from falling deeper into poverty – suggesting that the value of natural<br />
resource use is higher for those with few alternative livelihood sources (Chapter 5, Section<br />
5.3.6). The poorest members of the community tried to diversify their livelihood options<br />
through engagement in low-cost entry activities such as craft making, subsistence resource<br />
use, low-income temporary jobs and self-employment for livelihood security. Further, apart<br />
from enhancing households’ cash income, notably for well-off households, the main role of<br />
167<br />
E. Outcomes<br />
Unsustainable<br />
management<br />
(Overuse of resources,<br />
conflicts, collapse of coandcommunitymanaged<br />
systems,<br />
livelihood insecurity)<br />
Sustainable<br />
management<br />
(Increasing returns from<br />
natural resources,<br />
livelihood security<br />
stability)
natural resources was also to provide for the subsistence needs of local people, particularly of<br />
poor households (Chapter 5, Section 5.3.6). With regards to access to land, the study<br />
demonstrated a systematic pattern where less-poor Mier households with more livestock<br />
benefitted by more grazing access. However, the relationship between some household<br />
attributes (such as age, gender, household size, etc.) and natural resource use was weak<br />
although a high degree of resource use variability was observed. This is indicative of the fact<br />
that natural resource use and benefits to users were also affected and mediated by cultural<br />
dynamics (C) and institutional arrangements (D), factors beyond households’ immediate<br />
sphere of influence.<br />
8.2.1.2. Cultural values (C)<br />
The San reported a high total income and dependence on natural resources use while the Mier<br />
were more involved in livestock production in line with their respective cultural traditions and<br />
practices. Some of the natural resources were used for making crafts, an important cultural<br />
activity (since it perpetuates the San tradition) and a source of cash income for the poorest<br />
San. However, the cultural values attached to natural resources were not homogenous across<br />
all San and Mier members. Cultural values were characterised by conflicts over meaning and<br />
preferences of resource use. For example, while natural resources such as bush meat,<br />
medicinal plants and wild plant food constituted low proportions of total natural resource<br />
income (Chapter 5, Tables 5.7 and 5.8), they were still highly valued for their cultural and<br />
spiritual values especially by the more ‘traditionalist’ San groups, making the use of nature<br />
inseparable from their cultural identity. In contrast, the San ‘modernist’ group preferred that<br />
land and natural resources be used for generating income, livestock production and for<br />
housing development. This group of San people argued that there were no differences<br />
between cultural and natural landscapes as their use was a reflection of their past and present<br />
history. They further said that the continued use of resources for livelihoods was part of their<br />
historical cultural practices and that while some San ‘traditionalist’ viewed them as ‘non-San’<br />
or ‘modernised San’, they used resources in non-traditional ways in response to present day<br />
needs (changing economic systems). Similarly, key informant interviews revealed that older<br />
Mier generations were more interested in livestock production –an important cultural practice,<br />
but a substantial proportion of young households were increasingly getting educated, and<br />
therefore, more interested in formal job opportunities.<br />
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These competing interests and meaning over use of natural resources affect how resources are<br />
used and hence its importance (A) to different groups of people – ultimately affecting the<br />
overall resource management outcomes (E) (Figure 8.1). Conflicts concerning resource use<br />
and management constitute a threat to the availability and access, and thus to livelihood<br />
security. This means that livelihood strategies, and the contribution of natural resources to<br />
livelihoods in particular should be understood within the cultural history of the communities<br />
concerned, as this often shapes resource use. Cultural values (including differences over<br />
meaning) of resources are dynamic and provide the framework within which decisions about<br />
natural resource use are negotiated, contested and shaped. Cultural practices (based on strict<br />
subsistence use) and contemporary conservation approaches (based on principles of meeting<br />
all livelihood needs) form part of the communities’ way of living.<br />
In sum, the San and Mier culture is inextricably bound up with the both harmonious and<br />
conflicting views on use and management of natural resources. As noted above, divergent<br />
views on traditional and cultural values can exist in co- and community-managed areas,<br />
resulting in conflicting decisions on natural resources use and management between different<br />
social groups within communities. Therefore, one of the key aspects in the framework is that<br />
cultural values (interactions among cultural practices, preferences, perceptions and present<br />
day needs etc.) influence how natural resources are interpreted and hence used. Understanding<br />
such interactions and influence may help in understanding the contribution (direct use values)<br />
of natural resources (A, Figure 8.1)to livelihoods and designing natural resource management<br />
systems that are compatible with local people’s needs, knowledge systems and livelihood<br />
interests (see Mandondo, 1997; Berkes, 2007). It is equally important to also recognise that<br />
the traditional cultural landscape is changing (as demonstrated by the San and Mier cases) and<br />
the challenge is to reconcile traditional cultural values and the realities of being part of a<br />
changing (modernising) world. Consequently, this would help avoid, minimise or resolve<br />
conflicts between conservation managers and local people, in and beyond the KTP. Such an<br />
approach is likely to lead to better decisions on the management of co-managed parks and<br />
community-managed areas.<br />
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8.2.1.3 Institutions and actors (D)<br />
Institutions and interactions and power relations among actors (D, Figure 8.1) have influence<br />
over access to and use of natural resources, and thus the importance and contribution of<br />
resources (A) to different households. For example, as demonstrated earlier in Chapter 7,<br />
SANParks has conservation interests as their principle objective while private operators<br />
prioritise tourism development and communities prefer natural resource use (in traditional and<br />
non-traditional ways). As noted, multiple interests arising from different perceptions and<br />
understanding of people’s cultural history and meaning over resources have impacts over the<br />
design of institutions for natural resource management. Thus, multiple interests and actors<br />
within resource systems such as the Contract Park and resettlement land, and how these actors<br />
influence decision and rules over resource access are crucial in understanding the value of<br />
resources to livelihoods and vice-versa. According to the co-management agreement in the<br />
Contract Park, natural resource use (wild plants harvesting and wild animal hunting) is<br />
allowed, but in practice resources use is curtailed. In fact hunting is still prohibited pending<br />
final negotiations. Most interviewed San members perceived that the Park management may<br />
never allow then to hunt in the Park for subsistence purposes since Park management say this<br />
will disturb the tourists’ experience in the Park. Perhaps the low contribution of wild meat to<br />
the San and Mier livelihoods is indicative of limited access in the Park and game farms due to<br />
restrictive rules and hunting fees and scarcity of wild animals. Further, in the San and Mier<br />
game farms, hunting of wild animals is allowed upon payment of a hunting fee, which was<br />
considered unaffordable by poor households. The situation in the San game farm (Miershoop<br />
Pan) is different and more complex in the sense that while hunting rules are in place, some<br />
members did not follow them and most San members perceived that wild animals are scarce<br />
due to overhunting and corruption by community leaders. Other members reported that poorly<br />
maintained fences and lack of water sources in San game farms meant that some wild animals<br />
moved to nearby Mier game farms.<br />
It can also be argued that the co-management arrangement and rules in the Contract Park are<br />
based on false assumptions that the San people are a united group with homogenous cultural<br />
values, given that cultural attachment to natural resources (and revival of their lost culture)<br />
was a key motivation in their land claim. Some authors argue that presentation of a traditional<br />
and united San people was a strategic arrangement to make the land claim bid uncomplicated<br />
(e.g. Robins, 2001). Therefore, an appreciation of the institutional landscape and the actors<br />
170
involved in natural resource management is critical in understanding the contribution or value<br />
(A) of natural resources to people’s livelihoods. These institutions are often shaped by and<br />
represent the various interests of different actors (with different backgrounds, understanding<br />
of cultural values and practices, preferences etc). In turn such institutions shape access to<br />
resources and the cultural values (C) attached to natural resources.<br />
8.2.1.4 Outcomes (E)<br />
The outcomes (E, Figure 8.1), whether positive or negative conservation and livelihood<br />
outcomes, it seems, is a function of how cultural values (C) and institutional arrangements (D)<br />
interact and condition resource access and use. Lack of understanding of differences over<br />
cultural meanings of resources may lead to hegemonic planning (as in the Contract Park)<br />
which will favour certain groups of people (for example traditionalists over modernists).<br />
Consequently, such approaches are likely to result in governance problems and probable<br />
unsustainable natural resources management (e.g. overuse of resources, heightened conflicts<br />
and collapse of community-based resource management), as the situation in the resettlement<br />
farms indicates. Considering the importance of natural resources to both the San and Mier,<br />
any decline in these, whether through restricted access, rules or dwindling resources, will<br />
have negative effects on the livelihoods of users, some of whom depend significantly on<br />
natural resources.<br />
8.2.1.5 Interactions amongst components of the model<br />
Overall, the study illustrates that the use of wild natural resources by the San and Mier rural<br />
people in the Kalahari is influenced by social factors encompassing cultural and institutional<br />
dynamics, apart from ecological and conventional household attributes. Conservation and<br />
livelihood outcomes are a result of the interaction (or lack thereof) amongst different<br />
institutions and actors with different interests such that conservation and livelihood<br />
approaches should not be hegemonic (Ostrom et al., 2007) but inclusive and pluralistic,<br />
consistent with the needs of managing complexity (see Agrawal and Gibson, 1999; Ascher,<br />
2001; Berkes, 2008a). Therefore, addressing natural resource use and governance challenges<br />
in the co-managed Contract Park and the community-managed resettlement farms could be<br />
enhanced by a careful examination of how natural resource value manifest to different<br />
communities and households given their cultural and institutional backgrounds.<br />
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The above framework (Figure 8.1) has been used to synthesise the interaction between the<br />
conditional factors (cultural and institutional dynamics) that either promotes or constraint<br />
resource use and thus can explain the value and contribution of natural resources to<br />
livelihoods (A). In practice these attributes (C and D) of a resource system are nested, with<br />
multiple interactions and feedbacks and jointly affecting how households use resources (given<br />
their own set of attributes, B) and result in certain conservation and livelihood outcomes (E).<br />
A set of institutions informed by local cultural understandings (and misunderstandings) and<br />
crafted by nested actors affect interactions, resource access and the contribution of natural<br />
resources to different households and resource management outcomes over time. Therefore,<br />
attempts that exclusively focus on the contribution of natural resources to livelihoods (A), run<br />
the risk of misunderstanding and misinterpreting this contribution, since it is interlinked with<br />
cultural (C) and institutional (D) factors. It is important to note that though the cultural and<br />
institutional factors discussed above are more important in this context and at the local level,<br />
in practice these small resource use systems such as the KTP and resettlement farms are<br />
linked with bigger economic and political systems, with multiple complex interactions and<br />
feedbacks (see Ostrom et al., 2007). As Berkes et al. (2003) argue, natural resource use<br />
systems are linked through complex webs of interdependencies.<br />
Thus, the important issue of how and whether it is possible to involve local communities in<br />
conservation and livelihood activities with positive conservation and livelihood outcomes<br />
depends on understanding and factoring in the above interactions. To develop diagnostic<br />
methods to identify combinations of variables that affect the incentives and actions of actors<br />
under different governance systems, there is compelling need to recognise and understand<br />
these complexities (see Ostrom et al., 2007). According to Ostrom et al. (2007), the concept<br />
of nested tiers of factors that interactively affect how other factors help or do not help to<br />
explain outcomes is a challenge to the way many scholars approach theory and explanation.<br />
8.3 SUGGESTIONS FOR ACHIEVING CONSERVATION AND DEVELOPMENT<br />
OUTCOMES IN THE PARK AND FARMS<br />
Considering the demonstrated significance of wild natural resources to local San and Mier<br />
households, an important policy lesson from this study is that restricting local people’s access<br />
to natural resources in the resettlement farms and the Park may have negative effects on<br />
household livelihoods and welfare. Limiting the rights to use, commercialise or exchange<br />
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wild resources can be a serious problem if people’s livelihood depends on these. However,<br />
improved access to natural resource use may imply that the poorest will become further<br />
marginalised or resources may become over-utilised since well-off households have greater<br />
capacity to extract more resources than the poor. Therefore, increasing income from natural<br />
resources (if not well designed) may disproportionately benefit local well-off households<br />
rather than the poorest. Hence, special attention should be paid to those groups most<br />
dependent on natural resources, yet often also with the most limited access. These are<br />
extremely vulnerable households that need support from the Park to improve their livelihoods.<br />
In light of the varied interest over the use and meaning of natural resources between and<br />
within the San and Mier social groupings, the following recommendations, categorised into 3<br />
main themes are suggested.<br />
8.3.1 Information dissemination<br />
First, integrating different interests in the area also means there is need for establishing<br />
networks and partnerships of various levels of government, private operators, NGOs,<br />
community-based organisations and the local San and Mier community. Second, there is need<br />
for a communication platform between the San and Mier, different groups within the two<br />
community groups and other local and external actors such as Department of Land Affairs,<br />
South African San Institute, Mier municipality, KTPM and other NGO’s to facilitate better<br />
information dissemination among actors in order to meaningfully link conservation objectives<br />
and the different livelihood needs. At local community level there is need for enabling<br />
resource users to engage in face-to-face communication between rounds of decision making,<br />
which may ultimately change the possible unsustainable outcomes such as overuse of<br />
resources, conflicts, and collapse of community-based management arrangements in the<br />
resettlement farms. Communication may enable users to understand their different resource<br />
use interests to enable designing of socially best possible harvesting practices and levels that<br />
will minimise the chances of overharvesting in the resettlement farms. In the face-to-face<br />
discussions users can discuss what they all should do and build norms to encourage<br />
conformance. Third, transparency should be an integral part of any agreements on natural<br />
resource use in the Contract Park, other zones in the Park and resettlement farms in terms of<br />
cash income generated, fair job opportunities (from eco-tourism enterprises) and access to<br />
benefits. This will ensure a revival of trust and cooperation of San and Mier members in co-<br />
173
management (in the Contract Park) and community-based management (in the resettlement<br />
farms).<br />
8.3.2 Understanding preferences<br />
The findings demonstrate that different individuals and groups of San and Mier people clearly<br />
facing the same situation vary substantially in their behaviour. Thus with regards to access to<br />
planning for resource access and benefits in the Contract Park, Kgalagadi Transfrontier Park<br />
Management (KTPM) should identify and designate these multiple interests (e.g. job creation,<br />
hunting of wild animals and harvesting of medicinal plants mainly by San traditionalists,<br />
hunting for subsistence use by ‘modernised San’, benefits from eco-tourism by Mier). In other<br />
words, more inclusive conservation and development approaches based on the integration of<br />
different livelihood activities and interests (of both San and Mier) and sharing of equitable<br />
natural resources are needed. Secondly, the benefits from the Contract Park should be clearly<br />
defined, including what can be harvested, when, by whom and how much. This should<br />
perhaps include the use of some of the wild resources (e.g. game meat, fuelwood) for<br />
subsistence or commercial use that are mentioned in the agreement but remain largely<br />
restricted in practice (Chapter 4, Section 4.2.2.2). One way to do this will be to introduce<br />
hunting quotas for the San and Mier communities, where the hunted animals will be shared<br />
among households (for subsistence purposes) or commercialised, and the cash income will be<br />
equally shared among households.<br />
Third, while rushed processes and negotiations should be avoided, agreements (e.g. hunting of<br />
wild animals in the Contract Park, development of tourism ventures in the commercial or V-<br />
zone for San), should be implemented within a reasonable timeframe to avoid suspicions by<br />
the local San and Mier communities that biodiversity conservation leaves them worse off.<br />
Fourth, eco-tourism operators such as that running the Community (!Xaus) Lodge in the<br />
Contract Park should aim to offer more meaningful and permanent opportunities to local San<br />
and Mier communities, rather than seasonal jobs. Fifth, KTPM should allow some harvesting<br />
of dead wood in the Park and find mutually-beneficial ways of purchasing fuelwood from the<br />
local communities to avoid depletion of fuelwood in the resettlement farms, one of the main<br />
livelihood sources for most San and Mier households.<br />
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8.3.3 Natural resources management in the Park and resettlement farms<br />
First, natural resource access and use rules should be crafted in the resettlement farms and<br />
such rules should be flexible and more integrative to cater for dynamism and modernity since<br />
the San and Mier socio-economic way of life is ever changing (a combination of<br />
traditionalists and modernists). Secondly, considering the diversity of actors in the Contract<br />
Park and farms and the related conflicts (see Chapter 7), collaborative problem solving should<br />
be central to the process of conflict-resolution. The situation should enable actors to transfer<br />
learning from one situation to another, and tackle increasingly more complex problems (see<br />
Olsson et al., 2004). Third, KTPM should support sustainable natural resource use<br />
programmes in the farms because (a) the Park and farms are interlinked ecologically; (b)<br />
unsustainable natural resource use in the farms may lead to future resource use pressure in the<br />
Park and (c) the Park has a moral responsibility to help the local San and Mier communities,<br />
who were previously forcible removed from their ancestral land.<br />
Fourth, a framework of relationships ranging from conflicts to collaborations between<br />
different household groups, communities and actors devoted to sustainable resource use<br />
(traditional, subsistence, commercial uses) and livestock production ought to be developed.<br />
Fifth, there is also need to build on the strengths of existing actors, craft new ones where the<br />
existing ones are dysfunctional and create conditions for devolving power to an elected<br />
Communal property Association (CPA) executive committee as per the CPA constitution. The<br />
Department of Land Affairs should appoint a Farm Manager, as per agreement, for a well<br />
coordinated management of the San resettlement farms. Sixth, as regards the Mier, there is<br />
need for the establishment of sound community-based institutions in the communal farms<br />
because none exist at the moment. One way to do that will be conducting a study to establish<br />
who stays where, with access to what and how much land and what size of livestock herds.<br />
Further, those households who are interested in livestock production but have no access to<br />
resettlement land should be identified so that community-based natural resource management<br />
decisions are based on an informed and all-inclusive foundation. Lastly, SANParks should<br />
consider initiating and supporting an annual community event (with a conservation and<br />
livelihoods theme) where local communities and other actors come up together to collectively<br />
share ideas, knowledge, highlight conflicts and problems and possible solutions through<br />
activities such as plays, songs, poems and games. Field experience (during community<br />
175
feedbacks) have shown that hosting community events can be an easy but powerful way of<br />
building relations between local communities, conservation managers and researchers.<br />
In summary, to overcome and avoid (in the future) natural resource-related conflicts (such as<br />
the traditionalist-modernist conflict) between and within the San and Mier, the Joint<br />
Management Board (responsible for resource management in the Contract Park) and other<br />
actors such as Department of Land Affairs and the San Communal Property Association<br />
(responsible for resource management in the resettlement farms) should understand (drawing<br />
lessons from scientific research) the variability of resource use interests and perceptions.<br />
Actors should not focus on one community (e.g. the San over the Mier) or one faction of a<br />
community (e.g. the San traditionalists over the modernists) so that resource use planning<br />
cannot be divorced from the wider context. This can help avoid a hegemonic planning<br />
mentality such as in the Contract Park. Overall, the findings show that the issues and<br />
problems of natural resource use in co- and communally-managed areas are not simple but<br />
complex and therefore co-management approaches in the Contract Park and community-based<br />
approaches in the resettlement farms should not be viewed as panaceas for solving resource<br />
access and use challenges. Accordingly, adopting a complex-systems approach as a<br />
foundation for designing approaches that improve natural resources and promote local<br />
development could be useful in the KTP situation and surrounds. Given multiple objectives,<br />
the interaction of factors at multiple levels and multiple actors, the Park and the surrounding<br />
resettlement farms should be understood as a system with multiple interactions and feedbacks.<br />
The main pillars for a promoting sustainable natural resources management are likely to be<br />
government support, recognition and support of community institutions and culture, including<br />
understanding of the variations. These are needed to achieve equitable, fair and sustainable<br />
natural resource management in the Contract Park and resettlement lands.<br />
While traditional and cultural values provide a foundation for conservation by providing the<br />
opportunity for meaningful and sustainable people-nature interactions, it is also equally<br />
important to realise that ‘natural resources’ and ‘culture’ in the Kalahari area are diverse, and<br />
the landscape is a mix of more and less ‘pristine’ and ‘traditional’ cultural elements. Some of<br />
the San and Mier members are now more integrated into a cash economy and therefore need<br />
viable livelihood strategies. Therefore, an understanding and integration of the economic,<br />
ecological and cultural needs of different actors and different members within the San and<br />
176
Mier communities is crucial in achieving sustainable natural resource governance and<br />
management both in the Park and the resettlement farms.<br />
8.4 IDEAS FOR ENSURING NATURAL RESOURCE AND LIVELIHOOD<br />
RESEARCH RELEVANT FOR CONSERVATION AND DEVELOPMENT POLICY<br />
AND PRACTICE<br />
Overall, the findings draw attention to complexity in natural resources and livelihood research<br />
implying the need for rigorous approaches for understanding the contribution of wild natural<br />
resources to rural livelihoods. A failure to recognise culturally and institutionally-shaped<br />
variations in natural resource use and livelihoods may result in designing inappropriate<br />
policies that do not embrace local livelihood aspirations and needs. Cultural factors,<br />
institutional dynamics and social differentiation are therefore both valuable and necessary for<br />
understanding the socio-economic systems of resource-dependent communities. As has been<br />
demonstrated in this study, decision making around natural resource use is based on different<br />
viewpoints which results in natural resource use related conflicts. Given such eventualities,<br />
not only as illustrated in this study, but also as learnt from growing empirical evidence from<br />
similar projects (e.g. Twyman, 2000; 2001; Madzwamuse et al., 2007), the study suggests a<br />
framework (Figure 8.1) for analysis of such conflicts drawing on work by Wilson and Bryant<br />
(1997).<br />
Figure 8.2 is specifically designed to identify and better understand the different types, nature<br />
and forms of complex natural resource use-related conflicts (Chapter 7). The framework<br />
largely takes an actor-oriented approach. An actor-oriented approach is necessary to explore<br />
how different social actors define the problems at stake and the solutions for them (in line<br />
with Ostrom’s (1994) conceptualisation). According to Ostrom (1994:29) actors in natural<br />
resource management are “Participants in positions who must decide among diverse actions<br />
in light of the information they possess about how actions are linked to the potential outcomes<br />
and the costs and benefits assigned to actions and outcomes”.<br />
As apparent in this study, everything is connected to everything else. The number (A, Figure<br />
8.2) and type (B, Figure 8.2) of actors responsible for conservation and development in the<br />
Contract Park and farms, has a critical influence on the overall outcomes, since it has been<br />
illustrated that multiple actors, for example, come with multiple objectives and different ways<br />
177
of achieving such objectives. The presence of multiple actors has a tendency to result in<br />
contradictory perspectives on how to use the resources and to distribute the benefits from<br />
resources that ultimately result in natural-resource related conflicts between and within the<br />
San and Mier communities. By looking at the type of actors, what they say they represent and<br />
what they actually do, an avenue for systematically understanding the struggles over resource<br />
access and the different types of conflicts in the Kalahari area is provided that may in turn<br />
improve the performance of conservation and development projects and interventions.<br />
Extent/nature of<br />
resources,<br />
resource scarcity<br />
(E)<br />
Conflicts in<br />
conservation and<br />
development<br />
projects<br />
Figure 8.2: A framework for understanding natural resource-related conflicts (Adapted from<br />
Wilson and Bryant, 1997: 98)<br />
Conflicts over resource in the Kalahari region have also been proven to arise from the power<br />
struggles among actors (C, Figure 8.2), but power struggles among actors were a consequence<br />
of multiple actors with multiple objectives pulling in different directions. The number and<br />
types of actors, and the power distribution dynamics also influence the scale of interactions<br />
among these actors and the type of conflicts. For instance, the existence of local, regional and<br />
national actors (e.g. local community members and social groups, CPA committee, NGOs,<br />
SANParks and Department of Land Affairs) means that there is vertical and horizontal<br />
178<br />
Number of actors (A)<br />
Types of actors (B)<br />
Power positions of<br />
different actors (C)<br />
Scale of interaction of<br />
actors with the<br />
environment (D)
interactions at local (lower) and national (higher) levels among different actors and<br />
institutions, making an understanding of resource use conflicts a complex process and task.<br />
The conflict situations in the Contract Park and the San farms further illustrate how actors<br />
influence interactions and outcomes. As has been noted, there are heightened conflicts within<br />
the San community in the farms as compared to the situation in the Contract Park. Therefore,<br />
one may perhaps conclude that this is a result of relatively few actors (i.e. KTPM, San and<br />
Mier representatives, the three JMB principal parties) in the Contract Park, combined with<br />
clearly defined and binding rules (though not all members are happy with the rules). In<br />
contrast, the farms are characterised by the existence of many actors, with multiple and<br />
conflicting interests that give rise to more and deeper conflicts.<br />
Apart from actor-related factors (A, B, C and D, Figure 8.2), the nature and extent of<br />
resources also shape the nature of resource-use conflicts. For instance, for a genetic resource<br />
(e.g. indigenous medicinal plants), conflict may manifest in a conflict between a local<br />
community (owners of intellectual property rights) and external actors (e.g. the San Hoodia<br />
Case involving and CISR and American pharmaceutical company Pfizer) (Chapter 3, Section<br />
3.6; Chapter 7, Section 4.6). On the other hand, for resources such as bush meat or grazing<br />
land conflicts may arise between different groups and sub-groups within communities or even<br />
individuals (e.g. the San traditional-modernist debate in Chapter 7). However, in reality,<br />
conflicts involving any type of resource could be both local and external due to the<br />
involvement of certain local sub-groups and various externally initiated interventions through<br />
actors such as NGOs and interested private actors for various reasons including economic and<br />
social ones.<br />
Further, any given type, level and form of conflict results in winners and losers, who often are<br />
different groups or subgroups within communities and in any case, this at the very least serves<br />
to widen the differences and sustain conflicts rather than avoid, minimise or solve them<br />
completely. Such a scenario points to the dominant suggestion in this study, i.e. the need for<br />
establishing partnerships and collaborations among actors and institutions at multiple levels<br />
for a common goal of linking conservation objectives and local development needs. Thus, the<br />
framework (Figure 8.2) serves both as a way of improving our understanding of natural<br />
resource-related conflicts and as a way of demonstrating that actors, aspects, processes, etc. in<br />
179
conservation and development projects (socio-ecological systems) are often interlinked in<br />
many complex ways. For this reason research on such issues needs to be increasingly<br />
integrative, though opportunities exist to study specific components of the whole web of<br />
interactions.<br />
Table 8.1: A holistic way of conceptualising the role of natural resources in natural resource<br />
and livelihood research (Adapted from Baumann, 2004)<br />
Aspect Mainstream view Emerging view<br />
Resources Material, economic, direct use- Also as symbolic, with meanings that<br />
value, property<br />
are locally and historically<br />
embedded, and socially constructed<br />
Community Local, specific user groups, Multiple locations, diffuse,<br />
homogenous<br />
heterogeneous, diverse,<br />
bounded multiple social identities<br />
Livelihoods and Links between single and Complex and diverse livelihoods –<br />
resource<br />
multiple resource users – focus focus on livelihoods that draw on all<br />
management on resource sectors (e.g.<br />
rangelands, forests, fisheries<br />
systems)<br />
resource sectors<br />
Institutions Static, rules, functionalist, Social interaction and process,<br />
formal<br />
embedded in practice, struggles over<br />
meaning, formal and informal,<br />
interlinked with knowledge and<br />
power<br />
Knowledge Linear transfer, science as sole Multiple sources, plural and partial<br />
source of expertise<br />
knowledge, negotiated<br />
understandings<br />
Power and control Transaction cost focus, elites, Differentiated actors, conflict,<br />
community leaders<br />
bargaining, negotiation and power<br />
relations central<br />
Property regimes Common property resource as Practice not rule-determined,<br />
set of rules based on collective strategic, tactical, overlapping rights<br />
action outcomes, clear and responsibilities, ambiguity,<br />
boundaries<br />
inconsistency, flexibility<br />
Legal systems Formal legislation Law in practice, different systems coexisting<br />
Governance Separated levels –<br />
Multi-level governance approaches,<br />
international, national, local fuzzy/messy interactions, locally and<br />
globally interconnected<br />
In order to deal with the complexity associated with natural resource use and livelihoods,<br />
Table 8.1 highlights some of the aspects that should be considered by researchers of<br />
conservation and development drawing on work by Baumann (2004). The list by no way is<br />
180
supposed to be exhaustive and a blueprint, but should be taken as informative and an<br />
emphasis of critical factors. Aspects such as resources, communities, institutions, knowledge,<br />
power and control, property regimes, governance and legal systems all have an influence on<br />
resource management since they affect interactions of the various actors around conservation<br />
sites.<br />
Table 8.1 summarises and offers a comprehensive and more nuanced way of exploring<br />
society-environmental linkages illustrating the complexity and diversity of issues that should<br />
be addressed by conservation and development interventions.The framework helps address<br />
the multifaceted importance and value of natural resources in the context of social interactions<br />
that involve multiple actors and cultural and institutional dynamics. Perhaps most importantly,<br />
the different actors with multiple objectives that characterise conservation sites, the different<br />
ways of interaction and the institutions that shape such interactions should receive more focus<br />
(see Agrawal and Gibson, 1999).<br />
8.5 CONCLUSION<br />
Studies looking at the contribution of natural resources to rural households and communities<br />
within broader livelihood portfolios and in combination with social factors (cultural and<br />
institutional dynamics) that shape resource access and use, particularly in dryland systems<br />
such as the Kalahari region are not common. Consequently, there is need for research that<br />
considers the link between the contribution of natural resources to livelihoods and the social<br />
factors mediating this. Therefore, the main aim of this study was to provide both empirical<br />
evidence and conceptual arguments that give conservation practitioners, managers, policy<br />
makers and researchers a better understanding of not only the contribution of wild resources<br />
to rural livelihoods but also of the social context within which this value is manifested and<br />
what this means for conservation and livelihood outcomes.<br />
Consistent with findings in the same region (e.g. Twyman 2000, 2001; Thomas and Twyman,<br />
2004; Sallu et al., 2010), the study shows that there is a high degree of variability in natural<br />
resource use among different groups of San and Mier households of the southern Kalahari<br />
region. Both San and Mier households are characterised by economic, cultural and social<br />
heterogeneity with regards to their (a) access to assets such as land, labour (household sizes),<br />
181
livestock and financial capital; (b) levels of poverty (as illustrated by income quintiles) and<br />
motivations for natural resources use; (c) the range of income generating activities they<br />
engage in; and (d) indigenous knowledge related to sustainable natural resource use and<br />
management. Thus the use of natural resources varies from being opportunistic, planned and<br />
seasonal to permanent utilisation for different livelihood needs, as shaped by different<br />
contextual factors including household attributes and more importantly cultural and<br />
institutional ones.<br />
Some of the factors that affect resource use in the area such as the physical (aridity) and<br />
economic climate, cultural aspects, historical and political dynamics of poverty and<br />
marginalisation and institutional aspects (e.g. legal rules and arrangements) are beyond the<br />
control of San and Mier communities and individual households. Thus, while gaining a<br />
livelihood or attempting to do so people may at the same time have to cope with constraints<br />
such as conflicts over the use and cultural meaning of natural resources and resource access<br />
rules, compounded by uncertainties and risks such as droughts, climate change, diminishing<br />
resources, pressure on the land, different and changing ways of living, HIV/AIDS among<br />
others. Such factors, as has been illustrated, are often restrictive and form a complex set of<br />
preconditions under which rural households survive and create their livelihoods, through both<br />
individual and communal decision-making and adaptation (see Vedeld et al., 2007; Kamanga<br />
et al., 2009). A combination of such uncertainties, challenges and emerging opportunities<br />
influence the choices that people make on resource use and subsequently how natural<br />
resources are governed in parks and beyond them. This implies that research on natural<br />
resource use and rural livelihoods ought to capture not only the broad general conditions and<br />
relationships but also the local social and ecological heterogeneity. As Twyman (2001:64)<br />
notes, “..the linkages between livelihood opportunities and resource availability are not<br />
simple, linear and direct. Rather they are shaped by the history of resource relationships in the<br />
settlement and are complex, fluid and dynamic. Issues of rights and control over resources<br />
have become important; clearly access to certain resources is not dictated solely by resource<br />
availability or abundance.”<br />
182
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WEBSITES<br />
http://www.cifor.org/pen – Center for International Forestry Research: The Poverty and<br />
Environmental Network (PEN)<br />
http://www.sanparks.org – South African National Parks<br />
http://www.sasi.org – South African San Institute<br />
http://www.dwaf.gov.za – Department of Water Affairs (South Africa)<br />
http://www.peaceparks.org/ - Peace parks Foundation<br />
http://www.world-geography.org/africa<br />
PERSONAL COMMUNICATIONS<br />
1. Mr Peter Makomele, Department of Land Affairs, Kimberley. South Africa<br />
2. Dr. David Grossman, Technical Advisor. Khomani San community, Andriesvale-<br />
Kalahari, South Africa.<br />
3. Mrs Phillipa Holden, Technical Advisor. Khomani San community, Andriesvale-<br />
Kalahari, South Africa.<br />
4. Mr Nico van der Walt. Kgalagadi Transfrontier Park, Twierevien.<br />
5. Miss Kelly Scheepers, former Social Science Researcher, SANParks, Cape Town.<br />
6. Dawid Kruiper, Traditional Leader of the #Khomani San, Andriesvale-Kalahari, South<br />
Africa.<br />
7. Mr. Pieter Retief: Manager, Contract Park Community Lodge.<br />
8. SANParks management.<br />
206
APPENDICES<br />
APPENDIX 1: All plants cited by the San and Mier sample respondents.<br />
Scientific name Common name Plant use<br />
Harpagophytum ghamaghoe, devil's claw, Medicine<br />
procumbens<br />
duiwelsklou, kloudoring<br />
Koegab! Medicine<br />
Aptosimum<br />
albomarginatum<br />
Solanum Jakkalsbos Medicine<br />
Hoodia gordonii !khoba, //choba, bitterghaap,<br />
wilde ghaap<br />
Food/medicine<br />
Dicoma capensis verkouebos, korsbos Medicine<br />
Acacia erioloba Kameeldoring Fuel wood<br />
Citrullus lanatus tsamma, !samma Food<br />
Galenia sp. Slangneus Medicine<br />
Acanthosicyos<br />
naudinianus<br />
Gemsbokkomkommer Food<br />
Stipagrostis amabilis duinriet, duinsteekriet Household<br />
Senna italica Swartstorm Medicine<br />
Rhigozum trichotomum Driedoring Art<br />
Aristida diffusa Besemgras Household<br />
Acacia mellifera gnoibos, haakdoring, swarthaak Fuel wood<br />
Kohautia caespitosa bitterhout, vadershout, David<br />
Staan<br />
Medicine<br />
Hermbstaedtia fleckii Grashout Medicine<br />
Selago L. sp. Moedershout Medicine<br />
Pergularia daemia Kgaba Food, medicine<br />
Catophractes alexandri ncha, gelukshout, swartdoring,<br />
gabbabos<br />
Cultural<br />
Boscia albitrunca witgat, shepard's tree Fuel wood<br />
Adenium oleifolium ouheip, bitterkambro) Medicine<br />
Acacia luederitzii rooihaak,nchugras, swartbas Fuel wood<br />
Rhynchosia<br />
holosericea Schinz<br />
cf. Leeuhout Medicine<br />
Mentha longifolia teebos, kruisement Food<br />
Cucumis africanus small wild cucumber Food<br />
Aloe hereroensis Alwyn Medicine<br />
hereroensis)<br />
Kohautia cynanchica wit vergeet Medicine<br />
Virgilia oroboides wilde keur Medicine<br />
Syringa sp. Syringe Fuel wood<br />
Sutherlandia frutescens. kalkoen,<br />
kankerbos<br />
kalkoenbos, Medicine<br />
Parkinsonia africana lemoendoring, n!cams bos Household, Medicine<br />
Grewia flava rosyntjiebos, n!oubessie, Art<br />
207
Elephantorrhiza<br />
elephantina<br />
bessiebos<br />
rooibas, elandsboontjie Medicine<br />
Vinca major Opklim Medicine<br />
Stipagrostis uniplumis Boesman gras Household<br />
Sarcocaulon<br />
salmoniflorum<br />
Kersbos Medicine<br />
Echinopsis pachanoi San Pedro Cultural, Food<br />
Cissampelos capensis Dawedjies Medicine<br />
Boophone disticha Gifbol Medicine<br />
Acacia karroo soetdoring, sweet thorn Fuel wood, Cultural<br />
Acacia haematoxylon vaal kameeldoring Fuel wood<br />
Sceletium tortuosum kanna, channa, kougoed Food<br />
Ruta graveolens wyn riet Medicine<br />
Rhus tenuinervis nguni boom, kuniebos Food<br />
Radyera urens Pampoenbossie, Wilde kalbas Medicine, Fuel wood<br />
Phylica sp. Bitterbessie Medicine<br />
Petroselinum crispum Pieterselie, Parsley Food<br />
Nestlera conferta Volstruisbos Medicine<br />
Mesembryanthemum Vygies Medicine<br />
Melhania burchelli Goeiemanshout, Frankhout Medicine<br />
Galenia africana Kraalbos Medicine<br />
Euryops multifidus Skaapbos Medicine<br />
Dicerocaryum<br />
eriocarpum<br />
Elandbos Medicine<br />
Berula erecta subsp. Wolbos, Tandpynbossie Medicine<br />
thunbergii<br />
Asparagus sp. Katdoring Art<br />
Asclepias fruticosa Tontelbos, Kapokbossie Household, Medicine<br />
Artemisia afra Wilde als Medicine<br />
Aristida meridionalis Steekgras Household<br />
Aptosimum elongatum Magatho, Washout Medicine<br />
Terfezia pfeilii Kalahari truffle Food<br />
Agathosma Willd. Boegoe, Buchu Medicine<br />
Leonotis leonurus Wilde dagga Medicine<br />
Tridentea marientalensis<br />
subsp.marientalensis<br />
Kopseer, chipchebie Medicine<br />
208
APPENDIX 2: Plant use by part used by San and Mier (Adapted from Mannetti, 2010)<br />
Plant species Plant part used<br />
Root Stem Leaf Flower Fruit Seed Bulb<br />
Acacia erioloba X X X X<br />
Acacia haematoxylon X<br />
Acacia karroo X X X<br />
Acacia luederitzii var. luederitzii X X<br />
Acacia mellifera. subsp. detinens X<br />
Acanthosicyos naudinianus X X<br />
Adenium oleifolium X<br />
Agathosma betulina X<br />
Aloe hereroensis var. X<br />
hereroensis<br />
Aptosimum albomarginatum X X X<br />
Aptosimum elongatum X X X<br />
Aristida diffusa subsp. burkei X X<br />
Aristida meridionalis X<br />
Artemisia afra X<br />
Asclepias fruticosa X X X<br />
Asparagus sp. X X<br />
Berula erecta subsp. thunbergii X X<br />
Boophone disticha X<br />
Boscia albitrunca X X X X<br />
Catophractes alexandri X X<br />
Cissampelos capensis X X<br />
Citrullus lanatus X X<br />
Cucumis africanus X<br />
Dicerocaryum eriocarpum X<br />
Dicoma capensis X X X<br />
Echinopsis pachanoi X<br />
Elephantorrhiza elephantina X X X<br />
Euryops multifidus X<br />
Galenia africana X X<br />
Galenia sp. X<br />
Grewia flava X<br />
Harpagophytum procumbens X<br />
Hermbstaedtia fleckii X<br />
Hoodia gordonii X<br />
Kohautia caespitosa subsp. X<br />
brachyloba<br />
Kohautia cynanchica X<br />
Leonotis leonurus X<br />
Melhania burchelli X<br />
Mentha longifolia subsp.<br />
X<br />
capensis<br />
Mesembryanthemum spp. X X<br />
Nestlera conferta X X<br />
209
Parkinsonia africana X<br />
Pergularia<br />
daemia<br />
daemia subsp.<br />
X X<br />
Petroselinum crispum X X<br />
Phylica sp. X<br />
Radyera urens X<br />
Rhigozum trichotomum X<br />
Rhus tenuinervis X<br />
Rhynchosia cf. holosericea X<br />
Ruta graveolens X X X<br />
Sarcocaulon salmoniflorum X<br />
Sceletium tortuosum X X<br />
Selago sp. X<br />
Senna italica. subsp. arachoides X<br />
Solanum. sp. X<br />
Stipagrostis amabilis X X<br />
Stipagrostis<br />
uniplumis<br />
uniplumis var.<br />
X X<br />
Sutherlandia frutescens X X X<br />
Syringa sp. X<br />
Terfezia pfeilii X<br />
Tridentea marientalensis subsp.<br />
marientalensis<br />
X<br />
Vinca major X<br />
Virgilia<br />
oroboides<br />
oroboides subsp.<br />
X X<br />
210
APPENDIX 3: Medicinal plants harvested in the Contract Park on a permit system<br />
Common Name<br />
Scientific name<br />
1. Witnergeet Cf kohowtia sp<br />
2. Botterblam Hermannia cf stricta<br />
3. Moedershout Cf selago dinteri (walafrida saxatilis)<br />
4. Jan bloed (used after pregnancies to clean Saxatilis<br />
the womb)<br />
5. Frankhout Melhania burchelli (orange blom)<br />
6. Leeuhout Rhynchosia cf holosericea<br />
7. Vadershout/Bitterhout Rubiaceae<br />
8. Gannabos Salsola rabiena<br />
9. Handepisbossie Plinthus sericeus<br />
10. Koegab Aptosimum albomarginatum<br />
11. Koorbos Hirpicum echnus cf gazanoides<br />
12. Gifbol Ledebaria undulate<br />
13. Ghoena/gifbol Lindneria clavata<br />
14. Gifbol Boophane disticha<br />
15. Goeie mans/rooihout Xenostegia (Merremia) tridentate<br />
16. Magatho/washout Aptosimum elangatum<br />
17. Duiwelsklou Harpagophytum procumbens<br />
18. Basterdamdjiewartel Kedrostis Africana<br />
19. Suring Oxygonum delagoemse<br />
20. Grashout Hermbstaedtia fleckii<br />
21. Verkouebossie Diccona capensis<br />
22. Ghaap Tridentea marientalensis<br />
211
APPENDIX 4: List of all wild animals mentioned by the San and Mier and their uses<br />
Common name Scientific name Uses<br />
Ystervark (Porcupine) Atherurus africanu Meat, medicines, cultural<br />
Kalahari Springbok Antidorcas marsupialis Meat, medicines, crafts<br />
Gemsbok Oryx gazelle Meat, crafts, household uses<br />
Steenbok Raphicerus campestris Meat and inputs for crafts<br />
Eland Taurotragus oryx Meat, cultural, input for crafts<br />
Common Duiker Sylvicapra grimmia Meat, crafts<br />
Black-backed jackal/<br />
Rooijakkals<br />
Canis mesomelas Meat, crafts<br />
Ostrich/volstruis Struthio camelus Meat, crafts<br />
Red hartebeest/ Alcelaphus buselaphus Meat, crafts<br />
Rooihartbees<br />
Wild cat Felis silvestris lybica Meat, crafts<br />
Aardvark Orycteropus afer Meat, crafts, cultural<br />
Bat-eared fox / Bakoorvos Otocyon Megalotis Meat, crafts<br />
Cape fox Vulpes chama Meat, crafts<br />
Honey badger Mellivora capensis Meat, crafts<br />
Aardwolf Proteles cristata<br />
212<br />
Meat, crafts<br />
Blue wilderbeest Connochaetes taurinus Meat, crafts<br />
Spring hare Pedetes capensis Meat, crafts<br />
Pangolin Manis temminckii Meat, crafts, cultural<br />
Ground squirrel Spermophilus lateralis Meat, crafts<br />
Yellow mongoose Cynictis penicillata Meat, crafts
APPENDIX 5: Resource valuation household survey<br />
Date: May 2009 to August 2011<br />
Place: Southern Kalahari, South Africa<br />
A. HOUSEHOLD CHARACTERISTICS AND INCOME<br />
1. Identification and location of household.<br />
Household number<br />
Village name<br />
2. We would like to ask some questions regarding this household.<br />
1. Who is the head of this household head?<br />
Resident married male [ ] Married male working away [ ] Widow/widower [ ] Divorced [<br />
] Single/never married [ ] Other, specify?<br />
2.If the head of the household is away, who makes most of the domestic decisions?<br />
Head [ ] Wife [ ] Son [ ] Other [ ]<br />
3.How long ago was this household formed?<br />
Years<br />
4.Was the household head born in this village?<br />
If ‘Yes’, go to 6.<br />
5.If ‘No’: how long has the household head lived in the village?<br />
Years<br />
6. Where did he/she come from?<br />
3. Who are the members of this household and what is their level of education?<br />
Personal<br />
identification<br />
number<br />
1<br />
2<br />
3<br />
4<br />
5 etc.<br />
Name/code of household<br />
member (see codes below)<br />
Codes: 1=Father; 2= Mother; 3=Son/Daughter; 4=Grandchild; 5=Son/Daughter in law; 6=<br />
Other family members<br />
4. Which people in this household have a full-time, part-time or casual job?<br />
Name Job type FullSelf- Local/Remittance R/month<br />
No<br />
time/partemployed 1<br />
2<br />
3<br />
4<br />
5 etc.<br />
time/casual (describe)<br />
213<br />
3. Year<br />
born<br />
(yyyy)<br />
4. Sex<br />
(M=male<br />
F=female)<br />
5. Education<br />
(number of<br />
years<br />
completed)
5. Do any of the household members earn any type of grant/income? If yes tick<br />
Name Tick No of<br />
Old-age pension<br />
Disability grant<br />
Child grant<br />
Posing for photos<br />
Any other income Specify?<br />
3. Assets<br />
1. Please indicate the type of house you have.<br />
1. Do you have your own house? 1)<br />
214<br />
grants<br />
R/month<br />
2. What is the type of material of (most of) the walls? 2)<br />
3. What is the type of material of (most of) the roof ? 3)<br />
4. How many m 2 approx. is the house? m 2<br />
2) Codes: 1=mud/soil; 2=wooden (boards, trunks); 3=iron (or other metal) sheets; 4=bricks<br />
or concrete; 5=reeds/straw/grass/fibers/; 6=other, specify:<br />
3) Codes: 1=thatch; 2=wooden (boards); 3=iron or other metal sheets; 4=tiles; 5=other,<br />
specify:<br />
2. Please indicate the number of implements and other large household items that are owned<br />
by the household.<br />
Item No. of units owned<br />
1. Car/truck<br />
2. Motorcycle<br />
3. Bicycle<br />
4. Handphone/phone<br />
5. TV<br />
6. Radio<br />
7. Cassette/CD/ VHS/VCD/DVD/ player<br />
8. Stove for cooking (gas or electric only)<br />
9. Refrigerator/freezer<br />
10. Scotch cart<br />
Wooden cart or wheelbarrow<br />
Furniture e.g. beds for everyone<br />
Water pump<br />
Solar panel<br />
Others<br />
B. LIVESTOCK<br />
1. Does your household own any livestock? Yes [ ] No [ ]<br />
2. If Y, fill out table, if N, go to section C<br />
Animal Number Where kept Animal Number Where kept<br />
Cattle Horses<br />
Sheep Chickens<br />
Goats Other; specify<br />
Donkeys<br />
Y/N
3. Where do you graze your livestock?_________________<br />
4. Who looks after your livestock during the day? Self [ ] Family member [ ] Friend [ ]<br />
No-one [ ] Hired help [ ] Join with other friends [ ]<br />
5.If you hire someone, how much do you pay them (per<br />
month)______________________________<br />
6. Do you pay for fencing, medicine (dip & dose) or grazing fees? Yes [ ] No [ ]<br />
If Y, how much and how often<br />
a. Fencing:R________________________frequency_______________________________<br />
b.Medicine:R________________________frequency___________________________<br />
c. Grazing fee:R______________________frequency_________________________<br />
7.What benefits (uses) does your household get from the livestock?<br />
Resource/Activity Get/use Resource/Activity Get/use<br />
Meat Transport<br />
Milk Ceremonies/rituals/parties<br />
Skins Other:<br />
Cash (from sales) Other:<br />
Lobola payments Other:<br />
Savings<br />
Dung for manure<br />
8. Are there any problem regarding livestock production? Yes [ ] No [ ]<br />
If Y, fill out table<br />
Problems Tick Possible solution<br />
(a) Lack of water<br />
(b) Diseases/Lack of dipping<br />
chemicals<br />
(c) Theft<br />
(d) Lack of a reliable market<br />
(e) Other specify:<br />
B1.Milk<br />
1. How much milk does your household get from your (cows) and (goats) per day? If none,<br />
move on to next<br />
2. Cows: _____________________________Goats:_____________________________<br />
3. What do you do with the milk?<br />
Tick answer<br />
Consume at home<br />
Give away/share<br />
Sell<br />
215
4.If you sell or give away (share) milk complete table below:<br />
Animal<br />
type<br />
Quantity<br />
(Sold)<br />
Cattle Sell<br />
Goat Give<br />
Sheep<br />
Quantity?<br />
(Given)<br />
How<br />
often<br />
216<br />
Who to Which<br />
months of<br />
the year<br />
Price?<br />
B2.Meat<br />
1. How often do you slaughter any of your livestock?if you don’t move to next part<br />
Livestock Frequency<br />
Quantity at a Animals slaughtered in the last<br />
Cattle<br />
Goats<br />
Sheep<br />
Other<br />
(e.g./week/)month/year) time<br />
year<br />
2. Do you sell or give away some of the meat from a slaughtered animal? Yes [ ] No [ ]<br />
Livestock Quantity<br />
sold<br />
Cattle<br />
Goats<br />
Sheep<br />
Other<br />
Quantity<br />
given<br />
Who to? Price?(per<br />
kg/animal)<br />
B3.Skins<br />
1. What does your household do with the skins of slaughtered animals?<br />
Livestock Keep Sell Throw away Crafts<br />
Cattle<br />
Goats<br />
Sheep<br />
Other<br />
Total<br />
2. If the skin is kept what do you use it<br />
for:_______________________________________________<br />
Livestock Use(s)<br />
Cattle<br />
Goats<br />
Sheep<br />
Other;<br />
3. If the skins are sold:<br />
a) How often do you sell skins?____________________<br />
b) What do you get from the skin? R________________ (other)___________________ _
B4.Dung<br />
1.Do you ever use your animals’ dung? Yes [ ] No [ ]<br />
If Y, go to Q2, if N, move to next section<br />
2.If Y, -what you use it for?____________________<br />
-where do you collect it?_______________________<br />
-how often do you collect?_______________<br />
-how much do you collect each time?____________<br />
3. Do you ever sell or give away dung from your animals? Yes [ ] No [ ]<br />
Amount? How often? Who to? Payment?<br />
Sell<br />
Give<br />
B5.Transport<br />
1. Do you ever use your livestock for transport? Yes [ ] No [ ] if N, go to<br />
2. For what purposes explain_________________________________________________<br />
3. Approximately how far are the distances to the nearest<br />
services?____________________________<br />
4. How much would you have paid using a<br />
tax/lift?_________________________________________<br />
5. Do you ever hire or lend out your animals for transport? Yes [ ] No [ ]<br />
If Y, fill out table<br />
Frequency? To whom? Price?<br />
Hire<br />
Lend<br />
B6.Cash sales<br />
1. Do you ever sell your livestock for cash? Yes [ ] No [ ], If N, go to B7<br />
a) If Y, complete the following table<br />
Animal Tick Price/beast No sold/month/year<br />
Cattle<br />
Sheep<br />
Goats<br />
Donkeys<br />
Horse<br />
Other; specify<br />
B7. Ceremonies/Rituals<br />
1. Does your household ever slaughter cattle/goats for ceremonial or ritual purposes? Yes [ ]<br />
No [ ]<br />
If Y. how often? Cattle______________________Goats______________<br />
For what ceremonies/rituals do you do this?______________<br />
B8. Savings<br />
1. Does your household regard livestock as a form of savings? Yes [ ] No [ ]<br />
2. If Y, why__________________________________<br />
3. What alternatives ways of savings are available to your household:___________<br />
4. Which particular group of animals is a better form of savings than others?<br />
Givereasons?________________________________________________________________<br />
___<br />
217
C. ACCESS TO LAND<br />
1. Please indicate the parcel of land that you have access to.<br />
Category Farm Land Contractual Park: Rest of Park<br />
Access Miershoop Pan<br />
Uitkoms<br />
Andriesvale<br />
Scotty’s Fort<br />
Witdraai<br />
Erin<br />
Uses of land Tick<br />
1.Livelihood strategies<br />
livestock farming<br />
eco-tourism<br />
crafts<br />
2.Consumptive use of resources<br />
e.g. firewood, melons<br />
3.Traditional activities (rituals)<br />
4.Other (specify)<br />
D. NATURAL RESOURCE BASE AND CONSUMPTIVE USE<br />
D1. Firewood<br />
1. Does your household collect firewood?<br />
2. Where? [Uitkoms; Miershoop Pan; Andriesvale; Scotty’s Fort; Witdraai;<br />
Erin]<br />
3. Frequency of collection (Daily=D; Weekly=W; Monthly=M)<br />
4. How many trips a week/month do you do?<br />
5. Quantities collected (local measure e.g. full wheel burrow; scotch cart etc)<br />
6. Estimated value<br />
7. How many hours per week do the members of your household spend on<br />
collecting firewood for family use?<br />
8. Does your household now spend more or less time on getting firewood than<br />
you did 5 years ago?<br />
Codes: M=more; S=about the same; L=less<br />
9. How has availability of firewood changed over the past 5 years?<br />
Codes: D=declined; S=about the same; I=increased<br />
218<br />
Y/N<br />
(hours)<br />
10. If declined (code ‘D’ on the Response Rank 1-3<br />
question above), how has the 1. Increased collection time (e.g., from<br />
household responded to the further away from house)<br />
decline in the availability of 2. Buying (more) fuelwood and/or charcoal<br />
firewood? Please rank the most 3. Buying (more) commercial fuels (gas or<br />
important responses, max 3. electricity)<br />
4. Reduced the need for use of fuels, such as<br />
using improved stove<br />
5. More conservative use of fuelwood for<br />
cooking and heating<br />
6. Reduced number of cooked meals
11. List the name of mostly<br />
used/most important species.<br />
12.Any other source of fuels<br />
used.<br />
7. Increased use of non-wood wild products<br />
(e.g. twigs)<br />
8. Restricting access/use to own resources<br />
10. Conserving standing trees for future<br />
11.Other;specify<br />
Name Rank 1-5<br />
13.Who is involved in collection of firewood?<br />
14.Method of transportation_________<br />
15. Are there any restrictions on fire wood use? Yes [ ] No [ ]<br />
If Y, explain_______________________<br />
Name Quantity/day<br />
D2.Wild plants (food)<br />
1.Do you collect any wild plants? Yes [ ] No [ ]<br />
If Y, where ? [Uitkoms [ ] Miershoop Pan [ ] Andriesvale [ ] Scotty’s Fort [ ] Witdraai<br />
[ ] Erin [ ]<br />
2.If Yes, who is involved in collection of wild<br />
plants?__________________________________<br />
3.How often do you go out to collect food plants?<br />
________/week __________month Other specify____________<br />
Species mainly used Season/month<br />
harvested<br />
Bulb/Tubers;<br />
Leaves;<br />
Seeds;<br />
Other;e.g. wild<br />
melons<br />
Hoodia<br />
Used at home<br />
(quantity)<br />
219<br />
Sell (quantity) Price/kg
4.Name and give reasons for most important<br />
species___________________________________<br />
5.Name and give reasons for least important species_________________________________<br />
6. Are any species becoming scarcer? Yes [ ] No [ ]<br />
If Y, name them and give reasons____________________________________________<br />
7. Does availability of the resource change over seasons? Is there shortage of plants at certain<br />
times of year? Yes [ ] No [ ]. If Y,<br />
explain,________________________________________<br />
D4.Animals hunted for food<br />
1.Do you hunt any wild animals for food? Yes [ ] No [ ].<br />
If Y, where ? [Uitkoms [ ] Miershoop Pan [ ] Andriesvale [ ] Scotty’s Fort [ ] Witdraai<br />
[ ] Erin [ ]<br />
2.Who is involved in hunting?__________________________________<br />
3.How often do you go out to hunt?<br />
________/week __________month Other specify____________<br />
Species<br />
hunted<br />
Springbok<br />
Wildebeest<br />
Eland<br />
Gemsbok<br />
Season/month<br />
hunted<br />
Used at home<br />
(quantity)<br />
2.Name and give reasons for most important species______________________<br />
3.Name and give reasons for least important species__________<br />
4. Are any species becoming scarcer? Yes [ ] No [ ] If Y name them and give<br />
reasons_____________________________________________________________________<br />
___<br />
5. Does availability of the animals hunted change over seasons? Is there shortage of animals<br />
at certain times of year? If Y explain______________________________________<br />
6. Are there any animals that are not hunted for cultural reasons? Yes [ ] No [ ] If Y name<br />
them and explain further_________________________________________________<br />
7. What have been the trends of natural resources use and availability in the last 5-10 years<br />
since the park was formed? ___________________<br />
D3.Medicinal plants/animals<br />
1.Do you collect any wild plants/animals for medicine? Yes [ ] No [ ]<br />
If Y, where ? [Uitkoms [ ] Miershoop Pan [ ] Andriesvale [ ] Scotty’s Fort [ ] Witdraai<br />
[ ] Erin [ ]<br />
2.Who is involved in collection of plants/animals?__________________________________<br />
3.How often do you/they/he go out to collect ?<br />
________/week __________month Other specify____________<br />
220<br />
Sell (quantity) Price<br />
(eg<br />
R/kg/animal)
Species<br />
collected/hunted<br />
Season/month Used at<br />
home<br />
(Quantity)<br />
221<br />
Sell<br />
(quantity)<br />
Price<br />
(eg R/kg)<br />
3. Name and give reasons for most important species_________________________________<br />
4. Name and give reasons for least important species_________________________________<br />
5. Are any species becoming scarcer? Yes [ ] No [ ]<br />
If Y, name them and give reasons___________<br />
6. Does availability of the resource change over seasons? Is there shortage of plants/animals at<br />
certain times of year? Yes [ ] No [ ]<br />
If Y, explain_______________________<br />
7.Are there any species that are not harvested for cultural reasons? Yes [ ] No [ ]<br />
If Y, name and explain_____________________________________________<br />
Wood (construction material)<br />
1. Do you have any fences/kraals/house made with indigenous poles or branches? Yes [ ] No<br />
[ ]<br />
If Y, how many poles/loads did you use for (a) Kraal__________________<br />
(b) House_________________<br />
2. When was the (a) kraal erected____________(b) House_________________<br />
3. After how long do you have to replace damaged poles?______________________<br />
Number/load of poles per time________________________<br />
4. Do you collect or buy the poles? Buy [ ] Collect [ ]<br />
If you buy, at how much? R_______________________<br />
Grass (construction material)<br />
1.Do you use grass for any construction? Yes [ ] No [ ]<br />
If Y, for what purposes_____________________<br />
2. When was the above constructed?________________________________<br />
3. How much grass did you use (local measure)?_______________________<br />
4. Did you buy or collect the grass? Buy [ ] Collect [ ]<br />
If bought, at how much? R__________________________________________<br />
5. After how long do you have to replace damaged grass?_________________<br />
6. Any other uses of grass?__________________________________
F. CRAFTS FOR SALE<br />
1. What types of craft materials do you make? What resources do you use? How much are<br />
crafts sold at?<br />
Name of craft<br />
produced<br />
Bracelets<br />
Beads<br />
Bow and arrow<br />
Artifacts for<br />
hanging<br />
Other; specify<br />
How many<br />
produced<br />
(per/week/<br />
month)<br />
Material and<br />
part used<br />
(plant/animal)<br />
222<br />
How many sold<br />
(per/week/month)<br />
Do you buy anything to make your crafts? Yes/ [ ]No [ ]<br />
If Y, what and for how much? Fill out the table.<br />
Material bought For what Cost<br />
Selling price<br />
(R/item)<br />
2. Which part of plants do you use most?_____________________<br />
3. Which part of animals do you use most?_______________________<br />
4. Are any species becoming scarcer? Yes/ [ ]No [ ]<br />
If Y, name them and give reasons_____________________________________<br />
5. How much time do you spend on making these items in a<br />
day/week/month____________________<br />
6. Which particular time of the year do you have more sales?________<br />
7. Give reasons for your<br />
answer?__________________________________________________<br />
8. Are there any problems encountered in the crafts industry? Yes [ ] No [ ]<br />
9. If Y, name them________________________________________________________<br />
10.What can be done to ameliorate the problems__________________________________<br />
E. CULTURAL VALUES OF PLANTS, ANIMALS AND SITES<br />
1. Are there any cultural values associated with plants and animals use? Yes [ ] No [ ]<br />
If Y, what plants, animals and sites are important to you culturally<br />
Species (local<br />
name)<br />
Cultural use (please name the uses) e.g. actual<br />
use in rituals, sacred species.<br />
Why does this have cultural importance?<br />
Overall ranking of<br />
plants, animals, sites<br />
(1=very important;<br />
2= important; 3=<br />
slightly important;<br />
4=not important)
Plants:<br />
Animals:<br />
Sites:<br />
2. Are there any annual special ceremonies associated with plants and animals? Yes [ ] No [<br />
]<br />
If Y, explain? __________________________<br />
3. Are there any specific plants and animals considered sacred? Yes [ ] No [ ]<br />
If Yes explain? __________________________<br />
4.Are there any traditional practices/rules/taboos associated with plant and animal use? Yes [<br />
] No [ ] If Y, identify and explain?________________<br />
5. Is compliance with traditional laws as strong in these days as it was in the old days? Yes [<br />
] No [ ] If No, why not? _____________________________________________________<br />
6.Is this knowledge restricted to a certain age group or gender? Yes [ ] No [ ]<br />
If Yes which?<br />
Elderly<br />
Adults<br />
Children<br />
Females Males<br />
7.How do you share the knowledge______________________________________________<br />
G. INSTITUTIONAL ARRANGEMENTS AND POWER RELATIONS<br />
1. Are you or any member of your household a member of any organisation?<br />
Yes [ ] No [ ] If Y tick box<br />
Park Committee<br />
Livestock Committee<br />
JMB<br />
Ward Committee<br />
Burial society<br />
Other<br />
2. Does someone in your household attend the meetings? Yes [ ] No [ ]<br />
If ‘No’, go to 5.<br />
3. If ‘Yes’: in your household, who normally attends the meetings and participates in other<br />
organisation’s activities? Tick<br />
1. Only the wife<br />
2. Both, but mainly the wife<br />
3. Both participate about equally<br />
4. Both, but mainly the husband<br />
223
5.Only the husband<br />
6.Mainly sons<br />
7.Mainly daughters<br />
8.Mainly husbands & sons<br />
9.Mailny wife & daughters<br />
10.Other; specify<br />
4. What are your reasons for joining the named organisation?<br />
Please tick under each organization<br />
Reason<br />
Increased access to natural resources<br />
products<br />
Better natural resources management and<br />
more benefits in future<br />
Access to other benefits, e.g., government<br />
support or donor programmes<br />
My duty to protect the natural resources<br />
for the community and the future<br />
Better quality of natural resource product<br />
Higher price for natural resource product<br />
Makes harvest of natural resources<br />
products more efficient<br />
Know natural resource better (e.g hoodia)<br />
Reduce conflicts over natural resource<br />
use<br />
More secure land title<br />
Being respected and regarded as a<br />
responsible person in village<br />
Improved livestock management<br />
Social aspect (meeting people, working<br />
together, fear of exclusion, etc.)|<br />
Learn new skills/information<br />
Forced by SANParks/Government/local<br />
leaders/neighbours<br />
Other, specify:<br />
JMB Park<br />
Committee<br />
224<br />
Livestock<br />
committee<br />
Ward<br />
Committee<br />
5. Are there any formal rules and regulations for access to resources in the farms? Yes [ ] No<br />
[ ]<br />
If Y, explain________________________________________________________<br />
6. Are these rules followed? Yes [ ] No [ ]<br />
If Y, how and by whom?__________________________________________________<br />
If N, Why not?__________________________________________________________<br />
7.Are there any informal organizations governing access to land & natural resources? Yes [ ]<br />
No [ ]<br />
If Y, name and explain_______________________________________________<br />
8.Do you participate in any? Yes [ ] No [ ]If Y, name______________________
9. If you don’t participate in any organisation, Why<br />
Reason Tick<br />
No organisation exists in the village<br />
I’m new in the village<br />
Organisation members generally belong to a particular family group (s)<br />
Cannot afford to contribute the time<br />
Cannot afford to contribute the required cash payment<br />
Membership will restrict my use of the resources, and I want to use the<br />
resources as I need<br />
I don’t believe organisations are very effective in managing the natural<br />
resources<br />
Lack of natural resources<br />
Not interested in the activities undertaken by organisations<br />
Corruption in previous organisations<br />
Interested in joining but needs more information<br />
Organisations exist in village, but household is unaware of their presence<br />
Other, specify:<br />
10.Do you share your knowledge and ideas of how resources should be managed? Yes [ ] No<br />
[ ]<br />
If Yes, how and why?_____________<br />
If No, why_________________________<br />
11. Overall, how would you say the existence of the named natural resources organisation has<br />
affected the benefits that the household gets from the farm and park?<br />
Large negative effect [ ] Small negative effect [ ] No effect [ ] Small positive [ ]<br />
12. Do you think your views are considered by community representatives/organisations?<br />
Yes [ ]No [ ]<br />
If Y or N explain?___________________________<br />
13. Do you think the park management respects your views? Yes [ ] No [ ]<br />
If Y or N explain?____________________<br />
14. What is your general comments/feelings/opinions about access to natural resources in the<br />
park and the surrounds?_____________________________<br />
Thank you very much for your cooperation<br />
225
APPENDIX 6: Standardised qualitative questions for key informant interviews (Adopted<br />
from Reid et al., 2004)<br />
NB. The following questions will be used to guide interviews. I have answers already for some<br />
of the questions.<br />
11. Who is the land owner of the Contract Park?<br />
12. Is ownership clear?<br />
13. Who can use the natural resources in the Contract Park?<br />
14. Are use rights clear?<br />
15. Who receives the benefits from having a Contract Park on the land?<br />
16. In what form are the benefits for the conservation authority?<br />
17. In what form are the benefits for the land owners?<br />
18. Are the benefits for the land owners in the form of revenue from the Contract Park? (Are<br />
benefits directly linked to Contract Park)?<br />
19. Are the benefits distributed equitably among the land owners?<br />
20. Do the benefits outweigh the costs of the Contract Park for the conservation authority?<br />
21. Do the benefits outweigh the costs (outweigh the opportunity costs) of the Contract Park for<br />
the land owners?<br />
22. What are the responsibilities of SANParks in the Contract Park?<br />
23. What are the responsibilities of the land owners in the Contract Park?<br />
24. Are the responsibilities clear?<br />
25. Does the level of responsibilities in the contract park match with the level of benefits?<br />
26. Do land owners have the capacity to carry out the responsibilities in the Contract Park?<br />
27. Are there good relations between SANParks and the landowners?<br />
28. Are the conservation objectives of the Contract Park met?<br />
29. Is there an enabling macro-economic framework in which the contract park can become<br />
profitable?<br />
30. Is the JMB legitimated by the government in terms of legislation and devolution of power (Is<br />
the JMB powerful)?<br />
31. Is the JMB legitimate in the eyes of SANParks?<br />
32. Is the JMB legitimate in the eyes of landowners (for example how often are elections held and<br />
how effective is feedback to the communities at large)?<br />
33. Do landowner representatives on the JMB truly represent the needs of the land owners (San<br />
and Mier)?<br />
34. Is there government support for the process, for example, conflict resolution and sanction<br />
imposition?.<br />
35. Is there NGO and donor support for the process, foe e.g. with conflict resolution and sanction<br />
imposition (E.g. National Lottery donated R4.2 million?<br />
36. Are they good conflict resolution mechanisms within the terms of the Contract Park or the<br />
joint management plan?<br />
226
APPENDIX 7: Questionnaire on institutions and actors<br />
1. GENERAL UNDERSTANDING OF CBO STRUCTURE & FUNCTION<br />
CPA Annual General Meetings<br />
1.1 In which year was the last AGM? ………… (Year) / Don’t Know<br />
1.2 Did you attend the last AGM? Yes / No / Don’t Know<br />
1.3 How satisfactory was the last AGM to you:<br />
It was very well run<br />
It was well run (i.e. just ok)<br />
Neutral<br />
It was unsatisfactory<br />
It was highly unsatisfactory<br />
I did not attend<br />
CPA General Meetings<br />
1.4 In what month was the last General Meeting? ……varied…………. / Don’t Know<br />
1.5 How many general meetings have you attended in the last 12 months?<br />
………….12months=12 ;==15, the 2, 3 ,4etc)<br />
1.6 Where was the last General meeting held? CBO Level / Don’t Know<br />
1.7 Approximately how many people attended the last general meeting? …………..<br />
1.8 How satisfactory was the last General Meeting to you:<br />
It was very well run<br />
It was well run<br />
Neutral<br />
It was unsatisfactory<br />
It was highly unsatisfactory<br />
I did not attend<br />
1.9 Do you know the name of the CPA administrator? YES / NO<br />
1.10 Do you know the name of the CPA Financial Manager? YES / NO<br />
1.11 Do you know the name/s of the Escort Guides? YES (11/50)/ NO<br />
2. UNDERSTANDING OF CPA CONSTITUTION & RIGHTS<br />
2.1 Has your constitution been explained to you in the last 12 months? YES /NO<br />
2.2 Were you consulted during the constitution building process? YES /NO<br />
2.3 Do you think your constitution organises the community well?<br />
The constitution works very well<br />
The constitution works reasonably well (just ok)<br />
Neutral<br />
The constitution is bad<br />
The constitution is very bad<br />
??? Don’t know what it says<br />
2.4 Does your community follow the constitution?<br />
We always follow it<br />
Neutral<br />
We sometimes follow it, sometimes don’t<br />
We seldom follow it<br />
227
??? Don’t know (what it says / if it is followed or not)<br />
2.5 Do you have the following rights (tick yes or no for each)?<br />
Yes No<br />
(a) To stand in an election<br />
(b) To make decisions on the use of wildlife/CPA money<br />
(c) To check how CPA money was spent<br />
(d) To remove incompetent/corrupt officers (Chairperson)<br />
(e) To remove incompetent/corrupt employees (Finacial Manager)<br />
(f) To vote / choose CPA leaders<br />
(g) To amend the constitution<br />
(h) To demand for a meeting (e.g. for explanation of committee<br />
performance)<br />
(i) To set animal quotas for hunting<br />
(j) To choose your hunting safari operator<br />
(k) To choose your tourism partners (Joint Venture)<br />
2.6 As an ordinary person, do you have any responsibilities/duties in the CPA?<br />
(l) Yes / No / Don’t Know<br />
(m) What is it ……………………….<br />
2.8 How are CPA decisions generally made?: Tick one<br />
The committee makes decisions without telling us anything<br />
We are only told what is happening sometimes<br />
The committee makes decisions, and informs us<br />
The committee makes decisions, but we have the right to change them<br />
We make decisions, and tell the committee what to do<br />
ENUMERATOR: If the person says the answers is a, b, c or d in question 2.8 above, ask the<br />
following question. If they answer e, skip this question and go to question 2.10.<br />
2.9 When Elected Representatives make key decisions, which<br />
statement is true?<br />
Tick one<br />
(f) These decisions are good 6<br />
(g) These decisions are sometimes good, sometimes selfish 11<br />
(h) These decisions are bad and selfish 32<br />
(i) Don’t know 1<br />
2.10 Who makes the budget? Tick one<br />
Community members at General Meetings 0<br />
People we elected (Committee) 5<br />
CPA Employees (Financial Manager) 28<br />
Don’t know 17<br />
3. ELECTIONS OF COMMITTEE<br />
3.1 Did you participate in choosing the current committee? Yes / No / Don’t Know<br />
3.2 How was the committee chosen?<br />
Appointed by government<br />
228
Vote by hands<br />
Vote by secret ballot<br />
Don’t know<br />
Other means (Specify)… …………………………………………………<br />
3.3 Do you think the process of choosing the committee was fair? Yes / No / Don’t<br />
Know<br />
3.4 In which year was the last election for the Board? …….……………./ Don’t Know<br />
3.5 In which year is the next election for the Board? ……………………/ Don’t Know<br />
4. CPA MANAGEMENT<br />
4.1 How well does the CPA committee manage your affairs?<br />
The CPA is very well managed<br />
The CPA is managed reasonably well<br />
Neutral<br />
The management of the CPA is poor<br />
The management of the CPA is very bad<br />
4.2 Did CPA give you a financial report in the last year? Yes / No / Don’t Know<br />
4.3 Are the CPA finances properly presented to you?<br />
Yes, well presented and we understand and believe these figures<br />
Yes, presented reasonably<br />
Neutral<br />
No, badly presented<br />
Not presented at all. We have no idea what is happening<br />
I did not go to the meeting<br />
4.4 Are the CPA finances properly accounted for?<br />
Yes, well accounted for<br />
Yes, reasonably accounted for<br />
Neutral<br />
No, badly accounted for<br />
No, very badly accounted for (and we do not trust the figures)<br />
4.5 Do you trust the CPA leadership to manage and account for your finances?<br />
Yes, I trust them a lot<br />
Yes, I trust them<br />
Neutral<br />
No, I don’t trust them<br />
No, I strongly distrust them<br />
5. INFORMATION GIVEN TO YOU BY CPA COMMITTEE<br />
In the last year, the CPA gave me the following information (tick as applicable):<br />
<br />
<br />
Did you get:<br />
All the Some Nothing<br />
information information<br />
INFORMATION ON FINANCES AND PROJECTS<br />
Annual budget 4 46<br />
Source and amount of income<br />
(INCOME)<br />
4 45<br />
How money was spent<br />
(EXPENDITURE)<br />
3 47<br />
They explained the progress of 3 47<br />
229<br />
Don’t<br />
Know<br />
N/A
projects<br />
INFORMATION ON WILDLIFE VALUE AND USE<br />
We were given a list of our<br />
hunting quota<br />
4 44<br />
We were told how many animals<br />
were shot last year<br />
44<br />
We were told the price of animals<br />
that we sold to the hunters<br />
44<br />
We were told the income we got<br />
from our campsites<br />
49<br />
We were told the income we got<br />
from the community lodge and other<br />
e.g. Molopo<br />
50<br />
INFORMATION FROM EVENT BOOK<br />
We have been shown the following information:<br />
5.10 Trends in animal populations<br />
6. WILDLIFE COSTS & BENEFITS TO INDIVIDUAL HOUSEHOLDS<br />
6.1 Please list the benefits you and your household got from wildlife in the last 12 months:<br />
Type of Benefit Do you and Amount/Describe Enumerator to<br />
your household<br />
calculate approx<br />
receive benefit?<br />
Rand Value<br />
Cash Yes / No<br />
Meat Yes / No<br />
Employment Yes / No<br />
CPA Projects Yes / No<br />
Education & Training Yes / No<br />
Non-Financial Benefits<br />
Specify …………..<br />
Yes / No<br />
Other (specify) Yes / No<br />
6.2 Please list the costs you and your household suffered from wildlife in the last 12<br />
months:<br />
Type of Cost Yes / No Amount/Describe Enumerator to calculate<br />
approx Rand Value<br />
Livestock losses Yes / No<br />
Other (specify) Yes / No<br />
7. MANAGEMENT PLANS & LAND USE ZONES<br />
7.1 Does your community have a land use plan or a management plan? YES/NO/DON’T<br />
KNOW<br />
7.2 Were you consulted in developing the land use plan? YES / NO<br />
7.3 Has your CPA set aside a place/zone exclusively for wildlife & tourism e.g Miershoop<br />
pan for game and Witdaai (for bushcamp)?<br />
YES / NO / DON’T KNOW<br />
230
8. WILDLIFE & NATURAL RESOURCE MANAGEMENT<br />
8.1 We have noticed the following trends in numbers of wildlife:<br />
?? N/A<br />
Gemsbok yes<br />
Springboks<br />
Eland<br />
Steenbok<br />
Bat eared fox<br />
Other (specify) ……………………….<br />
8.2 Is there poaching in your area?<br />
A lot<br />
A little<br />
Never<br />
Don’t know<br />
8.3 Since you got land, what have you noticed about the trends in poaching:<br />
Poaching ??<br />
8.4 Please explain why you came to this conclusion about poaching…..…(check x file)<br />
8.5 What, if anything, do you do to protect wildlife and natural resources?<br />
9. VALUE OF WILDLIFE & NATURAL RESOURCE MANAGEMENT<br />
9.1 Income:<br />
How much money did your CPA earn from wildlife last year? Rand ….... Don’t Know<br />
How much of this money reached your village? Rand …… Don’t Know<br />
How much money did your household get? Rand ….... Don’t Know<br />
9.2 Last year, how much did the Safari Operator pay the CPA to shoot:<br />
Gemsbok? Rand ……….. Don’t Know<br />
Springbok? Rand ……….. Don’t Know<br />
9.3 How many animals were harvested in your area last year?<br />
Gemsbok<br />
Springbok<br />
Safari Problem<br />
Animals<br />
231<br />
Subsistence<br />
Hunting<br />
Don’t<br />
Know<br />
9.4 Income from Tourism & Joint Venture Partners<br />
Name of Lodge How much did they pay to the CPA last year?<br />
1. Rand……….……. / Don’t Know<br />
2. Rand……….……. / Don’t Know<br />
Name of Community Campsite How much did money did it bring the CPA last year?<br />
1. Rand……….……. / Don’t Know
10. ATTITUDES ABOUT WILDLIFE<br />
10.1 Overall (taking into account positives and negatives) my attitude towards wildlife is:<br />
Strongly Positive<br />
Positive<br />
Neutral<br />
I do not support Wildlife<br />
I strongly dislike Wildlife<br />
?? Not sure<br />
10.2 Why do you like wildlife? For each reason, indicate how important this is for you.<br />
232<br />
Very<br />
Important<br />
Important<br />
Neutral<br />
Not Very<br />
important<br />
Not at All<br />
Important<br />
REASON FOR LIKING WILDLIFE <br />
Conservation for non-financial reasons<br />
Household benefits<br />
Jobs<br />
Development projects / Community income<br />
Brings development (i.e. economic growth)<br />
Hunting / Meat<br />
Helps us get better organized/empowered<br />
Others reasons (Specify)……………...…….<br />
11. CONCLUSIONS<br />
11.1 What are the best three things about the CPA Programme?<br />
1. ………………………………………………………………………………………<br />
2. ………………………………………………………………………………………<br />
3. ………………………………………………………………………………………<br />
11.2 What are the worst three things about the CPA Programme?<br />
1. ………………………………………………………………………………………<br />
2. ………………………………………………………………………………………<br />
3. ………………………………………………………………………………………<br />
11.3 What changes / improvements would you make to the CPA Programme?<br />
1. ………………………………………………………………………………………<br />
2. ………………………………………………………………………………………